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THE KAISER'S MEMOIRS
[Illustration: WILHELM II]
THE KAISER'S MEMOIRS
by
WILHELM II
Emperor of Germany 1888-1918
English Translation by Thomas R. Ybarra
Harper & Brothers Publishers
New York and London
1922
THE KAISER'S MEMOIRS
Copyright, 1922
By McClure Newspaper Syndicate
Copyright, 1922
By Harper & Brothers
Printed in the U. S. A.
_First Edition_
K-W
CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
I. BISMARCK 1
II. CAPRIVI 51
III. HOHENLOHE 59
IV. BÜLOW 95
V. BETHMANN 124
VI. MY CO-WORKERS IN THE ADMINISTRATION 171
VII. SCIENCE AND ART 196
VIII. MY RELATIONS WITH THE CHURCH 208
IX. ARMY AND NAVY 223
X. THE OUTBREAK OF WAR 246
XI. THE POPE AND PEACE 263
XII. END OF THE WAR AND MY ABDICATION 272
XIII. THE ENEMY TRIBUNAL AND THE NEUTRAL TRIBUNAL 292
XIV. THE QUESTION OF GUILT 303
XV. THE REVOLUTION AND GERMANY'S FUTURE 337
THE KAISER'S MEMOIRS
CHAPTER I
Bismarck
Prince Bismarck's greatness as a statesman and his imperishable
services to Prussia and Germany are historical facts of such tremendous
significance that there is doubtless no man in existence, whatever his
party affiliations, who would dare to place them in question. For this
very reason alone it is stupid to accuse me of not having recognized
the greatness of Prince Bismarck. The opposite is the truth. I revered
and idolized him. Nor could it be otherwise. It should be borne in
mind with what generation I grew up--the generation of the devotees of
Bismarck. He was the creator of the German Empire, the paladin of my
grandfather, and all of us considered him the greatest statesman of his
day and were proud that he was a German. Bismarck was the idol in my
temple, whom I worshiped.
But monarchs also are human beings of flesh and blood, hence they, too,
are exposed to the influences emanating from the conduct of others;
therefore, looking at the matter from a human point of view, one will
understand how Prince Bismarck, by his fight against me, himself
destroyed, with heavy blows, the idol of which I have spoken. But my
reverence for Bismarck, the great statesman, remained unaltered.
While I was still Prince of Prussia I often thought to myself: "I hope
that the great Chancellor will live for many years yet, since I should
be safe if I could govern with him." But my reverence for the great
statesman was not such as to make me take upon my own shoulders, when
I became Emperor, political plans or actions of the Prince which I
considered mistakes. Even the Congress of Berlin in 1878 was, to my
way of thinking, a mistake, likewise the "Kulturkampf." Moreover, the
constitution of the Empire was drawn up so as to fit in with Bismarck's
extraordinary preponderance as a statesman; the big cuirassier boots
did not fit every man.
Then came the labor-protective legislation. I most deeply deplored the
dispute which grew out of this, but, at that time, it was necessary for
me _to take the road to compromise, which has generally been my road
both on domestic and foreign politics_. For this reason I could not
wage the open warfare against the Social Democrats which the Prince
desired. Nevertheless, this quarrel about political measures cannot
lessen my admiration for the greatness of Bismarck as a statesman; he
remains the creator of the German Empire, and surely no _one_ man need
have done more for his country than that.
Owing to the fact that the great matter of unifying the Empire was
always before my eyes, I did not allow myself to be influenced by the
agitations which were the commonplaces of those days. In like manner,
the fact that Bismarck was called the majordomo of the Hohenzollerns
could not shake my trust in the Prince, although he, perhaps, had
thoughts of a political tradition for his family. As evidence of this,
he felt unhappy, for instance, that his son Bill felt no interest in
politics and wished to pass on his power to Herbert.
HIS GRANDFATHER'S SUCCESSOR
The tragic element for me, in the Bismarck case, lay in the fact that I
became the successor of my grandfather--in other words, that I skipped
one generation, to a certain extent. And that is a serious thing. In
such a case one is forced to deal constantly with old deserving men,
who live more in the past than in the present, and cannot grow into the
future. When the grandson succeeds his grandfather and finds a revered
but old statesman of the stature of Bismarck, it is not a piece of good
luck for him, as one might suppose, and I, in fact, supposed. Bismarck
himself points that out in the third volume of his memoirs (p. 40),
when he speaks, in the chapter about Bötticher, of the oldish caution
of the Chancellor, and of the young Emperor.
And when Ballin had the Prince cast a glance over the new harbor of
Hamburg, Bismarck himself felt that a new era had begun which he no
longer thoroughly understood. On that occasion the Prince remarked, in
astonishment, "Another world, a new world!"
This point of view also showed itself on the occasion of the visit of
Admiral von Tirpitz at Friedrichsruh, at the time when he wished to win
the old Imperial Chancellor over to favoring the first Navy bill.
As for me personally, I have the satisfaction of recalling that
Bismarck intrusted to me in 1886 the very delicate Brest mission, and
said of me: "Some day that man will be his own Chancellor." This shows
that Bismarck must have had some belief in me.
I feel no grudge against him for the third volume of his reminiscences.
I released this volume after I had sought and obtained my rights. To
withhold the volume any longer would have been pointless, since the
main contents had become known already through indiscretions; were this
not true, there might have been varying opinions as to the advisability
in the choice of the time for publication. Bismarck would turn over
in his grave if he could know at what time the third volume appeared,
and what consequences it had. I should be honestly grieved if the
third volume had damaged the memory of the great Chancellor, because
Bismarck is one of the heroic figures whom the German people need for
their regeneration. My gratitude and reverence for the great Chancellor
cannot be impaired or extinguished by the third volume nor by anything
else whatever.
In the first half of the 'eighties I had been summoned to the Foreign
Office at the behest of Prince Bismarck; it was then presided over by
Count Herbert Bismarck. Upon reporting myself to the Prince he gave me
a short sketch of the personages employed at the Foreign Office, and
when he named Herr von Holstein, who was then one of the most prominent
collaborators of the Prince, it seemed to me that a slight warning
against this man ran through the Prince's words.
I got a room all to myself, and all the documents concerning the
preliminary history, origin, and conclusion of the alliance with
Austria (Andrassy) were laid before me in order that I might study
them. I went often to the home of the Prince and to that of Count
Herbert.
THE MAN WITH THE HYENA'S EYES
When I had thus become more intimate in the Bismarck circle I heard
more open talk about Herr von Holstein. I heard that he was very
clever, a good worker, inordinately proud, an odd sort of man, who
never showed himself anywhere and had no social relations, full of
distrust, much influenced by whims, and, besides all this, a good
hater, and, therefore, dangerous. Prince Bismarck called him "The Man
with the Hyena's Eyes," and told me that it would be well for me to
keep away from him. It was quite apparent that the bitter attitude
which the Prince showed later toward Holstein, his former collaborator,
was forming even at that time.
The Foreign Office was conducted with the strictest discipline by Count
Herbert, whose rudeness toward his employees particularly struck me.
The gentlemen there simply flew when they were summoned or dismissed
by the Count, so much so that a joking saying arose at the time that
"their coat tails stood straight out behind them." The foreign policy
was conducted and dictated by Prince Bismarck alone, after consultation
with Count Herbert, who passed on the commands of the Chancellor and
had them transformed into instructions. Hence _the Foreign Office was
nothing but an office of the great Chancellor_, where work was done
according to his directions. Able men, with independent ideas, were not
schooled and trained there.
This was in contrast to the General Staff under Moltke. There new
officers were carefully developed and trained to independent thinking
and action, in accordance with approved principles, and by dint of
preserving old traditions and taking into account all that modern times
had taught. At the Foreign Office there were only executive instruments
of a will, who were not informed as to the important interrelationship
of the questions turned over to them for treatment, and could not,
therefore, collaborate independently. The Prince loomed up like a huge
block of granite in a meadow; were he to be dragged away, what would be
found beneath would be mostly worms and dead roots.
I won the confidence of the Prince, who consulted me about many
things. For instance, when the Prince brought about the first German
colonial acquisitions (Gross and Klein Popo, Togo, etc.), I informed
him, at his wish, concerning the state of mind created in the public
and the navy by this move, and described to him the enthusiasm with
which the German people had hailed the new road. The Prince remarked
that the matter hardly deserved this.
Later on I spoke often with the Prince about the colonial question
and always found in him the intention to utilize the colonies as
commercial objects, or objects for swapping purposes, other than to
make them useful to the fatherland or utilize them as sources of raw
materials. As was my duty, I called the Prince's attention to the fact
that merchants and capitalists were beginning energetically to develop
the colonies and that, therefore--as I had learned from Hanseatic
circles--they counted upon protection from a navy. For this reason, I
pointed out that steps must be taken for _getting a fleet constructed_
in time, in order that German assets in foreign lands should not be
without protection; that, since the Prince had unfurled the German flag
in foreign parts, and the people stood behind it, there must also be a
navy behind it.
BISMARCK'S CONTINENTAL PREPOSSESSIONS
But the Prince turned a deaf ear to my statements and made use of
his pet motto: "If the English should land on our soil I should have
them arrested." His idea was that the colonies would be defended by
us at home. The Prince attached no importance to the fact that the
very assumption that the English could land without opposition in
Germany--since Heligoland was English--was unbearable for Germany, and
that we, in order to make a landing impossible from the start, needed a
sufficiently strong navy, and, likewise, Heligoland.
The political interest of the Prince was, in fact, concentrated
essentially upon continental Europe; England lay somewhat to one
side among the cares that burdened him daily, all the more so since
Salisbury stood well with him and had, in the name of England, hailed
with satisfaction the Double (_i. e._, Triple) Alliance, at the time
of its formation. The Prince worked primarily with Russia, Austria,
Italy, and Rumania, whose relations toward Germany and one another he
constantly watched over. As to the prudence and skill with which he
acted, Emperor William the Great once made a pointed remark to von
Albedyll, his chief of Cabinet.
The General found His Majesty much excited after a talk with Bismarck,
to such an extent that he feared for the health of the old Emperor. He
remarked, therefore, that His Majesty should avoid similar worry in
future; that, if Bismarck was unwilling to do as His Majesty wished,
His Majesty should dismiss him. Whereupon the Emperor replied that,
despite his admiration and gratitude toward the great Chancellor,
he had already thought of dismissing him, since the self-conscious
attitude of the Prince became at times too oppressive. But both he and
the country needed Bismarck too badly. Bismarck was the one man who
could juggle five balls of which at least two were always in the air.
That trick, added the Emperor, was beyond his own powers.
Prince Bismarck did not realize that, through the acquisition of
colonies for Germany, he would be obliged to look beyond Europe and
be automatically forced to act, politically, on a large scale--with
England especially. England, to be sure, was one of the five balls in
his diplomatic-statesmanly game, but she was merely one of the five,
and he did not grant her the special importance which was her due.
For this reason it was that the Foreign Office likewise was involved
entirely in the continental interplay of politics, had not the
requisite interest in colonies, navy, or England, and possessed no
experience in world politics. The English psychology and mentality, as
shown in the pursuit--constant, though concealed by all sorts of little
cloaks--of world hegemony, was to the German Foreign Office a book
sealed with seven seals.
SOURCE OF RUSSIAN ENMITY
Once Prince Bismarck remarked to me that his main object was to not
let Russia and England come to an understanding. I took the liberty of
observing that the opportunity to postpone such an understanding for
a long time lay ready to hand in 1877-78, when the Russians might have
been allowed to occupy Constantinople--had this been done, the English
fleet would have sailed in without further ado to defend Constantinople
and the Russo-English conflict would have been on. Instead, I
continued, the Treaty of San Stefano was forced upon the Russians and
they were compelled to turn about at the very gates of the city which
they had reached and saw before them, after frightful battles and
hardships.
This, I went on, had created an inextinguishable hatred in the Russian
army against us (as had been reported by Prussian officers who had
accompanied the Russian army on the Turkish campaign, especially Count
Pfeil); moreover, the above-mentioned treaty had been cast aside and
the Berlin Treaty substituted for it, which had burdened us even more
with the hostility of the Russians, who looked upon us as the enemy of
their "just interests in the East." Thus the conflict between Russia
and England, which the Prince desired, had been relegated far into the
future.
Prince Bismarck did not agree with this judgment of "his" Congress,
concerning the results of which he, as the "honest broker," was so
proud; he remarked earnestly that he had wished to prevent a general
conflagration and had been compelled to offer his services as a
mediator. When I, later on, told a gentleman at the Foreign Office
about this conversation, he replied that he had been present when
the Prince, after signing the Berlin Treaty, came into the Foreign
Office and received the congratulations of the officials assembled
there. After he had listened to them the Prince stood up and replied:
"Now I am driving Europe four-in-hand!" In the opinion of the said
gentleman the Prince was mistaken in this, since, even at that time,
there was the threat of a Russo-French friendship in place of the
Russo-Prussian--in other words, two horses were already to be counted
out of the four-in-hand. As Russia saw it, Disraeli's statecraft had
turned Bismarck's work as "honest broker" into the negotiation of an
Anglo-Austrian victory over Russia.
Despite considerable differences in our opinions, Prince Bismarck
remained friendly and kindly disposed to me, and, despite the great
difference in our ages, a pleasant relationship grew up between
us, since I, in common with all those of my generation, was an
ardent admirer of the Prince and had won his trust by my zeal and
frankness--nor have I ever betrayed that trust.
During the time of my assignment at the Foreign Office, Privy Councilor
Raschdau, among others, discoursed with me on commercial policy,
colonies, etc. In these matters, even at that early date, my attention
was called to our dependence upon England, due to the fact that we had
no navy and that Heligoland was in English hands. To be sure, there
was a project to extend our colonial possessions under the pressure of
necessity, but all this could happen only with England's permission.
This was a serious matter, and certainly an unworthy position for
Germany.
INTERCOURT POLITICS
My assignment at the Foreign Office brought a very unpleasant happening
in its wake. My parents were not very friendly toward Prince Bismarck
and looked with disfavor upon the fact that their son had entered into
the Prince's circle. There was fear of my becoming influenced against
my parents, of superconservatism, of all sorts of perils, which all
sorts of tale bearers from England and "liberal circles," who rallied
around my father, imputed against me. I never bothered my head with all
this nonsense, but my position in the house of my parents was rendered
much more difficult for me and, at times, painful. Through my work
under Prince Bismarck and the confidence reposed in me--often subjected
to the severest tests--I have had to suffer much in silence for the
sake of the Chancellor; he, however, apparently took this quite as a
matter of course.
I was on good terms with Count Herbert Bismarck. He could be a very
gay companion and knew how to assemble interesting men around his
table, partly from the Foreign Office, partly from other circles.
However, true friendship never ripened between us two. This was shown
particularly when the Count asked to go at the same time that his
father retired. My request that he stay by me and help me to maintain
tradition in our political policy elicited the sharp reply that he had
become accustomed to report to his father and serve him, wherefore it
was out of the question to demand that he come, with his dispatch case
under his arm, to report to anybody else than his father.
When Tsar Nicholas II, he who has been murdered, came of age, I was
assigned at the instigation of Prince Bismarck to confer upon the
heir-apparent at St. Petersburg the Order of the Black Eagle. Both the
Emperor and Prince Bismarck instructed me concerning the relationship
of the two countries and the two reigning dynasties with each other,
as well as concerning customs, personages, etc. The Emperor remarked
in conclusion that he would give his grandson the same piece of advice
that was given him, on the occasion of his first visit as a young man
to Russia, by Count Adlerberg, _viz._, "In general, there as well as
elsewhere, people prefer praise to criticism." Prince Bismarck closed
his remarks with these words: "In the East, all those who wear their
shirts outside their trousers are decent people, but as soon as they
tuck their shirts inside their trousers and hang a medal around their
necks, they become pig-dogs."
From St. Petersburg I repeatedly reported to my grandfather and to
Prince Bismarck. Naturally, I described, to the best of my knowledge,
the impressions which I got. I noticed especially that the old
Russo-Prussian relations and sentiments had cooled to a marked extent
and were no longer such as the Emperor and Prince Bismarck in their
talks with me had assumed. After my return, both my grandfather
and the Prince praised me for my plain, clear report, which was all
the pleasanter for me since I was oppressed by the feeling that,
in a number of things, I had been forced to disillusion these high
personages.
TO OFFER DARDANELLES TO RUSSIA
In 1886, at the end of August and beginning of September, after the
last meeting at Gastein of Emperor William the Great and Prince
Bismarck with Emperor Franz Josef, where I also was present at the
command of my grandfather, I was commissioned to report personally to
Tsar Alexander II concerning the decisions made there and to take up
with him the questions relating to the Mediterranean and Turkey. Prince
Bismarck gave me his instructions, sanctioned by Emperor William; they
dealt most especially with Russia's desire to reach Constantinople,
to which the Prince meant to raise no obstacles. On the contrary, I
received direct instructions to offer Russia Constantinople and the
Dardanelles (in other words, San Stefano and the Berlin Treaty had been
dropped!). There was a plan to persuade Turkey in a friendly way that
an understanding with Russia was desirable for her also.
The Tsar received me cordially at Brest-Litovsk and I was present there
at reviews of troops and fortress and defensive maneuvers, which, even
then, unquestionably bore an anti-German look.
To sum up my conversations with the Tsar, the following remark by him
is of importance: "If I wish to have Constantinople, I shall take
it whenever I feel like it, without need of permission or approval
from Prince Bismarck." After this rude refusal of the Bismarck offer
of Constantinople, I looked upon my mission as a failure and made my
report to the Prince accordingly.
When the Prince decided to make his offer to the Tsar, he must have
altered his political conceptions which had led to San Stefano and
the Congress of Berlin; or else, on account of the development of the
general political situation in Europe, he considered that the moment
had come for shuffling the political cards in another way or, as my
grandfather had put it, to "juggle" differently. Only a man of the
world importance and diplomatic ability of Prince Bismarck could embark
on such a course. Whether the Prince had planned his big political
game with Russia in such a way that he might, first, by means of the
Congress of Berlin, prevent a general war and cajole England, and then,
after having thus hindered Russia's Eastern aspirations, cater to these
aspirations later, by a stroke of genius, in an even more striking
manner, it is impossible for me to say--Prince Bismarck never told
anyone about his great political projects.
If the above is true, Bismarck, trusting absolutely to his
statesmanlike skill, must have reckoned upon bringing Germany all the
more into Russian favor because Russian aspirations were brought to
fulfillment by Germany alone--and that at a moment when the general
European political situation was less strained than in 1877-78.
In this case, nobody except Prince Bismarck could have played the
tremendous game to a successful end. And therein lies the weakness in
the superiority of great men. Had he also informed England of his offer
to the Tsar? England must have been opposed to it, as in 1878.
In any event, the Prince now adopted the policy which I had already
noted when I realized the disillusion of the Russians at having stood
before the gates of Constantinople without being allowed to enter.
PROPHECY OF RUSSIAN DOWNFALL
At Brest-Litovsk, in the course of the constant military preparations
of all kinds, I could easily see that the conduct of the Russian
officers toward me was essentially cooler and haughtier than on the
occasion of my first visit to St. Petersburg. Only the small group of
old generals, especially those at the Russian court, who dated from the
days of Alexander II, and who knew and esteemed Emperor William the
Great, still showed their reverence for him and their friendly feeling
toward Germany. In the course of a talk with one of them concerning
the relations between the two courts, armies, and countries, which I
had found undergoing a change in comparison with former times, the
old General said: "C'est ce vilain congrès de Berlin. Une grave faute
du Chancelier. Il a détruit l'ancienne amitié entre nous, planté la
méfiance dans les coeurs de la Cour et du Gouvernement, et fourni le
sentiment d'un grave tort fait à l'armée russe après sa campagne
sanglante de 1877, pour lequel elle veut sa revanche. Et nous voilà
ensemble avec cette maudite République Française, pleins de haine
contre vous et rempli d'idées subversives, qui en cas de guerre avec
vous, nous coûteront notre dynastie."[1]
A prophetic foreshadowing of the downfall of the reigning Russian
dynasty!
From Brest I went to Strassburg, where my grandfather was attending the
Imperial maneuvers. In spite of the failure of my mission I found calm
judgments of the political situation. My grandfather was pleased at
the cordial greetings from the Tsar, which, in so far as the personal
relationship of the two rulers was concerned, showed no change of
heart. Also, to my surprise, I received a letter from Prince Bismarck
wherein he expressed gratitude and appreciation to me for my actions
and my report. This meant all the more since my statements could not
have been agreeable to my grandfather and the Chancellor. The Congress
of Berlin had, especially in Russian military circles, done away with
the remnants of the brotherhood in arms still fostered among us and had
engendered a hatred against everything Prussian and German, stirred
up by association with French officers, which was increased by the
French until it developed into the desire of vengeance by means of
arms. That was the soil in which, later, the World War ambitions of our
foes found nourishment. "Revanche pour Sedan," combined with "Revanche
pour San Stefano." The words of the old General at Brest have remained
unforgettably engraved upon my memory; they induced me to bring about
my many meetings with Alexander III and Nicholas II, at which my
grandfather's wish, impressed upon me on his deathbed, that I watch
over our relations with Russia, has always been my guiding motive.
RELIEF AT CHANCELLOR'S DISMISSAL
In 1890, at the Narva maneuvers, I was obliged to describe minutely
to the Tsar the retirement of Prince Bismarck. The Tsar listened very
attentively. When I had finished, the usually very cool and reserved
sovereign, who seldom spoke about politics, spontaneously seized my
hand, thanked me for this token of my confidence, regretted that I
had been brought into such a situation and added, in exactly these
words: "Je comprends parfaitement ta ligne d'action; le Prince avec
toute sa grandeur n'était après tout rien d'autre que ton employé ou
fonctionnaire. Le moment où il réfusait d'agir selon tes ordres, il
fallait le renvoyer. Moi pour ma part je me suis toujours méfié de lui,
et je ne lui ai jamais cru un mot de ce qu'il faisait savoir ou me
disait lui-même, car j'étais sûr et savais qu'il me blaguait tout le
temps. Pour les rapports entre nous deux, mon cher Guillaume [this was
the first time that the Tsar so addressed me], la chute du Prince aura
les meilleures conséquences, la méfiance disparaîtra. J'ai confiance en
toi. Tu peux te fier à moi."[2]
I immediately wrote down this important talk at the time it occurred.
I am objective enough to ask myself to what extent the courtesy of
one ruler to another and possibly, in addition, the satisfaction at
the elimination of a statesman of Bismarck's importance, can have
influenced the Tsar, consciously or unconsciously, in making the
above-mentioned statement. Prince Bismarck's belief in the Tsar's trust
in him was, subjectively, undoubtedly genuine; and, moreover, there can
be no doubt as to the esteem in which Alexander III held Bismarck's
ability as a statesman.
In any event, the Tsar remained true to his word up to the day of his
death. This, to be sure, did little to change Russia's general policy,
but Germany, at least, was safe from an attack from that quarter. The
straightforward character of Alexander III guaranteed this--it became
otherwise under his weak son.
Whatever one's attitude may be toward Bismarck's Russian policy, one
thing must be acknowledged: the Prince, despite the Congress of Berlin
and the rapprochement of France to Russia, was able to avoid serious
friction. That is equivalent to saying that, reckoning from the time of
the Berlin Congress, he played a superior diplomatic and statesmanlike
game for twelve years (1878-90).
GERMANY AS PEACEMAKER
One must also lay stress upon the fact that it was a German statesman
who, in 1878, prevented a general war, even at the cost of weakening
the relations of Germany to Russia, in the justified belief that he
would succeed, being a statesman of genius who knew exactly what he was
aiming at, in strengthening these relations once more, or, at least,
in avoiding conflicts after he had overcome the crisis threatening all
Europe.
He succeeded in doing that for twelve years and his successors at the
helm of the ship of state succeeded in doing likewise for twenty-four
more years.
When I was a Prince I purposely held aloof from party politics,
concentrating my entire attention upon my duties in the different army
branches to which I was assigned. This afforded me satisfaction and
filled up my whole life. For this reason I avoided, while I was Prince
of Prussia, all attempts to drag me into party activities. Often enough
endeavors were made, under the cloak of harmless functions, teas and
the like, to ensnare me into political circles or for electioneering
purposes. But I always held aloof.
The outcome of the treacherous malady which killed Emperor Frederick
III was frankly told me in advance by German physicians called
into consultation as experts by the English physician, Sir Morell
Mackenzie. My deep grief and sorrow were all the greater because it
was almost impossible for me to speak alone with my beloved father.
He was guarded like a prisoner by the English physicians and, though
reporters from all countries could look upon the poor sick man from
the physicians' room, every kind of obstacle was placed in my path to
keep me from my father's side and even to prevent me from keeping in
constant touch with him by writing; my letters were often intercepted
and not delivered. Moreover, from among the group of watchers, an
infamous, organized campaign of slander was conducted in the newspapers
against me. Two journalists were especially active in this: one Herr
Schnidrowitz and M. Jacques St. Cère, of the _Figaro_--a German
Jew--who slandered him who was later Emperor in the most poisonous way
in France, until the "Petit Sucrier" trial put an end to his activities.
I gave the dying Emperor his last joy on earth when I had the Second
Infantry Brigade march past him, led by me in person. These were the
first and last troops seen by Frederick III as Emperor. He delighted
his son by writing on this occasion, on a little card, that he was
grateful for having had the pleasure of seeing these troops and proud
to call them his own. This event was a ray of light during the gloomy
ninety-nine days, which brought upon me also, as Crown Prince, much
grief, humiliation, and suspicion. In fulfillment of my duty during
this crisis, I kept a watchful eye upon all happenings in military,
official, and social circles, and was inwardly outraged at the signs of
slackness which I noted everywhere, most especially at the hostility
against my mother, which was becoming more and more noticeable.
Moreover, I was naturally deeply hurt at the constant campaign of
slander directed against me which depicted me as living in discord with
my father.
HE BECOMES EMPEROR
After Emperor Frederick III had closed his eyes forever, the heavy
burden of governing the Empire fell upon my youthful shoulders. First
of all I was confronted with the necessity of making changes in the
government personnel in various quarters. The military entourage of the
two emperors, as well as the body of officialdom, had grown too old.
The so-called "maison militaire" (military household of Emperor William
the Great) had been retained in its entirety by Emperor Frederick III,
without being required to discharge military duties. In addition, there
was the entourage of Emperor Frederick III. I proceeded to dismiss,
in the friendliest way, all those gentlemen who wished to go into
retirement; some of them received positions in the army, a few of the
younger remained in my service for the transition period.
During the ninety-nine days, while I was still Crown Prince, I had
silently concerned myself with those personages to whom I proposed
later to give appointments, since the physicians had left me no
doubt that my father had only a short time to live. I ignored court
or external considerations; nothing but previous achievements and
character moved me to my choice. I did away with the term "maison
militaire" and transformed it into "Main Headquarters of His
Majesty." In choosing my entourage I took the advice of only one man
in whom I reposed special confidence, my former chief and brigade
commander, General--afterward Adjutant General--von Versen, a man
of straightforward, knightly, rather harsh character, an officer of
the old Prussian school, a typical chip of the old block. During his
military service in line and guard regiments he had noted with an
observing eye the court influences and tendencies which had often
worked to the disadvantage of the officer corps in the old "maison
militaire." In this direction the circle of ladies of high position,
jokingly known among the officers as "trente et quarante" on account
of their age, also played a certain part. I wished to eliminate such
influences.
I appointed General von Wittich my First Adjutant General and General
von Hahnke, commander of the Second Infantry Guard Division, chief of
my Military Cabinet. The latter was a friend of Emperor Frederick III
and, while I was still serving with the First Infantry Guard Regiment,
he was my brigade commander. These two were men of military experience
and iron principles, who shared absolutely the sentiments of their
master, and remained bound to me to the end of their lives by the most
exemplary fidelity.
As the head of my court I appointed a man known to me from his youth,
the former Court Marshal of my father, Count August Eulenburg, who
remained at the head of the Ministry of the Royal House until his
death in June, 1921, at the age of eighty-two years. He was a man
of fine tact, uncommon ability, clear insight in court as well
as political matters, sincere character, and golden fidelity to
his King and his King's family. His manifold abilities would have
enabled him, to the same degree that they had made him known as Court
Marshal throughout Europe, to act with equal success as ambassador
or as Imperial Chancellor. Working with unswerving zeal, endowed
with winning politeness, he stood by me with helpful counsel in many
matters--dynastic, family, court, public life. He had to do with many
men, in all social strata and all walks of life, by all of whom he was
revered and esteemed, and he was treated by me likewise with friendship
and gratitude.
VICTORIA'S HAND IS FELT
After consultation with Prince Bismarck, Herr von Lucanus from the
Ministry of Public Worship and Instruction, was appointed chief of the
Civil Cabinet. Prince Bismarck observed jokingly that he was pleased
with this choice, since Herr von Lucanus was known to him as an able
and enthusiastic huntsman, which was always a good recommendation for
a civilian official; he added that a good huntsman was a regular good
fellow. Herr von Lucanus took over his post from His Excellency von
Wilmowski. He discharged his duties admirably and, being well endowed
in all pertaining to art, technical matters, science, and politics, he
was to me a counselor, untiring collaborator, and friend. He combined
with a healthy knowledge of men a strong dash of refined humor, which
is so often lacking in men of the Germanic race.
With Prince Bismarck I had stood on very good and trustful terms ever
since my assignment at the Foreign Office. Then, as well as before, I
revered the powerful Chancellor with all the ardor of my youth and was
proud to have served under him and to have the opportunity now to work
with him as my Chancellor.
The Prince, who was present during the last hours of the old Emperor
and had listened with me to the latter's political testament to his
grandson--_i. e._, his wish as to the special care to be lavished upon
relations with Russia--brought about my summer trip to St. Petersburg
as my first political act before the eyes of the world, in order to
emphasize our relationship to Russia in accordance with the last wish
of my dying grandfather. He also had "travel arrangements" drawn up
for me.
An obstacle was placed in the way of carrying out this plan by a
letter from Queen Victoria of England, who, upon hearing of the
projected visit to St. Petersburg, expressed to her eldest grandson,
in a good-humored but authoritative tone, her disapproval of the
contemplated journey. She said that a year of mourning must first
elapse, after which my first visit was due to her, since she was my
grandmother, and to England, it being the native country of my mother,
before other lands should be considered. When I placed this letter
before the Prince, he gave way to a violent fit of anger. He spoke
about "family dictation in England," of interference from that quarter
which must cease; the tone of the letter showed, he said, how the Crown
Prince and Emperor Frederick had been ordered about and influenced
by his mother-in-law, wife, etc. Thereupon the Prince wished to draw
up the text of a reply to the Queen. I remarked that I would prepare
the appropriate answer, steering the proper middle course between the
grandson and the Emperor, and that I would show it to the Prince before
dispatching it.
The answer paid heed in its outward form to the close relationship
between a grandson and his grandmother, who had carried him in her
arms when he was a baby and, in view of her age alone, commanded great
respect--but, in its essentials, it laid stress upon the position and
duty of the German Emperor, compelled to carry out unconditionally a
command of his dying father affecting Germany's most vital interests.
It stated that the grandson was obliged to respect this command of
his grandfather in the interest of the country, the representation of
which interests had now devolved upon him by the will of God, and that
his royal grandmother must leave to him the question of deciding in
what manner this was to be done. I added that, otherwise, I was her
loving grandson, who would always be grateful for any advice from his
grandmother, who had derived so much experience from her long reign;
but that I was, nevertheless, in matters affecting Germany, compelled
to retain my freedom of action; the visit to St. Petersburg, I said,
was politically necessary, and the command of my Imperial grandfather
was consonant with the close family relations between me and the
Russian Imperial house; therefore it would be carried out.
The Prince approved of the letter. The answer, which arrived after a
while, was surprising. The Queen agreed that her grandson was in the
right; he must act in accordance with the interests of his country; she
would be glad to see him, even if it were later on, at her own home.
From that day onward my relations with the Queen, who was feared even
by her own children, were of the best imaginable; from that day onward
she never treated her grandson except as a sovereign of equal rank with
herself!
On my first journeys I was accompanied by Count Herbert, as the
representative of the Foreign Office. He drew up the speeches and
conducted the political conferences, in so far as they were of an
official nature, in accordance with the instructions of his father.
CONFLICT ON TURKISH POLICY
Upon my return from Constantinople in 1889 I described to the Prince
at his request my impressions of Greece, where my sister Sophie was
married to the heir-apparent, Crown Prince Constantine, and also my
Constantinople impressions. In doing this, it struck me that Prince
Bismarck spoke quite disdainfully of Turkey, of the men in high
position there, and of conditions in that land. I thought I might
inspire him in part with essentially more favorable opinions, but my
efforts were of little avail. Upon asking the Prince the reason why
he held such an unfavorable opinion, he answered that Count Herbert
had reported very disapprovingly on Turkey. Prince Bismarck and Count
Herbert were never favorably inclined toward Turkey and they never
agreed with me in my Turkish policy--the old policy of Frederick the
Great.
During the last period of his tenure of office as Chancellor, Bismarck
declared that the maintenance of friendly relations with Russia, whose
Tsar reposed special trust in him, was the most important reason for
his remaining at his post. In this connection it was that he gave me
the first hints concerning the secret reinsurance treaty with Russia.
Up to then I had heard nothing about it, either from the Prince or
the Foreign Office, although it happened that I had concerned myself
especially with Russian matters.
When I assumed the reins of government owing to the early death of my
father, the generation of the grandson, as I have already remarked,
followed upon the generation of the grandfather, which meant that
the entire generation of Emperor Frederick was overleaped. This
generation, through its dealings with Crown Prince Frederick William,
was imbued with many liberal ideas and projects of reform which were
to be carried out under the direction of the Emperor Frederick. Upon
his death, this entire generation, especially the politicians, found
itself deceived in its hopes of exerting influence, and felt itself,
to a certain extent, in the position of an orphan. Those belonging
to it, despite the fact that they did not know my inner thoughts and
aims, adopted a distrustful and reserved attitude toward me, instead of
transferring their interest from the father to the son, for the purpose
of furthering the welfare of the fatherland.
There was one exception to this--a representative of the National
Liberals, Herr von Benda--a man still in the full bloom of youth. While
I was still Prince I had made his acquaintance at the great hare hunts
got up by Councilor Dietze at Barby. There Herr von Benda had won my
affection and confidence when I, surrounded by older men, had listened
to discussions on political, agricultural, and national-economic
questions. In the course of these, Herr von Benda held my attention
by means of his independent, interesting judgment. I accepted with
pleasure an invitation to Benda's country seat, Rudow, near Berlin, and
from this arose the custom of a regular yearly visit.
The hours spent in the family circle at Rudow stand out pleasantly in
my memory. His talented daughters used to regale us with music. The
political conversations there proved Herr von Benda to be a man of
great foresight, which, free from partisan considerations, gave him
an open mind as to the general needs of the state to an extent seldom
found among members of political parties. He gave me many a helpful
piece of advice for the future, drawn from the depths of his faithful,
genuinely Prussian heart, by which he was attached firmly to the family
of his sovereign; yet he was able to feel broad tolerance for other
parties.
HIS ATTITUDE TOWARD PARTIES
The later periods of my reign proved that I was not hostile to any
party, with the exception of the Ultra-Socialists; also, that I was
not anti-Liberal. My most important Finance Minister was the Liberal,
Miquel; my Minister of Commerce was the Liberal, Möller; the leader
of the Liberals, Herr von Bennigsen, was Chief President of Hanover.
I stood very close, especially in the second half of my reign, to
an elderly Liberal deputy, whose acquaintance I made through Herr
von Miquel. This man was Herr Seydel (Celchen), owner of an estate
in eastern Germany--a man with two clever eyes, which gazed forth
from a clean-shaven face. He worked with Miquel in railway and canal
questions, and was a thoroughly able, simple, practical man--a Liberal
with a streak of conservatism.
Naturally, I had numerous dealings and points of contact with the
Conservative party, since the gentlemen of the country nobility often
met me at court hunts and other hunts, or else came to court and served
in court positions. Through them I could become thoroughly informed on
all agrarian questions and learn where the farmer's shoe pinched him.
The Free Thinkers, under the "unswerving" leader, entered into no
relations with me; they limited themselves to opposition.
In my conversations with Benda and Bennigsen we often spoke of the
future of Liberalism, and, on one occasion, Benda made this interesting
observation: "It is not necessary and also not advisable to have the
Prussian heir-apparent dabble in Liberalism--we have no use for that
sort of thing. He must be essentially conservative, though he must,
at the same time, combine this with breadth, and avoid narrowness and
prejudice against other parties."
Bennigsen agreed with me when I spoke to him of the necessity of
having the National Liberals revise their program, which--originally
bearing the motto: "Maintenance of the German Empire and Freedom of
the Press"--had long since rallied the members around the Liberal
banner--in order that, by such revision, the proselytizing power of
the old brand of Prussian Liberalism should not be lost among the
people. Both the Prussian Liberals and the Conservatives, I continued,
made the mistake of remembering too well the old period of conflict of
1861-66; and, at elections and other political fights, they were prone
to fall back into the habits of those days. That period, I said, had
already passed into history and come to an end so far as our generation
was concerned; the present had begun for us with the year 1870 and the
new Empire; our generation had drawn a line under the year 1866; we
must build anew upon the foundations of the Empire; political parties
must shape their course also in this direction and not take over from
the past stuff that was outworn and, moreover, calculated to create
discord. Unfortunately, all this has not come to pass. Bennigsen made
a very telling point when he said: "Woe to the North German Liberals
if they come under the leadership of the South German Democrats, for
that will mean the end of real, genuine Liberalism! Then we shall get
the masked democracy arising from below, for which we have no use
hereabout."
The Conservative party, honorable and faithful to its King,
unfortunately has not always produced leaders of superior endowments
who were at the same time skillful, tactically trained politicians. The
agrarian wing was at times too strongly marked and was a burden to the
party. Moreover, memories of the period of conflict were still too
lively. I counseled union with the Liberals, but found little support.
I often pointed out that the National Liberals in the Empire were true
to the Empire and to the Emperor, for which reason they should be
thoroughly welcome to the Conservatives as allies; that I could not and
did not wish to govern without them in the Empire, and was absolutely
unwilling to govern against them; that North German conservatism was
misunderstood in some parts of the Empire because of differences in
historical development; and that, therefore, the National Liberals were
the natural allies. It was owing to these views of mine, for instance,
that I removed Court Preacher Stöcker, a man of brilliant achievement
as a social missionary, from his post, since he made a demagogical
provocative speech in South Germany, aimed against the Liberals there.
The Center party was welded together by the "Kulturkampf" and was
strongly anti-Protestant and hostile to the Empire. Notwithstanding
this, I had dealings with many important men of the party and managed
to interest them in practical collaboration for the good of all. In
this Schorlemer (the father) was especially helpful to me. He never
made a secret of his Prussian loyalty to his King. His son, the
well-known Minister of Agriculture, even joined the Conservative party.
In many matters the Center co-operated; at one period it possessed in
its old leader, Windthorst, the keenest politician in the legislature.
Nevertheless, in spite of all this, one could not help being aware of
the underlying Centerist conviction that the interests of the Roman
Church must always be maintained and never relegated to a secondary
place.
THE BREAK WITH BISMARCK
When I was Prince William I was placed for a long time under the Chief
President of the Province of Brandenburg, von Achenbach, in order that
I might learn about home administration, get experience in economic
questions, and, moreover, take an active part in the work. Spurred
on by the captivating discourses of Achenbach, I derived from this
period of my life a special interest in the economic side of the inner
development of the country, whereas the purely judicial side of the
administration interested me to a lesser degree. Improvements, canal
construction, highway building, forestry, improvement in all kinds of
transportation facilities, betterment of dwellings, introduction of
machines into agriculture and their co-operative development--all of
these were matters with which I busied myself later on; this being
especially true of hydraulic work and the development of the network
of railways, particularly in the badly neglected territory of Eastern
Germany.
I discussed all these matters with the Ministers of State after I
had ascended the throne. In order to spur them on, I allowed them
free rein in their various domains. But it turned out that this was
hardly possible so long as Prince Bismarck remained in office, since
he reserved for himself the main deciding voice in everything, thereby
impairing the independence of those working with him. I soon saw that
the Ministers, being entirely under Bismarck's thumb, could not come
out in favor of "innovations" or ideas of the "young master" of which
Bismarck disapproved.
The Ministry, in short, was nothing but a tool in the hands of
Bismarck, acting solely in accordance with his wishes. This state
of things was, in itself, natural enough, since a Premier of such
overwhelming importance, who had won for Prussia and Germany such great
political victories, naturally dominated his Ministers completely and
led them despotically. Nevertheless, I found myself in a difficult
position; the typical answer with which my suggestions were met was:
"Prince Bismarck does not want that done; we cannot get him to consent
to that; Emperor William I would not have asked such a thing; that is
not in accordance with tradition, etc." I understood more and more
that, in reality, I had no Ministry of State at my disposal; that the
gentlemen composing it, from long force of habit, considered themselves
officials of Prince Bismarck.
Here is an example to show the attitude of the Cabinet toward me in
those Bismarck days: The question came up of renewing the Socialist
law, a political measure devised by Prince Bismarck for fighting
socialism. A certain paragraph therein was to be toned down, in order
to save the law. Bismarck opposed the change. There were sharp
differences of opinion. I summoned a Crown Council. Bismarck spoke
in the antechamber with my adjutant; he declared that His Majesty
completely forgot that he was an officer and wore a sword belt; that
he must fall back upon the army and lead it against the Socialists,
in case the Socialists should resort to revolutionary measures; that
the Emperor should leave him a free hand, which would restore quiet
once for all. At the Crown Council Bismarck stuck to his opinion. The
individual Ministers, when asked to express their views, were lukewarm.
A vote was taken--the entire Ministry voted against me.
This vote showed me once more the absolute domination exerted by the
Chancellor over his Ministers. Deeply dissatisfied, I talked over the
matter with His Excellency Lucanus, who was as much struck as I was by
the situation. Lucanus looked up some of the gentlemen and took them to
task for their attitude, whereupon they made it clear that they were
"not in a position" to oppose the Prince and declared that it was quite
impossible for anybody to expect them to vote against the wishes of the
Prince.
HANDLING A COAL STRIKE
The great Westphalian coal workers' strike in the spring of 1889 took
the civil administration by surprise, causing great confusion and
bewilderment, especially among members of the Westphalian provincial
administration. From all sides came calls for troops; every mine owner
wanted, if possible, to have sentries posted outside his room. The
commanders of the troops which were summoned immediately made reports
on the situation as they had found it.
Among these was one of my former barrack comrades, belonging to the
Hussar Guard Regiment, von Michaelis by name, who was famous as a wit.
He rode, alone and unarmed, among the striking crowds of workers,
who--the early spring being remarkably warm--were camped upon the
hillsides, and soon managed, by his confidence-inspiring, jovial ways,
to set up a harmless intercourse with the strikers. By questioning them
he obtained much valuable information about the grievances--real and
imaginary--of the workers, as well as about their plans, hopes, and
wishes for the future. He soon won for himself general appreciation
and affection among the workers and handled them so well that complete
quiet reigned in his territory. When I, on account of nervous and
worried telegrams from the big industrial leaders and officials
received at the office of the Imperial Chancellor, inquired of
Michaelis how the situation stood, the following telegraphed answer
came from him: "Everything quiet excepting the Government officials."
A mass of material was collected, during the spring and summer, from
the announcements and reports received which showed clearly that
all was not well in industrial circles; that many a wish of the
workers was justified and, to say the least, entitled to sympathetic
investigation on the part both of the employers and of the officials.
The realization of this, which was confirmed in me when I questioned
my former private teacher, Privy Councilor Dr. Hinzpeter--a man
particularly well informed on social phenomena, especially those in his
own province--caused the resolve to ripen in me to summon the State
Council, include employers and employees in its deliberations, and
bring about, under my personal direction, a thorough investigation of
the labor question. I decided that in so doing guiding principles and
material were to be acquired which would serve the Chancellor and the
Prussian Government as a basis for working out appropriate projects for
new laws.
Inspired by such thought I went to His Excellency von Bötticher, who
at once prophesied opposition on the part of the Chancellor to such
action, and advised strongly against it. I stuck to my ideas, adducing
in support of them the maxim of Frederick the Great: "Je veux être un
Roi des gueux" ("I wish to be King of the rabble"). I said that it was
my duty to take care of those Germans who were used up by industry, to
protect their strength and better their chances of existence.
FURTHER CONFLICT WITH CHANCELLOR
The predicted opposition from Prince Bismarck was not long in coming.
There was much trouble and fighting before I put through what I wanted,
owing to the fact that some of the big industrial interests ranged
themselves on the side of the Chancellor. The State Council met,
presided over by me. At the opening session the Chancellor unexpectedly
appeared. He made a speech in which he ironically criticized and
disapproved the whole undertaking set in motion by me, and refused his
co-operation. Thereupon he walked out of the room.
After his departure the strange scene had its effect on the assemblage.
The fury and ruthlessness which the great Chancellor brought to the
support of his own policy and against mine, based upon his absolute
belief in the correctness of his own judgment, made a tremendous
impression upon me and all those present. Nevertheless, it stood to
reason that I was deeply hurt by what had occurred. The assemblage
proceeded to take up its work again and turned out a wealth of material
for the extension of that social legislation called into being by
Emperor William the Great, which is the pride of Germany, evincing, as
it does, a protective attitude toward the laboring classes such as is
not to be found in any other land on earth.
Thereupon I decided to summon a general social congress. Prince
Bismarck opposed this also. Switzerland was contemplating something
similar, and had thought of convening a congress at Berne. Roth,
the Swiss ambassador, hearing of my scheme, advised canceling the
invitations to Berne and accepting an invitation to Berlin. What he
wished occurred. Thanks to the generosity of Herr Roth, it was possible
to convene the congress at Berlin. The material collected as a result
of it was worked out and applied in the form of laws--only in Germany,
however.
Later on I talked with Bismarck concerning his project of fighting
the socialists, in case they resorted to revolutionary acts, with
cannon and bayonets. I sought to convince him that it was out of
the question for me, almost immediately after William the Great had
closed his eyes after a blessed reign, to stain the first years of my
Government with the blood of my own people. Bismarck was unmoved; he
declared that he would assume responsibility for his actions; that all
I need do was to leave the thing to him. I answered that I could not
square such a course with my conscience and my responsibility before
God, particularly as I knew perfectly well that conditions among the
laboring classes were bad and must be bettered at all costs.
The conflict between the views of the Emperor and the Chancellor
relative to the social question--_i. e._, the furtherance of the
welfare of the laboring classes of the population, with participation
therein by the state--was the real cause of the break between us,
and caused a hostility toward me, lasting for years, on the part of
Bismarck and a large part of the German nation that was devoted to him,
especially of the official class.
This conflict between the Chancellor and me arose because of his belief
that the social problem could be solved by severe measures and, if
the worst came to the worst, by means of soldiers; not by following
principles of general love for mankind or humanitarian nonsense which,
he believed, he would have to adopt in conformity to my views.
BISMARCK'S LABOR VIEWS
Bismarck was not a foe to the laboring classes--on that I wish to lay
stress, in view of what I have previously said. On the contrary! He
was far too great a statesman to mistake the importance of the labor
question to the state. But he considered the whole matter from the
standpoint of pure expediency for the state. The state, he believed,
should care for the laborer, as much and in whatever manner it deemed
proper; he would not admit of any co-operation of the workers in this.
Agitation and rebellion, he believed, should be severely suppressed; by
force of arms, if necessary. Government protection on the one hand, the
mailed fist on the other--that was Bismarck's social policy.
I, however, wished to win over the soul of the German workingman,
and I fought zealously to attain this goal. I was filled with the
consciousness of a plain duty and responsibility toward my entire
people--also, therefore, toward the laboring classes. What was theirs
by right and justice should become theirs, I thought; moreover, I
believed that this should be brought about, wherever the will or power
of the employers ceased, by the lord of the land and his Government, in
so far as justice or necessity demanded. As soon as I had recognized
the necessity for reforms, to some of which the industrial elements
would not consent, I took up the cudgels for the laboring classes,
impelled by a sense of justice.
I had studied history sufficiently to guard myself against the delusion
of believing in the possibility of making an entire people happy. I
realized clearly that it was impossible for one human being to make
a nation happy. The truth is that the only nation which is happy is
the one that is contented, or at least is willing to be contented; a
willingness which implies a certain degree of realization of what is
possible--a sense of the practical, in short. Unfortunately, there is
often a lack of this.
I was well aware that, in the unbounded demands of the Socialist
leaders, unjustified greed would be constantly developed anew. But,
for the very reason that I wished to be able to combat unjustified
aspirations with a clear conscience and in a convincing way, it
behooved me not to deny recognition and aid to justified aspirations.
GERMAN SOCIAL PROBLEMS
The policy that kept in view the welfare of the workers unquestionably
imposed a heavy burden upon all the industrial elements of Germany in
the matter of competition in the world market, through the well-known
laws for the protection of workingmen. This was especially true in
relation to an industrial system like the Belgian, which could,
without hindrance, squeeze the last drop out of the human reserves of
Belgium and pay low wages, without feeling any pangs of conscience or
compassion for the sinking morale of the exhausted, unprotected people.
By means of my social legislation I made such conditions impossible in
Germany, and I caused it to be introduced also in Belgium, during the
war, by General von Bissing, in order to promote the welfare of the
Belgian workers. First of all, however, this legislation is--to use a
sporting term--a handicap upon German industry in the battle of world
competition: it alienated many big leaders of industry, which, from
their point of view, was quite natural. But the lord of the land must
always bear in mind the welfare of the whole nation; therefore, I went
my way unswervingly.
Those workers, on the other hand, who blindly followed the Socialist
leaders, gave me no word of thanks for the protection created for them
nor for the work I had done. Between them and me lies the motto of the
Hohenzollerns, "Suum cuique." That means, "To each his own"--not, as
the Social Democrats would have it, "To everyone the same!"
I also harbored the idea of preventing to some extent competitive
warfare, at least in the industrial world of the European continent,
by bringing about a sort of quota-fixing in foreign lands, thereby
facilitating production and making possible a healthier mode of life
among the working classes.
There is great significance in the impression which foreign workers
get in studying Germany's social legislation. A few years before the
war people in England, under the pressure of labor troubles, awoke
to the conviction that better care must be taken of the workers.
As a result of this, commissions visited Germany, some of them
composed of workingmen. Guided by representative Germans, among them
Socialists, they visited the industrial regions, factories, benevolent
institutions, sanatoria of insurance companies, etc., and were
astonished at all the things they saw. At the farewell dinner given
them the English leader of the workingmen's deputation turned to Bebel
and made this concluding remark:
"After all we have seen of what is done in Germany for the workers, I
ask you: Are you people still Socialists?" And the Englishmen remarked
to a German that they would be quite satisfied if they could succeed,
after long fights in Parliament, in putting through one tenth of what
had already been accomplished years before in Germany toward bettering
the condition of the laboring classes.
I had observed with interest these visits of the English deputations
and marveled at their ignorance of German conditions. But I marveled
even more at a question asked by the English Government, through the
channel of the English Embassy, on the same subject, which betrayed an
absolutely amazing lack of knowledge of the progress made in Germany
in the province of social reform. I questioned the English ambassador,
remarking that England, having been represented in 1890 at the Berlin
Social Congress, must certainly have been informed, at least through
the Embassy, of the Reichstag debates, which had dealt in a detailed
way with the various social measures. The ambassador replied that the
same thing had also occurred to him and caused him to have the earlier
records of the Embassy investigated, whereupon it had transpired that
the Embassy had sent the fullest reports on the subject to London
and that thorough reports had been forwarded home concerning every
important stage in the progress of social reform; but, "because they
came from Germany, nobody ever read them; they were simply pigeon-holed
and remained there ever since; it is a downright shame; Germany does
not interest people at home."
Thus the Briton, with a shrug of his shoulders. Neither the British
King nor Parliament had enough conscience or time or desire to work for
the betterment of the working class. The "policy of encirclement" for
the annihilation of Germany, especially of its industry, and, thereby,
of its working population, was, in their eyes, far more important and
rewarding. On the 9th of November (1918) the German Radical Socialist
leaders, with their like-minded followers, joined forces with this
British policy of annihilation.
"WELFARE WORK" AT THE COURT
In a small way, in places where I had influence, as, for instance, in
the administration of my court and in the Imperial Automobile Club,
I laid stress upon the social point of view. For instance, I caused
a fund to be established, out of the tips paid for visiting palaces,
which was destined solely to the benefit of the domestic staff, and
which, in the course of time, reached a magnificent total. From this
fund the domestics and their families received money for trips to
bathing resorts, cost of taking cures, burial expenses, dowries for
their children, confirmation expenses, and similar payments.
When I, at the request of the newly founded Imperial Automobile Club,
took it under my protection, I accepted an invitation to a luncheon in
the beautiful rooms of the clubhouse, built by Ihne. In addition to
magnates like the Duke of Ratibor, the Duke of Ujest, etc., I found
there a number of gentlemen from Berlin's high financial circles, some
of whom behaved rather wildly. When the conversation turned to the
subject of drivers, I suggested establishing a fund which, in case of
accident, illness, or death befalling these men, should provide means
of livelihood for those whom they left behind. The suggestion met with
unanimous approval, and the fund has had most excellent results. Later
on I brought about the establishment of something similar for the
skippers and pilots attached to the Imperial Yacht Club at Kiel.
Special pleasure was afforded me by the Kaiser Wilhelm Children's
Home, founded by me at Ahlbeck, at which, in peace times, between May
and the end of September in each year, a large number of children
from the most poverty-stricken working people's districts in Berlin
were accommodated in successive detachments, each lot staying four
weeks. This home is still under the tried direction of the admirable
superintendent, Miss Kirschner, daughter of the former Chief
Burgomaster of Berlin, and it has achieved most brilliant results,
both in the physical and the psychical domain. Weakened, pale, needy
children were transformed there into fresh, blooming, happy little
beings, concerning whose welfare I often joyfully convinced myself by
personal visits.
For the very reason that I have spoken of my quarrel with Bismarck
as a result of labor questions, I wish to add to what I have already
said about his basic position in the matter--an example showing how
brilliantly the Prince behaved in something that concerned the workers.
In this, to be sure, he was impelled by nationalistic motives, but he
also realized at once that it was necessary to protect a large element
against unemployment, which caused him to intervene with the full
weight of his authority.
Sometime around 1886, while I was still Prince Wilhelm, I had learned
that the great Vulcan shipping concern at Stettin was confronted,
owing to lack of orders, with bankruptcy, and its entire force of
workmen, numbering many thousands, with starvation, which would mean a
catastrophe for the city of Stettin. Only by an order for the building
of a big ship could the Vulcan shipyards be saved.
Spurred on some time before by Admiral von Stosch, who wished to free
us once and for all from the English shipbuilders, the Vulcan people
had set to work courageously to build the first German armored ship,
christened by my mother in 1874 on her birthday, on which occasion I
was present. Ever since that time the warships built at the Vulcan
yards had always satisfied naval experts--the concern, however, seldom
built warships.
THE CHANCELLOR IN ACTION
The German merchant marine, on the other hand, had not dared to follow
the path courageously blazed by Admiral von Stosch. And now the brave
German shipyard company was faced with ruin, since the North German
Lloyd had refused its offer to build a passenger steamer, alleging
that the English, because of their years of shipbuilding traditions,
could build it better. It was a serious emergency. I hastened to Prince
Bismarck and laid before him the matter as I have described it above.
The Chancellor was furious; his eyes flashed, his fist came crashing
down on the table.
"What! Do you mean to say that these shopkeepers would rather have
their boats built in England than in Germany? Why, that is unheard of!
And is a good German shipyard to fail for such a reason? The devil take
this gang of traders!"
He rang the bell and a servant entered.
"Have Privy Councilor X come here immediately from the Foreign Office!"
In a few minutes--during which the Prince stamped up and down the
room--the man summoned appeared.
"Telegram to Hamburg, to our envoy--the Lloyd in Bremen is to have its
new ship built by the Vulcan Company in Stettin!"
The Privy Councilor vanished in hot haste, "with his coat tails
sticking straight out behind him." The Prince turned to me and said:
"I am greatly obliged to you. You have done the fatherland, and also
myself, an important service. Henceforth ships will be built only in
our yards--I'll take care to make this clear to the Hanseatic crowd.
You may telegraph to the Vulcan people that the Chancellor will
guarantee that the ship will be built in the Vulcan yards. May this be
the first of a whole lot of such ships! As for the workers whom you
have thus saved from unemployment, I hope that they will express their
thanks to you!"
I passed on the news to Privy Councilor Schlutow at Stettin and great
was the joy caused thereby. This was the first step upon the road
destined to lead to the construction of the magnificent German express
steamers.
When I went, after I had ascended the throne in 1888, to Stettin,
in order to place honorary insignia on the flags of my Pomeranian
Grenadiers, I also visited the Vulcan shipyards, at the invitation of
the directors. After my reception by the directors outside the yards,
the great doors were flung open and I walked inside. But, instead of
work and pounding hammers, I found deep silence. The entire body of
workmen was standing in a half circle, with bared heads; in the middle
stood the oldest workman of all, a man with a snow-white beard, bearing
a laurel wreath in his hand.
I was deeply moved. Schlutow whispered to me: "A little pleasure for
you, which the workmen themselves have thought up." The old workman
stepped forward and, in pithy, plain words, expressed to me the
gratitude of the workmen to me for having saved them, and, above all,
their wives and children, from hardship and hunger, by my appeal to
Bismarck about the building of the ship. As a token of their gratitude,
he asked my permission to hand over the laurel wreath. Most deeply
moved, I took the wreath and expressed my pleasure at receiving my
first laurels, without the shedding of a drop of blood, from the hands
of honest German workmen.
That was in the year 1888! In those days, the German laboring classes
knew how to appreciate the blessing of labor.
[1] "It is that confounded Congress of Berlin. A serious mistake on
the part of the Chancellor. He has destroyed the old friendship
between us, sown distrust in the hearts of the Court and the
Government, and engendered the idea of a great injustice done
the Russian army after its bloody 1877 campaign, for which it
wishes revenge. And here we are by the side of that damned French
Republic, full of hate for you and of subversive ideas, which, in
case of a war against you, will cost us our dynasty."
[2] "I understand perfectly your line of action; the Prince, with all
his greatness, was, after all, merely your employee or official.
As soon as he refused to follow your orders, it was necessary
to dismiss him. As for me, I always distrusted him, and I never
believed a word of what he had told me or said to me himself,
for I was sure and knew that he was hoaxing me all the time. As
to the relations between us two, my dear William, the downfall
of the Prince will have the best of results; distrust will
disappear. I have confidence in you. You can trust me."