THE LONDON DOCK.

Before proceeding to give an account of the London Dock itself, let

me thus publicly tender my thanks to Mr. Powles, the intelligent

and obliging secretary, for the ready manner in which he placed the

statistics of the company at my service. Had I experienced from the

deputy-superintendent the same courtesy and consideration, the present

exposition of the state of the labourers employed in the London Dock

would, doubtless, have been more full and complete. But the one

gentleman seemed as anxious to withhold information as the other was

to impart it. Indeed, I found in the first instance, that the orders

given by the deputy-superintendent throughout the dock to each of

the different officers were, that no answers should be made to any

inquiries I might put to them; and it was not until I had communicated

my object to the secretary that I was able to obtain the least

information concerning even the number of hands employed at different

times, or the amount of wages paid to them.

I shall now give a brief statement of the character, condition, and

capacity of the London Dock. After which, the description of the kind

of labour performed there; and then the class of labourers performing

it will follow in due order.

The London Dock occupies an area of ninety acres, and is situated

in the three parishes of St. George, Shadwell, and Wapping. The

population of those three parishes in 1841 was 55,500, and the number

of inhabited houses 8000, which covered a space equal to 338 acres.

This is in the proportion of twenty-three inhabited houses to an acre

and seven individuals to each house. The number of persons to each

inhabited house is, despite of the crowded lodging-houses with which

it abounds, not beyond the average for all London. I have already

shown that Bethnal-green, which is said to possess the greatest number

of low-rented houses, had only, upon an average, seventeen inhabited

houses to each acre, while the average through London was but 5·5

houses per acre. So that it appears that in the three parishes of

St. George’s-in-the-East, Shadwell, and Wapping, the houses are more

than four times more crowded than in the other parts of London, and

more numerous by half as many again than those even in the low-rented

district of Bethnal-green. This affords us a good criterion as to the

character of the neighbourhood, and, consequently, of the people living

in the vicinity of the London Dock.

The courts and alleys round about the dock swarm with low

lodging-houses; and are inhabited either by the dock-labourers,

sack-makers, watermen, or that peculiar class of the London poor

who pick up a living by the water-side. The open streets themselves

have all more or less a maritime character. Every other shop is

either stocked with gear for the ship or for the sailor. The windows

of one house are filled with quadrants and bright brass sextants,

chronometers, and huge mariners’ compasses, with their cards trembling

with the motion of the cabs and waggons passing in the street. Then

comes the sailors’ cheap shoe-mart, rejoicing in the attractive

sign of “Jack and his Mother.” Every public-house is a “Jolly Tar,”

or something equally taking. Then come sailmakers, their windows

stowed with ropes and lines smelling of tar. All the grocers are

provision-agents, and exhibit in their windows the cases of meat and

biscuits; and every article is warranted to keep in any climate. The

corners of the streets, too, are mostly monopolised by slopsellers;

their windows parti-coloured with bright red-and-blue flannel

shirts; the doors nearly blocked up with hammocks and “well-oiled

nor’-westers;” and the front of the house itself nearly covered with

canvas trousers, rough pilot-coats, and shiny black dreadnoughts.

The passengers alone would tell you that you were in the maritime

districts of London. Now you meet a satin-waistcoated mate, or a black

sailor with his large fur cap, or else a Custom-house officer in his

brass-buttoned jacket.

The London Dock can accommodate 500 ships, and the warehouses will

contain 232,000 tons of goods. The entire structure cost 4,000,000_l._

in money: the tobacco warehouses alone cover five acres of ground. The

wall surrounding the dock cost 65,000_l._ One of the wine-vaults has an

area of seven acres, and in the whole of them there is room for stowing

60,000 pipes of wine. The warehouses round the wharfs are exposing from

their extent, but are much less lofty than those at St. Katherine’s;

and being situated at some distance from the dock, goods cannot be

craned out of the ship’s hold and stowed away at one operation.

According to the last half-yearly report, the number of ships which

entered the dock during the six months ending the 31st of May last was

704, measuring upwards of 195,000 tons. The amount of earnings during

that period was 230,000_l._ and odd, and the amount of expenditure

nearly 121,000_l._ The stock of goods in the warehouses last May was

upwards of 170,000 tons.

As you enter the dock the sight of the forest of masts in the distance,

and the tall chimneys vomiting clouds of black smoke, and the many

coloured flags flying in the air, has a most peculiar effect; while

the sheds with the monster wheels arching through the roofs look like

the paddle-boxes of huge steamers. Along the quay you see, now men

with their faces blue with indigo, and now gaugers, with their long

brass-tipped rule dripping with spirit from the cask they have been

probing. Then will come a group of flaxen-haired sailors chattering

German; and next a black sailor, with a cotton handkerchief twisted

turban-like round his head. Presently a blue-smocked butcher, with

fresh meat and a bunch of cabbages in the tray on his shoulder; and

shortly afterwards a mate, with green paroquets in a wooden cage.

Here you will see sitting on a bench a sorrowful-looking woman, with

new bright cooking tins at her feet, telling you she is an emigrant

preparing for her voyage. As you pass along this quay the air is

pungent with tobacco; on that it overpowers you with the fumes of

rum; then you are nearly sickened with the stench of hides, and huge

bins of horns; and shortly afterwards the atmosphere is fragrant with

coffee and spice. Nearly everywhere you meet stacks of cork, or else

yellow bins of sulphur, or lead-coloured copper-ore. As you enter this

warehouse, the flooring is sticky, as if it had been newly tarred,

with the sugar that has leaked through the casks; and as you descend

into the dark vaults, you see long lines of lights hanging from the

black arches, and lamps flitting about midway. Here you sniff the fumes

of the wine, and there the peculiar fungus-smell of dry rot; then the

jumble of sounds as you pass along the dock blends in anything but

sweet concord. The sailors are singing boisterous nigger songs from

the Yankee ship just entering; the cooper is hammering at the casks on

the quay; the chains of the cranes, loosed of their weight, rattle as

they fly up again; the ropes splash in the water; some captain shouts

his orders through his hands; a goat bleats from some ship in the

basin; and empty casks roll along the stones with a heavy drum-like

sound. Here the heavily-laden ships are down far below the quay, and

you descend to them by ladders; whilst in another basin they are high

up out of the water, so that their green copper sheathing is almost

level with the eye of the passenger; while above his head a long line

of bowsprits stretches far over the quay; and from them hang spars and

planks as a gangway to each ship.

This immense establishment is worked by from one to three thousand

hands, according as the business is either brisk or slack. Out of this

number there are always 400 to 500 permanent labourers, receiving

on an average 16_s._ 6_d._ per week, with the exception of coopers,

carpenters, smiths, and other mechanics, who are paid the usual

wages of those crafts. Besides these are many hundred--from 1000 to

2500--casual labourers, who are engaged at the rate of 2_s._ 6_d._ per

day in the summer and 2_s._ 4_d._ in the winter months. Frequently,

in case of many arrivals, extra hands are hired in the course of the

day, at the rate of 4_d._ per hour. For the permanent labourers a

recommendation is required; but for the casual labourers no character

is demanded. The number of the casual hands engaged by the day depends,

of course, upon the amount of work to be done; and I find that the

total number of labourers in the dock varies from 500 to 3000 and odd.

On the 4th May, 1849, the number of hands engaged, both permanent and

casual, was 2794; on the 26th of the same month it was 3012; and on the

30th it was 1189. These appear to be the extreme of the variation for

that year: the fluctuation is due to a greater or less number of ships

entering the dock. The lowest number of ships entering the dock in any

one week last year was 29, while the highest number was 141. This rise

and fall is owing to the prevalence of easterly winds, which serve to

keep the ships back, and so make the business slack. Now, deducting

the lowest number of hands employed from the highest number, we have

no less than 1823 individuals who obtain so precarious a subsistence

by their labour at the docks, that by the mere shifting of the wind

they may be all deprived of their daily bread. Calculating the wages

at 2_s._ 6_d._ per day for each, the company would have paid 376_l._

10_s._ to the 3012 hands employed on the 26th of May 1849; while only

148_l._ 12_s._ 6_d._ would have been paid to the 1189 hands engaged on

the 30th of the same month. Hence, not only would 1823 hands have been

thrown out of employ by the chopping of the wind, but the labouring

men dependent upon the business of the docks for their subsistence

would in one day have been deprived of 227_l._ 17_s._ 6_d._ This will

afford the reader some faint idea of the precarious character of the

subsistence obtained by the labourers employed in this neighbourhood,

and, consequently, as it has been well proved, that all men who obtain

their livelihood by irregular employment are the most intemperate and

improvident of all.

It will be easy to judge what may be the condition and morals of

a class who to-day, as a body, may earn near upon 400_l._, and

to-morrow only 150_l._ I had hoped to have been able to have shown the

fluctuations in the total amount of wages paid to the dock-labourers

for each week throughout the whole year; and so, by contrasting the

comparative affluence and comfort of one week with the distress and

misery of the other, to have afforded the reader some more vivid

idea of the body of men who are performing, perhaps, the heaviest

labour, and getting the most fickle provision of all. But still I will

endeavour to impress him with some faint idea of the struggle there

is to gain the uncertain daily bread. Until I saw with my own eyes

this scene of greedy despair, I could not have believed that there

was so mad an eagerness to work, and so biting a want of it, among

so vast a body of men. A day or two before I had sat at midnight in

the room of the starving weaver; and as I heard him tell his bitter

story, there was a patience in his misery that gave it more an air of

heroism than desperation. But in the scenes I have lately witnessed the

want has been positively tragic, and the struggle for life partaking

of the sublime. The reader must first remember what kind of men the

casual labourers generally are. They are men, it should be borne in

mind, who are shut out from the usual means of life by the want of

character. Hence, you are not astonished to hear from those who are

best acquainted with the men, that there are hundreds among the body

who are known thieves, and who go to the docks to seek a living; so

that, if taken for any past offence, their late industry may plead for

some little lenity in their punishment.

He who wishes to behold one of the most extraordinary and least-known

scenes of this metropolis, should wend his way to the London Dock

gates at half-past seven in the morning. There he will see congregated

within the principal entrance masses of men of all grades, looks, and

kinds. Some in half-fashioned surtouts burst at the elbows, with the

dirty shirts showing through. Others in greasy sporting jackets, with

red pimpled faces. Others in the rags of their half-slang gentility,

with the velvet collars of their paletots worn through to the canvas.

Some in rusty black, with their waistcoats fastened tight up to the

throat. Others, again, with the knowing thieves’ curl on each side of

the jaunty cap; whilst here and there you may see a big-whiskered Pole,

with his hands in the pockets of his plaited French trousers. Some loll

outside the gates, smoking the pipe which is forbidden within; but

these are mostly Irish.

Presently you know, by the stream pouring through the gates and the

rush towards particular spots, that the “calling foremen” have made

their appearance. Then begins the scuffling and scrambling forth of

countless hands high in the air, to catch the eye of him whose voice

may give them work. As the foreman calls from a book the names, some

men jump up on the backs of the others, so as to lift themselves high

above the rest, and attract the notice of him who hires them. All are

shouting. Some cry aloud his surname, some his christian name, others

call out their own names, to remind him that they are there. Now the

appeal is made in Irish blarney--now in broken English. Indeed, it is

a sight to sadden the most callous, to see thousands of men struggling

for only one day’s hire; the scuffle being made the fiercer by the

knowledge that hundreds out of the number there assembled must be left

to idle the day out in want. To look in the faces of that hungry crowd

is to see a sight that must be ever remembered. Some are smiling to

the foreman to coax him into remembrance of them; others, with their

protruding eyes, eager to snatch at the hoped-for pass. For weeks many

have gone there, and gone through the same struggle--the same cries;

and have gone away, after all, without the work they had screamed for.

From this it might be imagined that the work was of a peculiarly light

and pleasant kind, and so, when I first saw the scene, I could not

help imagining myself. But, in reality, the labour is of that heavy

and continuous character that you would fancy only the best fed could

stand it. The work may be divided into three classes. 1. Wheel-work, or

that which is moved by the muscles of the legs and weight of the body;

2. jigger, or winch-work, or that which is moved by the muscles of the

arm. In each of these the labourer is stationary; but in the truck

work, which forms the third class, the labourer has to travel over a

space of ground greater or less in proportion to the distance which the

goods have to be removed.

The wheel-work is performed somewhat on the system of the treadwheel,

with the exception that the force is applied inside instead of outside

the wheel. From six to eight men enter a wooden cylinder or drum, upon

which are nailed battens, and the men laying hold of ropes commence

treading the wheel round, occasionally singing the while, and stamping

time in a manner that is pleasant, from its novelty. The wheel is

generally about sixteen feet in diameter and eight to nine feet broad;

and the six or eight men treading within it, will lift from sixteen to

eighteen hundred weight, and often a ton, forty times in an hour, an

average of twenty-seven feet high. Other men will get out a cargo of

from 800 to 900 casks of wine, each cask averaging about five hundred

weight, and being lifted about eighteen feet, in a day and a half. At

trucking each man is said to go on an average thirty miles a-day, and

two-thirds of that time he is moving 1-1/2 cwt. at six miles and a-half

per hour.

This labour, though requiring to be seen to be properly understood,

must still appear so arduous that one would imagine it was not of that

tempting nature, that 3000 men could be found every day in London

desperate enough to fight and battle for the privilege of getting

2_s._ 6_d._ by it; and even if they fail in “getting taken on” at the

commencement of the day, that they should then retire to the appointed

yard, there to remain hour after hour in the hope that the wind might

blow them some stray ship, so that other gangs might be wanted, and the

calling foreman seek them there. It is a curious sight to see the men

waiting in these yards to be hired at 4_d._ per hour, for such are the

terms given in the after part of the day. There, seated on long benches

ranged against the wall, they remain, some telling their miseries and

some their crimes to one another, whilst others doze away their time.

Rain or sunshine, there can always be found plenty ready to catch the

stray 1_s._ or 8_d._ worth of work. By the size of the shed you can

tell how many men sometimes remain there in the pouring rain, rather

than run the chance of losing the stray hours’ work. Some loiter on the

bridges close by, and presently, as their practised eye or ear tells

them that the calling foreman is in want of another gang, they rush

forward in a stream towards the gate, though only six or eight at most

can be hired out of the hundred or more that are waiting there. Again

the same mad fight takes place as in the morning. There is the same

jumping on benches, the same raising of hands, the same entreaties, and

the same failure as before. It is strange to mark the change that takes

place in the manner of the men when the foreman has left. Those that

have been engaged go smiling to their labour. Indeed, I myself met on

the quay just such a chuckling gang passing to their work. Those who

are left behind give vent to their disappointment in abuse of him whom

they had been supplicating and smiling at a few minutes before. Upon

talking with some of the unsuccessful ones, they assured me that the

men who had supplanted them had only gained their ends by bribing the

foreman who had engaged them. This I made a point of inquiring into,

and the deputy-warehousekeeper, of whom I sought the information, soon

assured me, by the production of his book, that he himself was the

person who chose the men, the foreman merely executing his orders: and

this, indeed, I found to be the custom throughout the dock.

At four o’clock the eight hours’ labour ceases, and then comes the

paying. The names of the men are called out of the muster-book, and

each man, as he answers to the cry, has half-a-crown given to him.

So rapidly is this done that, in a quarter of an hour, the whole of

the men have had their wages paid them. They then pour towards the

gate. Here two constables stand, and as each man passes through the

wicket, he takes his hat off, and is felt from head to foot by the

dock-officers and attendant: and yet, with all the want, misery, and

temptation, the millions of pounds of property amid which they work,

and the thousands of pipes and hogsheads of wines and spirits about the

docks, I am informed, upon the best authority, that there are on an

average but thirty charges of drunkenness in the course of the year,

and only eight of dishonesty every month. This may, perhaps, arise

from the vigilance of the superintendents; but to see the distressed

condition of the men who seek and gain employment in the London Dock,

it appears almost incredible, that out of so vast a body of men,

without means and without character, there should be so little vice

or crime. There still remains one curious circumstance to be added in

connexion with the destitution of the dock-labourers. Close to the

gate by which they are obliged to leave, sits on a coping-stone the

refreshment man, with his two large canvas pockets tied in front of

him, and filled with silver and copper, ready to give change to those

whom he has trusted with their dinner that day until they were paid.

As the men passed slowly on in a double file towards the gate, I sat

beside the victualler, and asked him what constituted the general

dinner of the labourers. He told me that he supplied them with

pea-soup, bread and cheese, saveloys, and beer. “Some,” he said, “had

twice as much as others. Some had a pennyworth, some had eatables and a

pint of beer; others, two pints, and others four, and some spend their

whole half-crown in eating and drinking.” This gave me a more clear

insight into the destitution of the men who stood there each morning.

Many of them, it was clear, came to the gate without the means of a

day’s meal, and, being hired, were obliged to go on credit for the very

food they worked upon. What wonder, then, that the calling foreman

should be often carried many yards away by the struggle and rush of the

men around him seeking employment at his hands! One gentleman assured

me that he had been taken off his feet and hurried a distance of a

quarter of a mile by the eagerness of the impatient crowd around him.

Having made myself acquainted with the character and amount of the

labour performed, I next proceeded to make inquiries into the condition

of the labourers themselves, and thus to learn the average amount of

their wages from so precarious an occupation. For this purpose, hearing

that there were several cheap lodging-houses in the neighbourhood, I

thought I should be better enabled to arrive at an average result by

conversing with the inmates of them, and thus endeavouring to elicit

from them some such statements of their earnings at one time and at

another, as would enable me to judge what was their average amount

throughout the year. I had heard the most pathetic accounts from men in

the waiting-yard; how they had been six weeks without a day’s hire. I

had been told of others who had been known to come there day after day

in the hope of getting sixpence, and who lived upon the stray pieces

of bread given to them in charity by their fellow-labourers. Of one

person I was informed by a gentleman who had sought out his history

in pure sympathy, from the wretchedness of the man’s appearance. The

man had once been possessed of 500_l._ a-year, and had squandered it

all away; and through some act or acts that I do not feel myself at

liberty to state, had lost caste, character, friends, and everything

that could make life easy to him. From that time he had sunk and sunk

in the world, until, at last, he had found him, with a lodging-house

for his dwelling-place, the associate of thieves and pickpockets. His

only means of living at this time was bones and rag-grubbing; and for

this purpose the man would wander through the streets at three every

morning, to see what little bits of old iron, or rag, or refuse bone he

could find in the roads. His principal source of income I am informed,

from such a source as precludes the possibility of doubt, was by

picking up the refuse ends of cigars, drying them, and selling them at

one-halfpenny per ounce, as tobacco, to the thieves with whom he lodged.

However, to arrive at a fair estimate as to the character and the

earnings of labourers generally, I directed my guide, after the closing

of the docks, to take me to one of the largest lodging-houses in the

neighbourhood. The young man who was with me happened to know one of

the labourers who was lodging there, and having called him out, I told

him the object of my visit, and requested to be allowed to obtain

information from the labourers assembled within. The man assented, and

directing me to follow him, he led me through a narrow passage into a

small room on the ground floor, in which sat, I should think, at least

twenty or thirty of the most wretched objects I ever beheld. Some were

shoeless--some coatless--others shirtless; and from all these came so

rank and foul a stench, that I was sickened with a moment’s inhalation

of the fetid atmosphere. Some of the men were seated in front of a

table, eating soup out of yellow basins. As they saw me enter, they

gathered round me; and I was proceeding to tell them what information

I wished to gather from them, when in swaggered a drunken man, in a

white canvas suit, who announced himself as the landlord of the place,

asking whether there had been a robbery in the house, that people

should come in without saying “with your leave” or “by your leave.”

I explained to him that I had mistaken the person who had introduced

me for the proprietor of the house, when he grew very abusive, and

declared I should not remain there. Some of the men, however, swore as

lustily that I should; and after a time succeeded in pacifying him. He

then bade me let him hear what I wanted, and I again briefly stated

the object of my visit. I told him I wished to publish the state of

the dock-labourers in the newspapers, on which the man burst into an

ironical laugh, and vowed with an oath that _he_ knowed me, and that

the men were a set of b----y flats to be done in that way. “I know who

you are well enough,” he shouted. I requested to be informed for whom

he took me. “Take you for!” he cried; “why, for a b----y spy! You come

here from the Secretary of State, you know you do, to see how many men

I’ve got in the house, and what kind they are.” This caused a great

stir among the company, and I could see that I was mistaken for one of

the detective police. I was located in so wretched a court, and so far

removed from the street, with a dead wall opposite, that I knew any

atrocity might be committed there almost unheard: indeed, the young

man who had brought me to the house had warned me of its dangerous

character before I went; but, from the kind reception I had met with

from other labourers, I had no fear. At last the landlord flung the

door wide open, and shouted from his clenched teeth, “By G--! if you

ain’t soon mizzled, I’ll crack your b----y skull open for you!” And

so saying, he prepared to make a rush towards me, but was held back

by the youth who had brought me to the place. I felt that it would be

dangerous to remain; and rising, informed the man that I would not

trouble him to proceed to extremities.

It was now so late that I felt it would be imprudent to venture into

another such house that night; so, having heard of the case of a

dock-labourer who had formerly been a clerk in a Government office, I

made the best of my way to the place where he resided.

He lived in a top back-room in a small house, in another dismal court.

I was told by the woman who answered the door to mount the steep

stairs, as she shrieked out to the man’s wife to show me a light. I

found the man seated on the edge of a bed, with six young children

grouped round him. They were all shoeless, and playing on the bed

was an infant with only a shirt to cover it. The room was about 7

feet square, and, with the man and his wife, there were eight human

creatures living in it. In the middle of the apartment, upon a chair,

stood a washing-tub foaming with fresh suds, and from the white

crinkled hands of the wife it was plain that I had interrupted her in

her washing. On one chair, close by, was a heap of dirty linen, and on

another was flung the newly-washed. There was a saucepan on the handful

of fire, and the only ornaments on the mantelpiece were two flat-irons

and a broken shaving-glass. On the table at which I took my notes

there was the bottom of a broken ginger-beer bottle filled with soda.

The man was without a coat, and wore an old tattered and greasy black

satin waistcoat. Across the ceiling ran strings to hang clothes upon.

On my observing to the woman that I supposed she dried the clothes in

that room, she told me that they were obliged to do so, and it gave

them all colds and bad eyes. On the floor was a little bit of matting,

and on the shelves in the corner one or two plates. In answer to my

questionings the man told me he had been a dock-labourer for five or

six years. He was in Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. When there he had

150_l._ a-year. Left through accepting a bill of exchange for 871_l._

He was suspended eight years ago, and had petitioned the Lords of the

Treasury, but never could get any answer. After that he was out for two

or three years, going about doing what he could get, such as writing

letters. “Then,” said the wife, “you went into Mr. What’s-his-name’s

shop.” “Oh, yes,” answered the man, “I had six months’ employment at

Camberwell. I had 12_s._ a-week and my board there.”

Before this they had lived upon their things. He had a good stock of

furniture and clothing at that time. The wife used to go out for a

day’s work when she could get it. She used to go out shelling peas in

the pea season--washing or charing--anything she could get to do. His

father was a farmer, well to do. He should say the old man was worth a

good bit of money, and he would have some property at his death.

“Oh, sir,” said the woman, “we have been really very bad off indeed;

sometimes without even food or firing in the depth of winter. It is not

until recently that we have been to say very badly off, because within

the last four years has been our worst trouble. We had a very good

house--a seven-roomed house in Walworth--and well furnished and very

comfortable. We were in business for ourselves before we went there. We

were grocers, near Oxford-street. We lived there at the time when Aldis

the pawnbroker’s was burnt down. We might have done well if we had not

given so much credit.”

“I’ve got,” said the husband, “about 90_l._ owing me down there now.

It’s quite out of character to think of getting it. At Clerkenwell I

got a job at a grocer’s shop. The master was in the Queen’s-bench

Prison, and the mistress employed me at 12_s._ a-week until he went

through the Insolvent Debtor’s Court. When he passed the Court the

business was sold, and of course he didn’t want me after that. I’ve

done nothing else but this dock-labouring work for this long time. Took

to it first because I found there was no chance of anything else. The

character with the bill transaction was very much against me: so, being

unable to obtain employment in a wholesale house, or anywhere else, I

applied to the docks. They require no character at all there. I think

I may sometimes have had 7 or 8 days altogether. Then I was out for a

fortnight or three weeks perhaps; and then we might get a day or two

again, and on some occasion such a thing as--well, say July, August,

September, and October. I was in work one year almost the whole of

those months--three years ago I think that was. Then I did not get

anything, excepting now and then, not more than about three days’ work

until the next March; that was owing to the slack time. The first year

I might say that I might have been employed about one-third of the

time. The second year I was employed six months. The third year I was

very unfortunate. I was laid up for three months with bad eyes and a

quinsey in the throat, through working in an ice ship. I’ve scarcely

had anything to do since then. That is nearly 18 months ago; and since

then I have had casual employment, perhaps one, and sometimes two days

a-week. It would average 5_s._ a-week the whole year. Within the last

few weeks I have, through a friend, applied at a shipping-merchant’s,

and within the month I have had five days’ work with them, and nothing

else, except writing a letter, which I had 2_d._ for--that’s all the

employment I’ve met with myself. My wife has been at employment for the

last three months, she has a place she goes to work at. She has 3_s._

a-week for washing, for charing, and for mangling: the party my wife

works for has a mangle, and I go sometimes to help; for if she has got

6_d._ worth of washing to do at home, than I go to turn the mangle for

an hour instead of her,--she’s not strong enough.”

“We buy most bread,” said the wife, “and a bit of firing, and I do

manage on a Saturday night to get them a bit of meat for Sunday if I

possibly can; but what with the soap, and one thing and another, that’s

the only day they do get a bit of meat, unless I’ve a bit given me. As

for clothing, I’m sure I can’t get them any unless I have that given

me, poor little things.”

“Yes, but we have managed to get a little bread lately,” said the man.

“When bread was 11_d._ a loaf, that was the time when we was worse

off. Of course we had the seven children alive then. We buried one

only three months ago. She was an afflicted little creature for 16 or

17 months: it was one person’s work to attend to her, and was very

badly off for a few months then. We’ve known what it was sometimes

to go without bread and coals in the depth of winter. Last Christmas

two years we did so for the whole day, until the wife came home in the

evening and brought it might be 6_d._ or 9_d._ according how long she

worked. I was looking after them. I was at home ill. I have known us

to sit several days and not have more than 6_d._ to feed and warm the

whole of us for the whole of the day. We’ll buy half-a-quartern loaf,

that’ll be 4-1/2_d._ or sometimes 5_d._, and then we have a penny for

coals, that would be pretty nigh all that we could have for our money.

Sometimes we get a little oatmeal and make gruel. We had hard work to

keep the children warm at all. What with their clothes and what we had,

we did as well as we could. My children is very contented; give ’em

bread, and they’re as happy as all the world. That’s one comfort. For

instance, to-day we’ve had half-a-quartern loaf, and we had a piece

left of last night’s after I had come home. I had been earning some

money yesterday. We had 2 oz. of butter, and I had this afternoon a

quarter of an oz. of tea and a pennyworth of sugar. When I was ill

I’ve had two or three of the children round me at a time, fretting for

want of food. That was at the time I was ill. A friend gave me half

a sovereign to bury my child. The parish provided me with a coffin,

and it cost me about 3_s._ besides. We didn’t have her taken away

from here, not as a parish funeral exactly. I agreed that if he would

fetch it, and let it stand in an open space that he had got there,

near his shop, until the Saturday, which was the time, I would give

the undertaker 3_s._ to let a man come with a pall to throw over the

coffin, so that it should not be seen exactly it was a parish funeral.

Even the people in the house don’t know, not one of them, that it was

buried in that way. I had to give 1_s._ 6_d._ for a pair of shoes

before I could follow my child to the grave, and we paid 1_s._ 9_d._

for rent, all out of the half sovereign. I think there’s some people at

the docks a great deal worse off than us. I should say there’s men go

down there and stand at that gate from 7 to 12, and then they may get

called in and earn 1_s._, and that only for two or three days in the

week, after spending the whole of their time there.”

The scenes witnessed at the London Dock were of so painful a

description, the struggle for one day’s work--the scramble for

twenty-four hours’ extra-subsistence and extra-life were of so tragic a

character, that I was anxious to ascertain if possible the exact number

of individuals in and around the metropolis who live by dock labour.

I have said that at one of the docks alone I found that 1823 stomachs

would be deprived of food by the mere chopping of the breeze. “It’s

an ill wind,” says the proverb, “that blows nobody good;” and until

I came to investigate the condition of the dock-labourer I could not

have believed it possible that near upon 2000 souls in one place alone

lived, chameleon-like, upon the air, or that an easterly wind, despite

the wise saw, could deprive so many of bread. It is indeed “a nipping

and an eager air.” That the sustenance of thousands of families should

be as fickle as the very breeze itself; that the weathercock should be

the index of daily want or daily ease to such a vast number of men,

women, and children, was a climax of misery and wretchedness that I

could not have imagined to exist; and since that I have witnessed such

scenes of squalor, and crime, and suffering, as oppress the mind even

to a feeling of awe.

The docks of London are to a superficial observer the very focus of

metropolitan wealth. The cranes creak with the mass of riches. In the

warehouses are stored goods that are as it were ingots of untold gold.

Above and below ground you see piles upon piles of treasure that the

eye cannot compass. The wealth appears as boundless as the very sea it

has traversed. The brain aches in an attempt to comprehend the amount

of riches before, above, and beneath it. There are acres upon acres

of treasure, more than enough, one would fancy, to stay the cravings

of the whole world, and yet you have but to visit the hovels grouped

round about all this amazing excess of riches to witness the same

amazing excess of poverty. If the incomprehensibility of the wealth

rises to sublimity, assuredly the want that co-exists with it is

equally incomprehensible and equally sublime. Pass from the quay and

warehouses to the courts and alleys that surround them, and the mind

is as bewildered with the destitution of the one place as it is with

the superabundance of the other. Many come to see the riches, but few

the poverty, abounding in absolute masses round the far-famed port of

London.

According to the official returns, there belonged to this port on

the 31st of December, 1842, very nearly 3000 ships, of the aggregate

burden of 600,000 tons. Besides that there were 239 steamers, of 50,000

tons burden; and the crews of the entire number of ships and steamers

amounted to 35,000 men and boys. The number of British and foreign

ships that entered the port of London during the same year was 6400 and

odd, whose capacity was upwards of a million and a quarter of tons, and

the gross amount of customs duly collected upon their cargoes was very

nearly 12,000_l._ of money. So vast an amount of shipping and commerce,

it has been truly said, was never concentrated in any other single port.

Now, against this we must set the amount of misery that co-exists

with it. We have shown that the mass of men dependent for their bread

upon the business of only one of the docks are, by the shifting of

the breeze, occasionally deprived in one day of no less than 220_l._,

the labourers at the London Dock earning as a body near upon 400_l._

to-day, and to-morrow scarcely 150_l._ These docks, however, are

but one of six similar establishments--three being on the north and

three on the south side of the Thames--and all employing a greater

or less number of hands, equally dependent upon the winds for their

subsistence. Deducting, then, the highest from the lowest number

of labourers engaged at the London Dock--the extremes according

to the books are under 500 and over 3000--we have as many as 2500

individuals deprived of a day’s work and a living by the prevalence

of an easterly wind; and calculating that the same effect takes

place at the other docks--the East and West India for instance, St.

Katherine’s, Commercial, Grand Surrey, and East Country, to a greater

or less extent, and that the hands employed to load and unload the

vessels entering and quitting all these places are only four times

more than those required at the London Dock, we have as many as

12,000 individuals or families whose daily bread is as fickle as the

wind itself; whose wages, in fact, are one day collectively as much

as 1500_l._ and the next as low as 500_l._, so that 8000 men are

frequently thrown out of employ, while the earnings of the class to day

amount to 1000_l._ less than they did yesterday.

It would be curious to take an average number of days that easterly

winds prevail in London throughout the year, and so arrive at an

estimate of the exact time that the above 8000 men are unemployed

in the course of twelve months. This would give us some idea of the

amount of their average weekly earnings. By the labourers themselves

I am assured that, taking one week with another, they do not gain

5_s._ weekly throughout the year. I have made a point of visiting and

interrogating a large number of them, in order to obtain some definite

information respecting the extent of their income, and have found in

only one instance an account kept of the individual earnings. In that

case the wages averaged within a fraction of 13_s._ per week, the

total sum gained since the beginning of the year being 25_l._ odd. I

should state, however, that the man earning thus much was pointed out

to me as one of the most provident of the casual labourers, and one,

moreover, who is generally employed. “If it is possible to get work,

he’ll have it,” was said of him; “there’s not a lazy bone in his skin.”

Besides this he had done a considerable quantity of piece-work, so that

altogether the man’s earnings might be taken as the very extreme made

by the best kind of “extra hands.”

The man himself gives the following explanation as to the state of the

labour-market at the London Dock. “He has had a good turn of work,”

he says, since he has been there. “Some don’t get half what he does.

He’s not always employed, excepting when the business is in anyway

brisk, but when a kind of a slack comes the recommended men get the

preference of the work, and the extras have nothing to do. This is

the best sumner he has had since he has been in London. Has had a good

bit of piece-work. Obliged to live as he does because he can’t depend

on work. Isn’t certain of the second day’s work. He’s paid off every

night, and can’t say whether or not they’ll want him on the morrow.”

The account of his wages was written in pencil on the cover of an old

memorandum-book, and ran as follows:

£. _s._ _d._

Earned by day-work from 1st Jan. to 1st } 16 11 6

Aug. 1849 }

London Labour and the London Poor, Vol. 3 · 第 155 / 337 题