WASHINGTON, _December 4, 1849_.
_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:_
Sixty years have elapsed since the establishment of this Government, and
the Congress of the United States again assembles to legislate for an
empire of freemen. The predictions of evil prophets, who formerly
pretended to foretell the downfall of our institutions, are now
remembered only to be derided, and the United States of America at this
moment present to the world the most stable and permanent Government on
earth.
Such is the result of the labors of those who have gone before us. Upon
Congress will eminently depend the future maintenance of our system of
free government and the transmission of it unimpaired to posterity.
We are at peace with all the other nations of the world, and seek to
maintain our cherished relations of amity with them. During the past
year we have been blessed by a kind Providence with an abundance of the
fruits of the earth, and although the destroying angel for a time
visited extensive portions of our territory with the ravages of a
dreadful pestilence, yet the Almighty has at length deigned to stay his
hand and to restore the inestimable blessing of general health to a
people who have acknowledged His power, deprecated His wrath, and
implored His merciful protection.
While enjoying the benefits of amicable intercourse with foreign
nations, we have not been insensible to the distractions and wars which
have prevailed in other quarters of the world. It is a proper theme of
thanksgiving to Him who rules the destinies of nations that we have been
able to maintain amidst all these contests an independent and neutral
position toward all belligerent powers.
Our relations with Great Britain are of the most friendly character. In
consequence of the recent alteration of the British navigation acts,
British vessels, from British and other foreign ports, will under our
existing laws, after the 1st day of January next, be admitted to entry
in our ports with cargoes of the growth, manufacture, or production of
any part of the world on the same terms as to duties, imposts, and
charges as vessels of the United States with their cargoes, and our
vessels will be admitted to the same advantages in British ports,
entering therein on the same terms as British vessels. Should no order
in council disturb this legislative arrangement, the late act of the
British Parliament, by which Great Britain is brought within the terms
proposed by the act of Congress of the 1st of March, 1817, it is hoped
will be productive of benefit to both countries.
A slight interruption of diplomatic intercourse which occurred between
this Government and France, I am happy to say, has been terminated, and
our minister there has been received. It is therefore unnecessary to
refer now to the circumstances which led to that interruption. I need
not express to you the sincere satisfaction with which we shall welcome
the arrival of another envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary
from a sister Republic to which we have so long been, and still remain,
bound by the strongest ties of amity.
Shortly after I had entered upon the discharge of the Executive duties I
was apprised that a war steamer belonging to the German Empire was being
fitted out in the harbor of New York with the aid of some of our naval
officers, rendered under the permission of the late Secretary of the
Navy. This permission was granted during an armistice between that
Empire and the Kingdom of Denmark, which had been engaged in the
Schleswig-Holstein war. Apprehensive that this act of intervention on
our part might be viewed as a violation of our neutral obligations
incurred by the treaty with Denmark and of the provisions of the act of
Congress of the 20th of April, 1818, I directed that no further aid
should be rendered by any agent or officer of the Navy; and I instructed
the Secretary of State to apprise the minister of the German Empire
accredited to this Government of my determination to execute the law of
the United States and to maintain the faith of treaties with all
nations. The correspondence which ensued between the Department of State
and the minister of the German Empire is herewith laid before you. The
execution of the law and the observance of the treaty were deemed by me
to be due to the honor of the country, as well as to the sacred
obligations of the Constitution. I shall not fail to pursue the same
course should a similar case arise with any other nation. Having avowed
the opinion on taking the oath of office that in disputes between
conflicting foreign governments it is our interest not less than our
duty to remain strictly neutral, I shall not abandon it. You will
perceive from the correspondence submitted to you in connection with
this subject that the course adopted in this case has been properly
regarded by the belligerent powers interested in the matter.
Although a minister of the United States to the German Empire was
appointed by my predecessor in August, 1848, and has for a long time
been in attendance at Frankfort-on-the-Main, and although a minister
appointed to represent that Empire was received and accredited here, yet
no such government as that of the German Empire has been definitively
constituted. Mr. Donelson, our representative at Frankfort, remained
there several months in the expectation that a union of the German
States under one constitution or form of government might at length be
organized. It is believed by those well acquainted with the existing
relations between Prussia and the States of Germany that no such union
can be permanently established without her cooperation. In the event of
the formation of such a union and the organization of a central power in
Germany of which she should form a part, it would become necessary to
withdraw our minister at Berlin; but while Prussia exists as an
independent kingdom and diplomatic relations are maintained with her
there can be no necessity for the continuance of the mission to
Frankfort. I have therefore recalled Mr. Donelson and directed the
archives of the legation at Frankfort to be transferred to the American
legation at Berlin.
Having been apprised that a considerable number of adventurers were
engaged in fitting out a military expedition within the United States
against a foreign country, and believing from the best information I
could obtain that it was destined to invade the island of Cuba, I deemed
it due to the friendly relations existing between the United States and
Spain, to the treaty between the two nations, to the laws of the United
States, and, above all, to the American honor to exert the lawful
authority of this Government in suppressing the expedition and
preventing the invasion. To this end I issued a proclamation enjoining
it upon the officers of the United States, civil and military, to use
all lawful means within their power. A copy of that proclamation is
herewith submitted. The expedition has been suppressed. So long as the
act of Congress of the 20th of April, 1818, which owes its existence to
the law of nations and to the policy of Washington himself, shall remain
on our statute books, I hold it to be the duty of the Executive
faithfully to obey its injunctions.
While this expedition was in progress I was informed that a foreigner
who claimed our protection had been clandestinely and, as was supposed,
forcibly carried off in a vessel from New Orleans to the island of Cuba.
I immediately caused such steps to be taken as I thought necessary, in
case the information I had received should prove correct, to vindicate
the honor of the country and the right of every person seeking an asylum
on our soil to the protection of our laws. The person alleged to have
been abducted was promptly restored, and the circumstances of the case
are now about to undergo investigation before a judicial tribunal. I
would respectfully suggest that although the crime charged to have been
committed in this case is held odious, as being in conflict with our
opinions on the subject of national sovereignty and personal freedom,
there is no prohibition of it or punishment for it provided in any act
of Congress. The expediency of supplying this defect in our criminal
code is therefore recommended to your consideration.
I have scrupulously avoided any interference in the wars and contentions
which have recently distracted Europe. During the late conflict between
Austria and Hungary there seemed to be a prospect that the latter might
become an independent nation. However faint that prospect at the time
appeared, I thought it my duty, in accordance with the general sentiment
of the American people, who deeply sympathized with the Magyar patriots,
to stand prepared, upon the contingency of the establishment by her of a
permanent government, to be the first to welcome independent Hungary
into the family of nations. For this purpose I invested an agent then in
Europe with power to declare our willingness promptly to recognize her
independence in the event of her ability to sustain it. The powerful
intervention of Russia in the contest extinguished the hopes of the
struggling Magyars. The United States did not at any time interfere in
the contest, but the feelings of the nation were strongly enlisted in
the cause, and by the sufferings of a brave people, who had made a
gallant, though unsuccessful, effort to be free.
Our claims upon Portugal have been during the past year prosecuted with
renewed vigor, and it has been my object to employ every effort of
honorable diplomacy to procure their adjustment. Our late chargé
d'affaires at Lisbon, the Hon. George W. Hopkins, made able and
energetic, but unsuccessful, efforts to settle these unpleasant matters
of controversy and to obtain indemnity for the wrongs which were the
subjects of complaint. Our present chargé d'affaires at that Court will
also bring to the prosecution of these claims ability and zeal. The
revolutionary and distracted condition of Portugal in past times has
been represented as one of the leading causes of her delay in
indemnifying our suffering citizens.
But I must now say it is matter of profound regret that these claims
have not yet been settled. The omission of Portugal to do justice to the
American claimants has now assumed a character so grave and serious that
I shall shortly make it the subject of a special message to Congress,
with a view to such ultimate action as its wisdom and patriotism may
suggest.
With Russia, Austria, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Belgium, the
Netherlands, and the Italian States we still maintain our accustomed
amicable relations.
During the recent revolutions in the Papal States our chargé d'affaires
at Rome has been unable to present his letter of credence, which,
indeed, he was directed by my predecessor to withhold until he should
receive further orders. Such was the unsettled condition of things in
those States that it was not deemed expedient to give him any
instructions on the subject of presenting his credential letter
different from those with which he had been furnished by the late
Administration until the 25th of June last, when, in consequence of the
want of accurate information of the exact state of things at that
distance from us, he was instructed to exercise his own discretion in
presenting himself to the then existing Government if in his judgment
sufficiently stable, or, if not, to await further events. Since that
period Rome has undergone another revolution, and he abides the
establishment of a government sufficiently permanent to justify him in
opening diplomatic intercourse with it.
With the Republic of Mexico it is our true policy to cultivate the most
friendly relations. Since the ratification of the treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo nothing has occurred of a serious character to disturb them. A
faithful observance of the treaty and a sincere respect for her rights
can not fail to secure the lasting confidence and friendship of that
Republic. The message of my predecessor to the House of Representatives
of the 8th of February last, communicating, in compliance with a
resolution of that body, a copy of a paper called a protocol, signed at
Queretaro on the 30th of May, 1848, by the commissioners of the United
States and the minister of foreign affairs of the Mexican Government,
having been a subject of correspondence between the Department of State
and the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of that
Republic accredited to this Government, a transcript of that
correspondence is herewith submitted.
The commissioner on the part of the United States for marking the
boundary between the two Republics, though delayed in reaching San Diego
by unforeseen obstacles, arrived at that place within a short period
after the time required by the treaty, and was there joined by the
commissioner on the part of Mexico. They entered upon their duties, and
at the date of the latest intelligence from that quarter some progress
had been made in the survey. The expenses incident to the organization
of the commission and to its conveyance to the point where its
operations were to begin have so much reduced the fund appropriated by
Congress that a further sum, to cover the charges which must be incurred
during the present fiscal year, will be necessary. The great length of
frontier along which the boundary extends, the nature of the adjacent
territory, and the difficulty of obtaining supplies except at or near
the extremes of the line render it also indispensable that a liberal
provision should be made to meet the necessary charges during the fiscal
year ending on the 30th of June, 1851. I accordingly recommend this
subject to your attention.
In the adjustment of the claims of American citizens on Mexico, provided
for by the late treaty, the employment of counsel on the part of the
Government may become important for the purpose of assisting the
commissioners in protecting the interests of the United States. I
recommend this subject to the early and favorable consideration of
Congress.
Complaints have been made in regard to the inefficiency of the means
provided by the Government of New Granada for transporting the United
States mail across the Isthmus of Panama, pursuant to our postal
convention with that Republic of the 6th of March, 1844. Our chargé
d'affaires at Bogota has been directed to make such representations to
the Government of New Granada as will, it is hoped, lead to a prompt
removal of this cause of complaint.
The sanguinary civil war with which the Republic of Venezuela has for
some time past been ravaged has been brought to a close. In its progress
the rights of some of our citizens resident or trading there have been
violated. The restoration of order will afford the Venezuelan Government
an opportunity to examine and redress these grievances and others of
longer standing which our representatives at Caracas have hitherto
ineffectually urged upon the attention of that Government.
The extension of the coast of the United States on the Pacific and the
unexampled rapidity with which the inhabitants of California especially
are increasing in numbers have imparted new consequence to our relations
with the other countries whose territories border upon that ocean. It is
probable that the intercourse between those countries and our
possessions in that quarter, particularly with the Republic of Chili,
will become extensive and mutually advantageous in proportion as
California and Oregon shall increase in population and wealth. It is
desirable, therefore, that this Government should do everything in its
power to foster and strengthen its relations with those States, and that
the spirit of amity between us should be mutual and cordial.
I recommend the observance of the same course toward all other American
States. The United States stand as the great American power, to which,
as their natural ally and friend, they will always be disposed first to
look for mediation and assistance in the event of any collision between
them and any European nation. As such we may often kindly mediate in
their behalf without entangling ourselves in foreign wars or unnecessary
controversies. Whenever the faith of our treaties with any of them shall
require our interference, we must necessarily interpose.
A convention has been negotiated with Brazil providing for the
satisfaction of American claims on that Government, and it will be
submitted to the Senate. Since the last session of Congress we have
received an envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from that
Empire, and our relations with it are founded upon the most amicable
understanding.
Your attention is earnestly invited to an amendment of our existing laws
relating to the African slave trade with a view to the effectual
suppression of that barbarous traffic. It is not to be denied that this
trade is still in part carried on by means of vessels built in the
United States and owned or navigated by some of our citizens. The
correspondence between the Department of State and the minister and
consul of the United States at Rio de Janeiro, which has from time to
time been laid before Congress, represents that it is a customary device
to evade the penalties of our laws by means of sea letters. Vessels sold
in Brazil, when provided with such papers by the consul, instead of
returning to the United States for a new register proceed at once to the
coast of Africa for the purpose of obtaining cargoes of slaves. Much
additional information of the same character has recently been
transmitted to the Department of State. It has not been considered the
policy of our laws to subject an American citizen who in a foreign
country purchases a vessel built in the United States to the
inconvenience of sending her home for a new register before permitting
her to proceed on a voyage. Any alteration of the laws which might have
a tendency to impede the free transfer of property in vessels between
our citizens, or the free navigation of those vessels between different
parts of the world when employed in lawful commerce, should be well and
cautiously considered; but I trust that your wisdom will devise a method
by which our general policy in this respect may be preserved, and at the
same time the abuse of our flag by means of sea letters, in the manner
indicated, may be prevented.
Having ascertained that there is no prospect of the reunion of the five
States of Central America which formerly composed the Republic of that
name, we have separately negotiated with some of them treaties of amity
and commerce, which will be laid before the Senate.
A contract having been concluded with the State of Nicaragua by a
company composed of American citizens for the purpose of constructing a
ship canal through the territory of that State to connect the Atlantic
and Pacific oceans, I have directed the negotiation of a treaty with
Nicaragua pledging both Governments to protect those who shall engage
in and perfect the work. All other nations are invited by the State of
Nicaragua to enter into the same treaty stipulations with her; and the
benefit to be derived by each from such an arrangement will be the
protection of this great interoceanic communication against any power
which might seek to obstruct it or to monopolize its advantages. All
States entering into such a treaty will enjoy the right of passage
through the canal on payment of the same tolls. The work, if constructed
under these guaranties, will become a bond of peace instead of a subject
of contention and strife between the nations of the earth. Should the
great maritime States of Europe consent to this arrangement (and we have
no reason to suppose that a proposition so fair and honorable will be
opposed by any), the energies of their people and ours will cooperate in
promoting the success of the enterprise. I do not recommend any
appropriation from the National Treasury for this purpose, nor do I
believe that such an appropriation is necessary. Private enterprise, if
properly protected, will complete the work should it prove to be
feasible. The parties who have procured the charter from Nicaragua for
its construction desire no assistance from this Government beyond its
protection; and they profess that, having examined the proposed line of
communication, they will be ready to commence the undertaking whenever
that protection shall be extended to them. Should there appear to be
reason, on examining the whole evidence, to entertain a serious doubt of
the practicability of constructing such a canal, that doubt could be
speedily solved by an actual exploration of the route.
Should such a work be constructed under the common protection of all
nations, for equal benefits to all, it would be neither just nor
expedient that any great maritime state should command the
communication. The territory through which the canal may be opened ought
to be freed from the claims of any foreign power. No such power should
occupy a position that would enable it hereafter to exercise so
controlling an influence over the commerce of the world or to obstruct a
highway which ought to be dedicated to the common uses of mankind.
The routes across the Isthmus at Tehuantepec and Panama are also worthy
of our serious consideration. They did not fail to engage the attention
of my predecessor. The negotiator of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was
instructed to offer a very large sum of money for the right of transit
across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. The Mexican Government did not accede
to the proposition for the purchase of the right of way, probably
because it had already contracted with private individuals for the
construction of a passage from the Guasacualco River to Tehuantepec. I
shall not renew any proposition to purchase for money a right which
ought to be equally secured to all nations on payment of a reasonable
toll to the owners of the improvement, who would doubtless be well
contented with that compensation and the guaranties of the maritime
states of the world in separate treaties negotiated with Mexico, binding
her and them to protect those who should construct the work. Such
guaranties would do more to secure the completion of the communication
through the territory of Mexico than any other reasonable consideration
that could be offered; and as Mexico herself would be the greatest
gainer by the opening of this communication between the Gulf and the
Pacific Ocean, it is presumed that she would not hesitate to yield her
aid in the manner proposed to accomplish an improvement so important to
her own best interests.
We have reason to hope that the proposed railroad across the Isthmus at
Panama will be successfully constructed under the protection of the late
treaty with New Granada, ratified and exchanged by my predecessor on the
10th day of June, 1848, which guarantees the perfect neutrality of the
Isthmus and the rights of sovereignty and property of New Granada over
that territory, "with a view that the free transit from ocean to ocean
may not be interrupted or embarrassed" during the existence of the
treaty. It is our policy to encourage every practicable route across the
isthmus which connects North and South America, either by railroad or
canal, which the energy and enterprise of our citizens may induce them
to complete, and I consider it obligatory upon me to adopt that policy,
especially in consequence of the absolute necessity of facilitating
intercourse with our possessions on the Pacific.
The position of the Sandwich Islands with reference to the territory of
the United States on the Pacific, the success of our persevering and
benevolent citizens who have repaired to that remote quarter in
Christianizing the natives and inducing them to adopt a system of
government and laws suited to their capacity and wants, and the use made
by our numerous whale ships of the harbors of the islands as places of
resort for obtaining refreshments and repairs all combine to render
their destiny peculiarly interesting to us. It is our duty to encourage
the authorities of those islands in their efforts to improve and elevate
the moral and political condition of the inhabitants, and we should make
reasonable allowances for the difficulties inseparable from this task.
We desire that the islands may maintain their independence and that
other nations should concur with us in this sentiment. We could in no
event be indifferent to their passing under the dominion of any other
power. The principal commercial states have in this a common interest,
and it is to be hoped that no one of them will attempt to interpose
obstacles to the entire independence of the islands.
The receipts into the Treasury for the fiscal year ending on the 30th of
June last were, in cash, $48,830,097.50, and in Treasury notes funded
$10,833,000, making an aggregate of $59,663,097.50; and the expenditures
for the same time were, in cash, $46,798,667.82, and in Treasury notes
funded $10,833,000, making an aggregate of $57,631,667.82.
The accounts and estimates which will be submitted to Congress in the
report of the Secretary of the Treasury show that there will probably
be a deficit occasioned by the expenses of the Mexican War and treaty on
the 1st day of July next of $5,828,121.66, and on the 1st day of July,
1851, of $10,547,092.73, making in the whole a probable deficit to be
provided for of $16,375,214.39. The extraordinary expenses of the war
with Mexico and the purchase of California and New Mexico exceed in
amount this deficit, together with the loans heretofore made for those
objects. I therefore recommend that authority be given to borrow
whatever sum may be necessary to cover that deficit. I recommend the
observance of strict economy in the appropriation and expenditure of
public money.
I recommend a revision of the existing tariff and its adjustment on a
basis which may augment the revenue. I do not doubt the right or duty of
Congress to encourage domestic industry, which is the great source of
national as well as individual wealth and prosperity. I look to the
wisdom and patriotism of Congress for the adoption of a system which may
place home labor at last on a sure and permanent footing and by due
encouragement of manufactures give a new and increased stimulus to
agriculture and promote the development of our vast resources and the
extension of our commerce. Believing that to the attainment of these
ends, as well as the necessary augmentation of the revenue and the
prevention of frauds, a system of specific duties is best adapted, I
strongly recommend to Congress the adoption of that system, fixing the
duties at rates high enough to afford substantial and sufficient
encouragement to our own industry and at the same time so adjusted as to
insure stability.
The question of the continuance of the subtreasury system is
respectfully submitted to the wisdom of Congress. If continued,
important modifications of it appear to be indispensable.
For further details and views on the above and other matters connected
with commerce, the finances, and revenue I refer to the report of the
Secretary of the Treasury.
No direct aid has been given by the General Government to the
improvement of agriculture except by the expenditure of small sums for
the collection and publication of agricultural statistics and for some
chemical analyses, which have been thus far paid for out of the patent
fund. This aid is, in my opinion, wholly inadequate. To give to this
leading branch of American industry the encouragement which it merits, I
respectfully recommend the establishment of an agricultural bureau, to
be connected with the Department of the Interior. To elevate the social
condition of the agriculturist, to increase his prosperity, and to
extend his means of usefulness to his country, by multiplying his
sources of information, should be the study of every statesman and a
primary object with every legislator.
No civil government having been provided by Congress for California, the
people of that Territory, impelled by the necessities of their political
condition, recently met in convention for the purpose of forming a
constitution and State government, which the latest advices give me
reason to suppose has been accomplished; and it is believed they will
shortly apply for the admission of California into the Union as a
sovereign State. Should such be the case, and should their constitution
be conformable to the requisitions of the Constitution of the United
States, I recommend their application to the favorable consideration of
Congress.
The people of New Mexico will also, it is believed, at no very distant
period present themselves for admission into the Union. Preparatory to
the admission of California and New Mexico the people of each will have
instituted for themselves a republican form of government, "laying its
foundation in such principles and organizing its powers in such form as
to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." By
awaiting their action all causes of uneasiness may be avoided and
confidence and kind feeling preserved. With a view of maintaining the
harmony and tranquillity so dear to all, we should abstain from the
introduction of those exciting topics of a sectional character which
have hitherto produced painful apprehensions in the public mind; and I
repeat the solemn warning of the first and most illustrious of my
predecessors against furnishing "any ground for characterizing parties
by geographical discriminations."
A collector has been appointed at San Francisco under the act of
Congress extending the revenue laws over California, and measures have
been taken to organize the custom-houses at that and the other ports
mentioned in that act at the earliest period practicable. The collector
proceeded overland, and advices have not yet been received of his
arrival at San Francisco. Meanwhile, it is understood that the customs
have continued to be collected there by officers acting under the
military authority, as they were during the Administration of my
predecessor. It will, I think, be expedient to confirm the collections
thus made, and direct the avails (after such allowances as Congress may
think fit to authorize) to be expended within the Territory or to be
paid into the Treasury for the purpose of meeting appropriations for the
improvement of its rivers and harbors.
A party engaged on the coast survey was dispatched to Oregon in January
last. According to the latest advices, they had not left California; and
directions have been given to them, as soon as they shall have fixed on
the sites of the two light-houses and the buoys authorized to be
constructed and placed in Oregon, to proceed without delay to make
reconnoissances of the most important points on the coast of California,
and especially to examine and determine on sites for light-houses on
that coast, the speedy erection of which is urgently demanded by our
rapidly increasing commerce.
I have transferred the Indian agencies from upper Missouri and Council
Bluffs to Santa Fe and Salt Lake, and have caused to be appointed
sub-agents in the valleys of the Gila, the Sacramento, and the San
Joaquin rivers. Still further legal provisions will be necessary for the
effective and successful extension of our system of Indian intercourse
over the new territories.
I recommend the establishment of a branch mint in California, as it
will, in my opinion, afford important facilities to those engaged in
mining, as well as to the Government in the disposition of the mineral
lands.
I also recommend that commissions be organized by Congress to examine
and decide upon the validity of the present subsisting land titles in
California and New Mexico, and that provision be made for the
establishment of offices of surveyor-general in New Mexico, California,
and Oregon and for the surveying and bringing into market the public
lands in those Territories. Those lands, remote in position and
difficult of access, ought to be disposed of on terms liberal to all,
but especially favorable to the early emigrants.
In order that the situation and character of the principal mineral
deposits in California may be ascertained, I recommend that a geological
and mineralogical exploration be connected with the linear surveys, and
that the mineral lands be divided into small lots suitable for mining
and be disposed of by sale or lease, so as to give our citizens an
opportunity of procuring a permanent right of property in the soil. This
would seem to be as important to the success of mining as of
agricultural pursuits.
The great mineral wealth of California and the advantages which its
ports and harbors and those of Oregon afford to commerce, especially
with the islands of the Pacific and Indian oceans and the populous
regions of eastern Asia, make it certain that there will arise in a few
years large and prosperous communities on our western coast. It
therefore becomes important that a line of communication, the best and
most expeditious which the nature of the country will admit, should be
opened within the territory of the United States from the navigable
waters of the Atlantic or the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific. Opinion, as
elicited and expressed by two large and respectable conventions lately
assembled at St. Louis and Memphis, points to a railroad as that which,
if practicable, will best meet the wishes and wants of the country. But
while this, if in successful operation, would be a work of great
national importance and of a value to the country which it would be
difficult to estimate, it ought also to be regarded as an undertaking of
vast magnitude and expense, and one which must, if it be indeed
practicable, encounter many difficulties in its construction and use.
Therefore, to avoid failure and disappointment; to enable Congress to
judge whether in the condition of the country through which it must pass
the work be feasible, and, if it be found so, whether it should be
undertaken as a national improvement or left to individual enterprise,
and in the latter alternative what aid, if any, ought to be extended to
it by the Government, I recommend as a preliminary measure a careful
reconnoissance of the several proposed routes by a scientific corps and
a report as to the practicability of making such a road, with an
estimate of the cost of its construction and support.
For further views on these and other matters connected with the duties
of the home department I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the
Interior.
I recommend early appropriations for continuing the river and harbor
improvements which have been already begun, and also for the
construction of those for which estimates have been made, as well as for
examinations and estimates preparatory to the commencement of such
others as the wants of the country, and especially the advance of our
population over new districts and the extension of commerce, may render
necessary. An estimate of the amount which can be advantageously
expended within the next fiscal year under the direction of the Bureau
of Topographical Engineers accompanies the report of the Secretary of
War, to which I respectfully invite the attention of Congress.
The cession of territory made by the late treaty with Mexico has greatly
extended our exposed frontier and rendered its defense more difficult.
That treaty has also brought us under obligations to Mexico, to comply
with which a military force is requisite. But our military establishment
is not materially changed as to its efficiency from the condition in
which it stood before the commencement of the Mexican War. Some addition
to it will therefore be necessary, and I recommend to the favorable
consideration of Congress an increase of the several corps of the Army
at our distant Western posts, as proposed in the accompanying report of
the Secretary of War.
Great embarrassment has resulted from the effect upon rank in the Army
heretofore given to brevet and staff commissions. The views of the
Secretary of War on this subject are deemed important, and if carried
into effect will, it is believed, promote the harmony of the service.
The plan proposed for retiring disabled officers and providing an asylum
for such of the rank and file as from age, wounds, and other infirmities
occasioned by service have become unfit to perform their respective
duties is recommended as a means of increasing the efficiency of the
Army and as an act of justice due from a grateful country to the
faithful soldier.
The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a full and
satisfactory account of the condition and operations of the naval
service during the past year. Our citizens engaged in the legitimate
pursuits of commerce have enjoyed its benefits. Wherever our national
vessels have gone they have been received with respect, our officers
have been treated with kindness and courtesy, and they have on all
occasions pursued a course of strict neutrality, in accordance with the
policy of our Government.
The naval force at present in commission is as large as is admissible
with the number of men authorized by Congress to be employed.
I invite your attention to the recommendation of the Secretary of the
Navy on the subject of a reorganization of the Navy in its various
grades of officers, and the establishing of a retired list for such of
the officers as are disqualified for active and effective service.
Should Congress adopt some such measure as is recommended, it will
greatly increase the efficiency of the Navy and reduce its expenditures.
I also ask your attention to the views expressed by him in reference to
the employment of war steamers and in regard to the contracts for the
transportation of the United States mails and the operation of the
system upon the prosperity of the Navy.
By an act of Congress passed August 14, 1848, provision was made for
extending post-office and mail accommodations to California and Oregon.
Exertions have been made to execute that law, but the limited provisions
of the act, the inadequacy of the means it authorizes, the ill
adaptation of our post-office laws to the situation of that country, and
the measure of compensation for services allowed by those laws, compared
with the prices of labor and rents in California, render those exertions
in a great degree ineffectual. More particular and efficient provision
by law is required on this subject.
The act of 1845 reducing postage has now, by its operation during four
years, produced results fully showing that the income from such reduced
postage is sufficient to sustain the whole expense of the service of the
Post-Office Department, not including the cost of transportation in mail
steamers on the lines from New York to Chagres and from Panama to
Astoria, which have not been considered by Congress as properly
belonging to the mail service.
It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress whether a further reduction of
postage should not now be made, more particularly on the letter
correspondence. This should be relieved from the unjust burden of
transporting and delivering the franked matter of Congress, for which
public service provision should be made from the Treasury. I confidently
believe that a change may safely be made reducing all single-letter
postage to the uniform rate of 5 cents, regardless of distance, without
thereby imposing any greater tax on the Treasury than would constitute a
very moderate compensation for this public service; and I therefore
respectfully recommend such a reduction. Should Congress prefer to
abolish the franking privilege entirely, it seems probable that no
demand on the Treasury would result from the proposed reduction of
postage. Whether any further diminution should now be made, or the
result of the reduction to 5 cents, which I have recommended, should be
first tested, is submitted to your decision.
Since the commencement of the last session of Congress a postal treaty
with Great Britain has been received and ratified, and such relations
have been formed by the post-office departments of the two countries in
pursuance of that treaty as to carry its provisions into full operation.
The attempt to extend this same arrangement through England to France
has not been equally successful, but the purpose has not been abandoned.
For a particular statement of the condition of the Post-Office
Department and other matters connected with that branch of the public
service I refer you to the report of the Postmaster-General.
By the act of the 3d of March, 1849, a board was constituted to make
arrangements for taking the Seventh Census, composed of the Secretary
of State, the Attorney-General, and the Postmaster-General; and it was
made the duty of this board "to prepare and cause to be printed such
forms and schedules as might be necessary for the full enumeration of
the inhabitants of the United States, and also proper forms and
schedules for collecting in statistical tables, under proper heads, such
information as to mines, agriculture, commerce, manufactures, education,
and other topics as would exhibit a full view of the pursuits, industry,
education, and resources of the country." The duties enjoined upon the
census board thus established having been performed, it now rests with
Congress to enact a law for carrying into effect the provision of the
Constitution which requires an actual enumeration of the people of the
United States within the ensuing year.
Among the duties assigned by the Constitution to the General Government
is one of local and limited application, but not on that account the
less obligatory. I allude to the trust committed to Congress as the
exclusive legislator and sole guardian of the interests of the District
of Columbia. I beg to commend these interests to your kind attention. As
the national metropolis the city of Washington must be an object of
general interest; and founded, as it was, under the auspices of him
whose immortal name it bears, its claims to the fostering care of
Congress present themselves with additional strength. Whatever can
contribute to its prosperity must enlist the feelings of its
constitutional guardians and command their favorable consideration.
Our Government is one of limited powers, and its successful
administration eminently depends on the confinement of each of its
coordinate branches within its own appropriate sphere. The first section
of the Constitution ordains that--
All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress
of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of
Representatives.
The Executive has authority to recommend (not to dictate) measures to
Congress. Having performed that duty, the executive department of the
Government can not rightfully control the decision of Congress on any
subject of legislation until that decision shall have been officially
submitted to the President for approval. The check provided by the
Constitution in the clause conferring the qualified veto will never be
exercised by me except in the cases contemplated by the fathers of the
Republic. I view it as an extreme measure, to be resorted to only in
extraordinary cases, as where it may become necessary to defend the
executive against the encroachments of the legislative power or to
prevent hasty and inconsiderate or unconstitutional legislation. By
cautiously confining this remedy within the sphere prescribed to it in
the cotemporaneous expositions of the framers of the Constitution, the
will of the people, legitimately expressed on all subjects of
legislation through their constitutional organs, the Senators and
Representatives of the United States, will have its full effect. As
indispensable to the preservation of our system of self-government, the
independence of the representatives of the States and the people is
guaranteed by the Constitution, and they owe no responsibility to any
human power but their constituents. By holding the representative
responsible only to the people, and exempting him from all other
influences, we elevate the character of the constituent and quicken his
sense of responsibility to his country. It is under these circumstances
only that the elector can feel that in the choice of the lawmaker he is
himself truly a component part of the sovereign power of the nation.
With equal care we should study to defend the rights of the executive
and judicial departments. Our Government can only be preserved in its
purity by the suppression and entire elimination of every claim or
tendency of one coordinate branch to encroachment upon another. With the
strict observance of this rule and the other injunctions of the
Constitution, with a sedulous inculcation of that respect and love for
the Union of the States which our fathers cherished and enjoined upon
their children, and with the aid of that overruling Providence which has
so long and so kindly guarded our liberties and institutions, we may
reasonably expect to transmit them, with their innumerable blessings, to
the remotest posterity.
But attachment to the Union of the States should be habitually fostered
in every American heart. For more than half a century, during which
kingdoms and empires have fallen, this Union has stood unshaken. The
patriots who formed it have long since descended to the grave; yet still
it remains, the proudest monument to their memory and the object of
affection and admiration with everyone worthy to bear the American name.
In my judgment its dissolution would be the greatest of calamities, and
to avert that should be the study of every American. Upon its
preservation must depend our own happiness and that of countless
generations to come. Whatever dangers may threaten it, I shall stand by
it and maintain it in its integrity to the full extent of the
obligations imposed and the powers conferred upon me by the
Constitution.