CHAPTER IV

MR. NEWMAN'S EARLY FRIENDS--ISAAC WILLIAMS

In the early days of the movement, among Mr. Newman's greatest friends,

and much in his confidence, were two Fellows of Trinity--a college

which never forgot that Newman had once belonged to it,--Isaac Williams

and William John Copeland. In mind and character very different, they

were close friends, with the affection which was characteristic of those

days; and for both of them Mr. Newman "had the love which passes that of

common relation."[27] Isaac Williams was born among the mountains of

Wales, and had the true poetic gift, though his power of expression was

often not equal to what he wanted to say. Copeland was a Londoner, bred

up in the strict school of Churchmanship represented by Mr. Norris of

Hackney, tempered by sympathies with the Non-jurors. At Oxford he lived,

along with Isaac Williams, in the very heart of the movement, which was

the interest of his life; but he lived, self-forgetting or

self-effacing, a wonderful mixture of tender and inexhaustible sympathy,

and of quick and keen wit, which yet, somehow or other, in that time of

exasperation and bitterness, made him few enemies. He knew more than

most men of the goings on of the movement, and he ought to have been its

chronicler. But he was fastidious and hard to satisfy, and he left his

task till it was too late.

Isaac Williams was born in Wales in 1802, a year after Newman, ten years

after John Keble. His early life was spent in London, but his affection

for Wales and its mountain scenery was great and undiminished to the end

of his life. At Harrow, where Henry Drury was his tutor, he made his

mark by his mastery of Latin composition and his devotion to Latin

language and literature. "I was so used to think in Latin that when I

had to write an English theme, which was but seldom, I had to translate

my ideas, which ran in Latin, into English";[28] and later in life he

complained of the Latin current which disturbed him when he had to write

English. He was also a great cricketer; and he describes himself as

coming up to Trinity, where he soon got a scholarship, an ambitious and

careless youth, who had never heard a word about Christianity, and to

whom religion, its aims and its restraints, were a mere name.

This was changed by what, in the language of devotional schools, would

have been called his conversion. It came about, as men speak, as the

result of accidents; but the whole course of his thoughts and life was

turned into a channel from which it nevermore diverged. An old Welsh

clergyman gave the undergraduate an introduction to John Keble, who then

held a place in Oxford almost unique. But the Trinity undergraduate and

the Oriel don saw little of one another till Isaac Williams won the

Latin prize poem, _Ars Geologica_. Keble then called on Isaac Williams

and offered his help in criticising the poem and polishing it for

printing. The two men plainly took to one another at first sight; and

that service was followed by a most unexpected invitation on Keble's

part. He had chanced to come to Williams's room, and on Williams saying

that he had no plan of reading for the approaching vacation, Keble said,

"I am going to leave Oxford for good. Suppose you come and read with me.

The Provost has asked me to take Wilberforce, and I declined; but if you

would come, you would be companions." Keble was going down to Southrop,

a little curacy near his father's; there Williams joined him, with two

more--Robert Wilberforce and R.H. Froude; and there the Long Vacation of

1823 was spent, and Isaac Williams's character and course determined.

"It was this very trivial accident, this short walk of a few yards, and

a few words spoken, which was the turning-point of my life. If a

merciful God had miraculously interposed to arrest my course, I could

not have had a stronger assurance of His presence than I always had in

looking back to that day." It determined Isaac Williams's character,

and it determined for good and all his theological position. He had

before him all day long in John Keble a spectacle which was absolutely

new to him. Ambitious as a rising and successful scholar at college, he

saw a man, looked up to and wondered at by every one, absolutely without

pride and without ambition. He saw the most distinguished academic of

his day, to whom every prospect was open, retiring from Oxford in the

height of his fame to bury himself with a few hundreds of

Gloucestershire peasants in a miserable curacy. He saw this man caring

for and respecting the ignorant and poor as much as others respected the

great and the learned. He saw this man, who had made what the world

would call so great a sacrifice, apparently unconscious that he had made

any sacrifice at all, gay, unceremonious, bright, full of play as a boy,

ready with his pupils for any exercise, mental or muscular--for a hard

ride, or a crabbed bit of Aeschylus, or a logic fence with disputatious

and paradoxical undergraduates, giving and taking on even ground. These

pupils saw one, the depth of whose religion none could doubt, "always

endeavouring to do them good as it were unknown to themselves and in

secret, and ever avoiding that his kindness should be felt and

acknowledged"; showing in the whole course of daily life the purity of

Christian love, and taking the utmost pains to make no profession or

show of it. This unostentatious and undemonstrative religion--so frank,

so generous in all its ways--was to Isaac Williams "quite a new world."

It turned his mind in upon itself in the deepest reverence, but also

with something of morbid despair of ever reaching such a standard. It

drove all dreams of ambition out of his mind. It made humility,

self-restraint, self-abasement, objects of unceasing, possibly not

always wise and healthy, effort. But the result was certainly a

character of great sweetness, tenderness, and lowly unselfishness,

pure, free from all worldliness, and deeply resigned to the will of God.

He caught from Mr. Keble, like Froude, two characteristic habits of

mind--a strong depreciation of mere intellect compared with the less

showy excellences of faithfulness to conscience and duty; and a horror

and hatred of everything that seemed like display or the desire of

applause or of immediate effect. Intellectual depreciators of intellect

may deceive themselves, and do not always escape the snare which they

fear; but in Isaac Williams there was a very genuine carrying out of the

Psalmist's words: "Surely I have behaved and quieted myself; I refrain

my soul and keep it low, as a child that is weaned from his mother."

This fear of display in a man of singularly delicate and fastidious

taste came to have something forced and morbid in it. It seemed

sometimes as if in preaching or talking he aimed at being dull and

clumsy. But in all that he did and wrote he aimed at being true at all

costs and in the very depths of his heart; and though, in his words, we

may wish sometimes for what we should feel to be more natural and

healthy in tone, we never can doubt that we are in the presence of one

who shrank from all conscious unreality like poison.

From Keble, or, it may be said, from the Kebles, he received his

theology. The Kebles were all of them men of the old-fashioned High

Church orthodoxy, of the Prayer Book and the Catechism--the orthodoxy

which was professed at Oxford, which was represented in London by Norris

of Hackney and Joshua Watson; which valued in religion sobriety,

reverence, and deference to authority, and in teaching, sound learning

and the wisdom of the great English divines; which vehemently disliked

the Evangelicals and Methodists for their poor and loose theology, their

love of excitement and display, their hunting after popularity. This

Church of England divinity was the theology of the old Vicar of Coln St.

Aldwyn's, a good scholar and a good parish priest, who had brought up

his two sons at home to be scholars; and had impressed his solid and

manly theology on them so strongly that amid all changes they remained

at bottom true to their paternal training. John Keble added to it great

attainments and brilliant gifts of imagination and poetry; but he never

lost the plain, downright, almost awkward ways of conversation and

manner of his simple home--ways which might have seemed abrupt and rough

but for the singular sweetness and charm of his nature. To those who

looked on the outside he was always the homely, rigidly orthodox country

clergyman. On Isaac Williams, with his ethical standard, John Keble also

impressed his ideas of religious truth; he made him an old-fashioned

High Churchman, suspicious of excitement and "effect," suspicious of the

loud-talking religious world, suspicious of its novelties and

shallowness, and clinging with his whole soul to ancient ways and sound

Church of England doctrine reflected in the Prayer Book. And from John

Keble's influence he passed under the influence of Thomas Keble, the

Vicar of Bisley, a man of sterner type than his brother, with strong and

definite opinions on all subjects; curt and keen in speech; intolerant

of all that seemed to threaten wholesome teaching and the interests of

the Church; and equally straightforward, equally simple, in manners and

life. Under him Isaac Williams began his career as a clergyman; he spent

two years of solitary and monotonous life in a small cure, seeking

comfort from solitude in poetical composition ("It was very calm and

subduing," he writes); and then he was recalled to Oxford as Fellow and

Tutor of his college, to meet a new and stronger influence, which it was

part of the work and trial of the rest of his life both to assimilate

and to resist.

For, with Newman, with whom he now came into contact, he did both. There

opened to him from intercourse with Newman a new world of thought; and

yet while feeling and answering to its charm, he never was quite at ease

with him. But Williams and Froude had always been great friends since

the reading party of 1823, in spite of Froude's audacities. Froude was

now residing in Oxford, and had become Newman's most intimate friend,

and he brought Newman and Williams together. "Living at that time," he

says, "so much with Froude, I was now in consequence for the first time

brought into intercourse with Newman. We almost daily walked and often

dined together." Newman and Froude had ceased to be tutors; their

thoughts were turned to theology and the condition of the Church. Newman

had definitely broken with the Evangelicals, to whom he had been

supposed to belong, and Whately's influence over him was waning, and

with Froude he looked up to Keble as the pattern of religious wisdom. He

had accepted the position of a Churchman as it was understood by Keble

and Froude; and thus there was nothing to hinder Williams's full

sympathy with him. But from the first there seems to have been an almost

impalpable bar between them, which is the more remarkable because

Williams appears to have seen with equanimity Froude's apparently more

violent and dangerous outbreaks of paradox and antipathy. Possibly,

after the catastrophe, he may, in looking back, have exaggerated his

early alarms. But from the first he says he saw in Newman what he had

learned to look upon as the gravest of dangers--the preponderance of

intellect among the elements of character and as the guide of life. "I

was greatly delighted and charmed with Newman, who was extremely kind to

me, but did not altogether trust his opinions; and though Froude was in

the habit of stating things in an extreme and paradoxical manner, yet

one always felt conscious of a ground of entire confidence and

agreement; but it was not so with Newman, even though one appeared more

in unison with his more moderate views."

But, in spite of all this, Newman offered and Isaac Williams accepted

the curacy of St. Mary's. "Things at Oxford [1830-32] at that time were

very dull." "Froude and I seemed entirely alone, with Newman only

secretly, as it were, beginning to sympathise. I became at once very

much attached to Newman, won by his kindness and delighted by his good

and wonderful qualities; and he proposed that I should be his curate at

St. Mary's.... I can remember a strong feeling of difference I first

felt on acting together with him from what I had been accustomed to:

that he was in the habit of looking for effect, and for what was

sensibly effective, which from the Bisley and Fairford School I had been

long habituated to avoid; but to do one's duty in faith and leave it to

God, and that all the more earnestly, because there were no sympathies

from without to answer. There was a felt but unexpressed difference of

this kind, but perhaps it became afterwards harmonised as we acted

together."[29]

Thus early, among those most closely united, there appeared the

beginnings of those different currents which became so divergent as time

went on. Isaac Williams, dear as he was to Newman, and returning to the

full Newman's affection, yet represented from the first the views of

what Williams spoke of as the "Bisley and Fairford School," which,

though sympathising and co-operating with the movement, was never quite

easy about it, and was not sparing of its criticism on the stir and

agitation of the Tracts.

Isaac Williams threw himself heartily into the early stages of the

movement; in his poetry into its imaginative and poetical side, and also

into its practical and self-denying side. But he would have been quite

content with its silent working, and its apparent want of visible

success. He would have been quite content with preaching simple homely

sermons on the obvious but hard duties of daily life, and not seeing

much come of them; with finding a slow abatement of the self-indulgent

habits of university life, with keeping Fridays, with less wine in

common room. The Bisley maxims bade men to be very stiff and

uncompromising in their witness and in their duties, but to make no show

and expect no recognition or immediate fruit, and to be silent under

misconstruction. But his was not a mind which realised great

possibilities of change in the inherited ways of the English Church. The

spirit of change, so keenly discerned by Newman, as being both certain

and capable of being turned to good account as well as bad, to him was

unintelligible or bad. More reality, more severity and consistency,

deeper habits of self-discipline on the accepted lines of English Church

orthodoxy, would have satisfied him as the aim of the movement, as it

undoubtedly was a large part of its aim; though with Froude and Newman

it also aimed at a widening of ideas, of interests and sympathies,

beyond what had been common in the English Church.

In the history of the movement Isaac Williams took a forward part in two

of its events, with one of which his connexion was most natural, with

the other grotesquely and ludicrously incongruous. The one was the plan

and starting of the series of _Plain Sermons_ in 1839, to which not only

the Kebles, Williams, and Copeland contributed their volumes, but also

Newman and Dr. Pusey. Isaac Williams has left the following account of

his share in the work.

"It seemed at this time (about 1838-39) as if Oxford, from the strength

of principle shown there (and an almost unanimous and concentrated

energy), was becoming a rallying point for the whole kingdom: but I

watched from the beginning and saw greater dangers among ourselves than

those from without; which I endeavoured to obviate by publishing the

_Plain Sermons_. [_Plain Sermons_, by contributors to the _Tracts for

the Times_, 1st Series, January 1839.] I attempted in vain to get the

Kebles to publish, in order to keep pace with Newman, and so maintain a

more practical turn in the movement. I remember C. Cornish (C.L.

Cornish, Fellow and Tutor of Exeter) coming to me and saying as we

walked in Trinity Gardens, 'People are a little afraid of being carried

away by Newman's brilliancy; they want more of the steady sobriety of

the Kebles infused into the movement to keep us safe; we have so much

sail and want ballast.' And the effect of the publication of the _Plain

Sermons_ was at the time very quieting. In first undertaking the _Plain

Sermons_, I had no encouragement from any one, not even from John Keble;

acquiescence was all that I could gain. But I have heard J.K. mention a

saying of Judge Coleridge, long before the _Tracts_ were thought of: 'If

you want to propagate your opinions you should lend your sermons; the

clergy would then preach them, and adopt your opinions.' Now this has

been the effect of the publication of the _Plain Sermons_."

Isaac Williams, if any man, represented in the movement the moderate and

unobtrusive way of religious teaching. But it was his curious fate to be

dragged into the front ranks of the fray, and to be singled out as

almost the most wicked and dangerous of the Tractarians. He had the

strange fortune to produce the first of the Tracts[30] which was by

itself held up to popular indignation as embodying all the mischief of

the series and the secret aims of the movement. The Tract had another

effect. It made Williams the object of the first great Tractarian battle

in the University, the contest for the Poetry Professorship: the first

decisive and open trial of strength, and the first Tractarian defeat.

The contest, even more than the result, distressed him greatly; and the

course of things in the movement itself aggravated his distress. His

general distrust of intellectual restlessness had now passed into the

special and too well grounded fear that the movement, in some of its

most prominent representatives, was going definitely in the direction of

Rome. A new generation was rising into influence, to whom the old Church

watchwords and maxims, the old Church habits of mind, the old Church

convictions, had completely lost their force, and were become almost

objects of dislike and scorn; and for this change Newman's approval and

countenance were freely and not very scrupulously quoted. Williams's

relation to him had long been a curious mixture of the most affectionate

attachment and intimacy with growing distrust and sense of divergence.

Newman was now giving more and more distinct warning that he was likely

to go where Williams could not follow him, and the pain on both sides

was growing. But things moved fast, and at length the strain broke.

The estrangement was inevitable; but both cherished the warmest feelings

of affection, even though such a friendship had been broken. But Oxford

became distasteful to Williams, and he soon afterwards left it for

Bisley and Stinchcombe, the living of his brother-in-law, Sir G.

Prevost. There he married (22d June 1842), and spent the remainder of

his life devoting himself to the preparation of those devotional

commentaries, which are still so well known. He suffered for the

greatest part of his life from a distressing and disabling chronic

asthma--from the time that he came back to Oxford as Fellow and

Tutor--and he died in 1865. The old friends met once more shortly before

Isaac Williams's death; Newman came to see him, and at his departure

Williams accompanied him to the station.

Isaac Williams wrote a great deal of poetry, first during his solitary

curacy at Windrush, and afterwards at Oxford. It was in a lower and

sadder key than the _Christian Year_, which no doubt first inspired it;

it wanted the elasticity and freshness and variety of Keble's verse, and

it was often careless in structure and wanting in concentration. But it

was the outpouring of a very beautiful mind, deeply impressed with the

realities of failure in the Church and religion, as well as in human

life, full of tenderness and pathetic sweetness, and seeking a vent for

its feelings, and relief for its trouble, in calling up before itself

the images of God's goodness and kingdom of which nature and the world

are full. His poetry is a witness to the depth and earnestness and

genuine delicacy of what seemed hard and narrow in the Bisley School;

there are passages in it which are not easily forgotten; but it was not

strong enough to arrest the excitement which soon set in, and with its

continual obscurity and its want of finish it never had the recognition

really due to its excellence. Newman thought it too soft. It certainly

wanted the fire and boldness and directness which he threw into his own

verse when he wrote; but serious earnestness and severity of tone it

certainly did not want.

FOOTNOTES:

[27] Mozley, _Reminiscences_, i. 18.

[28] I. Williams, _MS. Memoir_.

[29] I. Williams, _MS. Memoir_.

[30] The history of this famous Tract, No. 80, on _Reserve in

communicating Religious Knowledge_, belongs to a later stage of the

movement.

The Oxford Movement; Twelve Years, 1833-1845 · 第 4 / 19 章