V.

The Goethean face and figure of Louis Agassiz were in those days to be

seen in the shady walks of Cambridge to which for me they lent a

Weimarish quality, in the degree that in Weimar itself a few years ago, I

felt a quality of Cambridge. Agassiz, of course, was Swiss and Latin,

and not Teutonic, but he was of the Continental European civilization,

and was widely different from the other Cambridge men in everything but

love of the place. “He is always an Europaen,” said Lowell one day, in

distinguishing concerning him; and for any one who had tasted the flavor

of the life beyond the ocean and the channel, this had its charm. Yet he

was extremely fond of his adoptive compatriots, and no alien born had a

truer or tenderer sense of New England character. I have an idea that no

one else of his day could have got so much money for science out of the

General Court of Massachusetts; and I have heard him speak with the

wisest and warmest appreciation of the hard material from which he was

able to extract this treasure. The legislators who voted appropriations

for his Museum and his other scientific objects were not usually lawyers

or professional men, with the perspectives of a liberal education, but

were hard-fisted farmers, who had a grip of the State’s money as if it

were their own, and yet gave it with intelligent munificence. They

understood that he did not want it for himself, and had no interested aim

in getting it; they knew that, as he once said, he had no time to make

money, and wished to use it solely for the advancement of learning; and

with this understanding they were ready, to help him generously. He

compared their liberality with that of kings and princes, when these

patronized science, with a recognition of the superior plebeian

generosity. It was on the veranda of his summer house at Nahant, while

he lay in the hammock, talking of this, that I heard him refer also to

the offer which Napoleon III. had made him, inviting him upon certain

splendid conditions to come to Paris after he had established himself in

Cambridge. He said that he had not come to America without going over

every such possibility in his own mind, and deciding beforehand against

it. He was a republican, by nationality and by preference, and was

entirely satisfied with his position and environment in New England.

Outside of his scientific circle in Cambridge he was more friends with

Longfellow than with any one else, I believe, and Longfellow told me how,

after the doctors had condemned Agassiz to inaction, on account of his

failing health he had broken down in his friend’s study, and wept like an

‘Europaer’, and lamented, “I shall never finish my work!” Some papers

which he had begun to write for the Magazine, in contravention of the

Darwinian theory, or part of it, which it is known Agassiz did not

accept, remained part of the work which he never finished. After his

death, I wished Professor Jeffries Wyman to write of him in the Atlantic,

but he excused himself on account of his many labors, and then he

voluntarily spoke of Agassiz’s methods, which he agreed with rather than

his theories, being himself thoroughly Darwinian. I think he said

Agassiz was the first to imagine establishing a fact not from a single

example, but from examples indefinitely repeated. If it was a question

of something about robins for instance, he would have a hundred robins

examined before he would receive an appearance as a fact.

Of course no preconception or prepossession of his own was suffered to

bar his way to the final truth he was seeking, and he joyously renounced

even a conclusion if he found it mistaken. I do not know whether Mrs.

Agassiz has put into her interesting life of him, a delightful story

which she told me about him. He came to her beaming one day, and

demanded, “You know I have always held such and such an opinion about a

certain group of fossil fishes?” “Yes, yes!” “Well, I have just been

reading------‘s new book, and he has shown me that there isn’t the least

truth in my theory”; and he burst into a laugh of unalloyed pleasure in

relinquishing his error.

I could touch science at Cambridge only on its literary and social side,

of course, and my meetings with Agassiz were not many. I recall a dinner

at his house to Mr. Bret Harte, when the poet came on from California,

and Agassiz approached him over the coffee through their mutual

scientific interest in the last meeting of the geological “Society upon

the Stanislow.” He quoted to the author some passages from the poem

recording the final proceedings of this body, which had particularly

pleased him, and I think Mr. Harte was as much amused at finding himself

thus in touch with the savant, as Agassiz could ever have been with that

delicious poem.

Agassiz lived at one end of Quincy Street, and James almost at the other

end, with an interval between them which but poorly typified their

difference of temperament. The one was all philosophical and the other

all scientific, and yet towards the close of his life, Agassiz may be

said to have led that movement towards the new position of science in

matters of mystery which is now characteristic of it. He was ancestrally

of the Swiss “Brahminical caste,” as so many of his friends in Cambridge

were of the Brahminical caste of New England; and perhaps it was the line

of ancestral pasteurs which at last drew him back, or on, to the

affirmation of an unformulated faith of his own. At any rate, before

most other savants would say that they had souls of their own he became,

by opening a summer school of science with prayer, nearly as consolatory

to the unscientific who wished to believe they had souls, as Mr. John

Fiske himself, though Mr. Fiske, as the arch-apostle of Darwinism, had

arrived at nearly the same point by such a very different road.

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