Chapter XXIII. A Glance at Ourselves--Conclusion 211

Appendix. A Project for an Expedition of Adventure,

to the Eastern Coast of Africa 221

_Sincerely dedicated to the American People, North and South._

_By Their Most Devout, and Patriotic Fellow Citizen, the Author_

PREFACE

The author of this little volume has no other apology for offering it to

the public, than the hurried manner in which it has been composed. Being

detained in the city of New York on business, he seized the opportunity

of a tedious delay, and wrote the work in the inside of one month,

attending to other business through the day, and lecturing on physiology

sometimes in the evening. The reader will therefore not entertain an

idea of elegance of language and terseness of style, such as should rule

the sentences of every composition, by whomsoever written.

His sole object has been, to place before the public in general, and the

colored people of the United States in particular, great truths

concerning this class of citizens, which appears to have been heretofore

avoided, as well by friends as enemies to their elevation. By opponents,

to conceal information, that they are well aware would stimulate and

impel them on to bold and adventurous deeds of manly daring; and by

friends, who seem to have acted on the principle of the zealous

orthodox, who would prefer losing the object of his pursuit to changing

his policy.

There are also a great many colored people in the United States, who

have independence of spirit, who desire to, and do, think for

themselves; but for the want of general information, and in consequence

of a prevailing opinion that has obtained, that no thoughts nor opinions

must be expressed, even though it would eventuate in their elevation,

except it emanate from some old, orthodox, stereotyped doctrine

concerning them; therefore, such a work as this, which is but a mere

introduction to what will henceforth emanate from the pen of colored men

and women, appeared to be in most anxious demand, in order to settle

their minds entirely, and concentrate them upon an effective and

specific course of procedure. We have never conformed with that class of

philosophers who would keep the people in ignorance, lest they might

change their opinion from former predilections. This we shall never do,

except pressing necessity demands it, and then only as a measure to

prevent bad consequences, for the time.

The colored people of to-day are not the colored people of a quarter of

a century ago, and require very different means and measures to satisfy

their wants and demands, and to effect their advancement. No wise

statesman presumes the same measures for the satisfaction of the

American people now, that may have been with propriety adopted

twenty-five years ago; neither is it wisdom to presume, that the

privileges which satisfied colored people twenty years ago, they will be

reconciled with now. That with which the father of the writer may have

been satisfied, even up to the present day, the writer cannot be content

with; the one lived in times antecedent to the birth of the other; that

which answered then, does not answer now: so is it with the whole class

of colored people in the United States. Their feelings, tastes,

predilections, wants, demands, and sympathies, are identical, and

homogeneous with those of all other Americans.

"Fleecy locks and black complexions,

Cannot alter nature's claim;

Skins may differ, but affections,

Dwell in black and white the same."

Many of the distinguished characters referred to in this work, who lived

in former days, for which there is no credit given, have been obtained

from various sources--as fragments of history, pamphlets, files of

newspapers, obsolete American history, and some from Mrs. Child's

Collection. Those of modern date, are living facts known to the writer

in his travels through the United States, having been from Canada and

Maine to Arkansas and Texas. The origin of the breast-works of cotton

bales on Chalmet Plains, at the battle of New Orleans, the writer

learned in that city, from old colored men in 1840, and subsequently,

from other sources; as well as much useful information concerning that

battle, from _Julien Bennoit_, spoken of in the work. He has before

referred to it some five or six years ago, through the columns of a

paper, of which he was then editor, and not until subsequently to his

narrating the same facts in these columns, was he aware that it was ever

mentioned in print, when he saw, on the 3d day of March, on looking over

the contributions of the "Liberty Bell," a beautiful annual of Boston,

the circumstances referred to by DAVID LEE CHILD, Esq., the particulars

of which will be found in our version.

The original intention was to make this a pamphlet of a few pages, the

writer commencing with that view; but finding that he could not thus

justify the design of the work, will fully explain the cause of its

present volume. The subject of this work is one that the writer has

given thought for years, and the only regret that he has now in placing

it before the public is, that his circumstances and engagements have

not afforded him such time and opportunity as to do justice to it. But,

should he succeed in turning the attention of the colored people, in

general, in this direction--he shall have been amply compensated for the

labor bestowed. An appendix will be found giving the plan of the author,

laid out at twenty-four years of age, but subsequently improved on, for

the elevation of the colored race. That plan of course, as this work

will fully show, has been abandoned for a far more glorious one; albeit,

we as a race, still lay claim to the project, which one day must be

added to our dashing strides in national advancement, successful

adventure, and unsurpassed enterprise.

One part of the American people, though living in near proximity and

together, are quite unacquainted with the other; and one of the great

objects of the author is, to make each acquainted. Except the character

of an individual is known, there can be no just appreciation of his

worth; and as with individuals, so is it with classes.

The colored people are not yet known, even to their most professed

friends among the white Americans; for the reason, that politicians,

religionists, colonizationists, and abolitionists, have each and all, at

different times, presumed to _think_ for, dictate to, and _know_ better

what suited colored people, than they knew for themselves; and

consequently, there has been no other knowledge of them obtained, than

that which has been obtained through these mediums. Their history--past,

present, and future, has been written by them, who, for reasons well

known, which are named in this volume, are not their representatives,

and, therefore, do not properly nor fairly present their wants and

claims among their fellows. Of these impressions, we design disabusing

the public mind, and correcting the false impressions of all classes

upon this great subject. A moral and mental, is as obnoxious as a

physical servitude, and not to be tolerated; as the one may, eventually,

lead to the other. Of these we feel the direful effects.

"If I'm designed your lordling's slave,

By nature's law designed;

Why was an independent wish

E'er planted in my mind!"

I

CONDITION OF MANY CLASSES IN EUROPE CONSIDERED

That there have been in all ages and in all countries, in every quarter

of the habitable globe, especially among those nations laying the

greatest claim to civilization and enlightenment, classes of people who

have been deprived of equal privileges, political, religious and social,

cannot be denied, and that this deprivation on the part of the ruling

classes is cruel and unjust, is also equally true. Such classes have

even been looked upon as inferior to their oppressors, and have ever

been mainly the domestics and menials of society, doing the low offices

and drudgery of those among whom they lived, moving about and existing

by mere sufferance, having no rights nor privileges but those conceded

by the common consent of their political superiors. These are historical

facts that cannot be controverted, and therefore proclaim in tones more

eloquently than thunder, the listful attention of every oppressed man,

woman, and child under the government of the people of the United States

of America.

In past ages there were many such classes, as the Israelites in Egypt,

the Gladiators in Rome, and similar classes in Greece; and in the

present age, the Gipsies in Italy and Greece, the Cossacs in Russia and

Turkey, the Sclaves and Croats in the Germanic States, and the Welsh and

Irish among the British, to say nothing of various other classes among

other nations.

That there have in all ages, in almost every nation, existed a nation

within a nation--a people who although forming a part and parcel of the

population, yet were from force of circumstances, known by the peculiar

position they occupied, forming in fact, by the deprivation of political

equality with others, no part, and if any, but a restricted part of the

body politic of such nations, is also true.

Such then are the Poles in Russia, the Hungarians in Austria, the

Scotch, Irish, and Welsh in the United Kingdom, and such also are the

Jews, scattered throughout not only the length and breadth of Europe,

but almost the habitable globe, maintaining their national

characteristics, and looking forward in high hopes of seeing the day

when they may return to their former national position of

self-government and independence, let that be in whatever part of the

habitable world it may. This is the lot of these various classes of

people in Europe, and it is not our intention here, to discuss the

justice or injustice of the causes that have contributed to their

degradation, but simply to set forth the undeniable facts, which are as

glaring as the rays of a noonday's sun, thereby to impress them

indelibly on the mind of every reader of this pamphlet.

It is not enough, that these people are deprived of equal privileges by

their rulers, but, the more effectually to succeed, the equality of

these classes must be denied, and their inferiority by nature as

distinct races, actually asserted. This policy is necessary to appease

the opposition that might be interposed in their behalf. Wherever there

is arbitrary rule, there must be necessity, on the part of the dominant

classes, superiority be assumed. To assume superiority, is to deny the

equality of others, and to deny their equality, is to premise their

incapacity for self-government. Let this once be conceded, and there

will be little or no sympathy for the oppressed, the oppressor being

left to prescribe whatever terms at discretion for their government,

suits his own purpose.

Such then is the condition of various classes in Europe; yes, nations,

for centuries within nations, even without the hope of redemption among

those who oppress them. And however unfavorable their condition, there

is none more so than that of the colored people of the United States.

II

COMPARATIVE CONDITION OF THE COLORED PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES

The United States, untrue to her trust and unfaithful to her professed

principles of republican equality, has also pursued a policy of

political degradation to a large portion of her native born countrymen,

and that class is the Colored People. Denied an equality not only of

political but of natural rights, in common with the rest of our fellow

citizens, there is no species of degradation to which we are not

subject.

Reduced to abject slavery is not enough, the very thought of which

should awaken every sensibility of our common nature; but those of their

descendants who are freemen even in the non-slaveholding States, occupy

the very same position politically, religiously, civilly and socially,

(with but few exceptions,) as the bondman occupies in the slave States.

In those States, the bondman is disfranchised, and for the most part so

are we. He is denied all civil, religious, and social privileges, except

such as he gets by mere sufferance, and so are we. They have no part nor

lot in the government of the country, neither have we. They are ruled

and governed without representation, existing as mere nonentities among

the citizens, and excrescences on the body politic--a mere dreg in

community, and so are we. Where then is our political superiority to the

enslaved? none, neither are we superior in any other relation to

society, except that we are defacto masters of ourselves and joint

rulers of our own domestic household, while the bondman's self is

claimed by another, and his relation to his family denied him. What the

unfortunate classes are in Europe, such are we in the United States,

which is folly to deny, insanity not to understand, blindness not to

see, and surely now full time that our eyes were opened to these

startling truths, which for ages have stared us full in the face.

It is time that we had become politicians, we mean, to understand the

political economy and domestic policy of nations; that we had become as

well as moral theorists, also the practical demonstrators of equal

rights and self-government. Except we do, it is idle to talk about

rights, it is mere chattering for the sake of being seen and heard--like

the slave, saying something because his so called "master" said it, and

saying just what he told him to say. Have we not now sufficient

intelligence among us to understand our true position, to realise our

actual condition, and determine for ourselves what is best to be done?

If we have not now, we never shall have, and should at once cease

prating about our equality, capacity, and all that.

Twenty years ago, when the writer was a youth, his young and yet

uncultivated mind was aroused, and his tender heart made to leap with

anxiety in anticipation of the promises then held out by the prime

movers in the cause of our elevation.

In 1830 the most intelligent and leading spirits among the colored men

in the United States, such as James Forten, Robert Douglass, I. Bowers,

A.D. Shadd, John Peck, Joseph Cassey, and John B. Vashon of

Pennsylvania; John T. Hilton, Nathaniel and Thomas Paul, and James G.

Barbodoes of Massachusetts; Henry Sipkins, Thomas Hamilton, Thomas L.

Jennings, Thomas Downing, Samuel E. Cornish, and others of New York; R.

Cooley and others of Maryland, and representatives from other States

which cannot now be recollected, the data not being at hand, assembled

in the city of Philadelphia, in the capacity of a National Convention,

to "devise ways and means for the bettering of our condition." These

Conventions determined to assemble annually, much talent, ability, and

energy of character being displayed; when in 1831 at a sitting of the

Convention in September, from their previous pamphlet reports, much

interest having been created throughout the country, they were favored

by the presence of a number of whites, some of whom were able and

distinguished men, such as Rev. R.R. Gurley, Arthur Tappan, Elliot

Cresson, John Rankin, Simeon Jocelyn and others, among them William

Lloyd Garrison, then quite a young man, all of whom were staunch and

ardent Colonizationists, young Garrison at that time, doing his

mightiest in his favorite work.

Among other great projects of interest brought before the convention at

a previous sitting, was that of the expediency of a general emigration,

as far as it was practicable, of the colored people to the British

Provinces of North America. Another was that of raising sufficient means

for the establishment and erection of a College for the proper education

of the colored youth. These gentlemen long accustomed to observation and

reflection on the condition of their people saw at once, that there must

necessarily be means used adequate to the end to be attained--that end

being an unqualified equality with the ruling class of their fellow

citizens. He saw that as a class, the colored people of the country were

ignorant, degraded and oppressed, by far the greater portion of them

being abject slaves in the South, the very condition of whom was almost

enough, under the circumstances, to blast the remotest hope of success,

and those who were freemen, whether in the South or North, occupied a

subservient, servile, and menial position, considering it a favor to get

into the service of the whites, and do their degrading offices. That the

difference between the whites and themselves, consisted in the superior

advantages of the one over the other, in point of attainments. That if a

knowledge of the arts and sciences, the mechanical occupations, the

industrial occupations, as farming, commerce, and all the various

business enterprises, and learned professions were necessary for the

superior position occupied by their rulers, it was also necessary for

them. And very reasonably too, the first suggestion which occurred to

them was, the advantages of a location, then the necessity of a

qualification. They reasoned with themselves, that all distinctive

differences made among men on account of their origin, is wicked,

unrighteous, and cruel, and never shall receive countenance in any shape

from us, therefore, the first acts of the measure entered into by them,

was to protest, solemnly protest, against every unjust measure and

policy in the country, having for its object the proscription of the

colored people, whether state, national, municipal, social, civil, or

religious.

But being far-sighted, reflecting, discerning men, they took a political

view of the subject, and determined for the good of their people to be

governed in their policy according to the facts as they presented

themselves. In taking a glance at Europe, they discovered there, however

unjustly, as we have shown in another part of this pamphlet, that there

are and have been numerous classes proscribed and oppressed, and it was

not for them to cut short their wise deliberations, and arrest their

proceedings in contention, as to the cause, whether on account of

language, the color of eyes, hair, skin, or their origin of

country--because all this is contrary to reason, a contradiction to

common sense, at war with nature herself, and at variance with facts as

they stare us every day in the face, among all nations, in every

country--this being made the pretext as a matter of _policy_ alone--a

fact worthy of observation, that wherever the objects of oppression are

the most easily distinguished by any peculiar or general

characteristics, these people are the more easily oppressed, because the

war of oppression is the more easily waged against them. This is the

case with the modern Jews and many other people who have

strongly-marked, peculiar, or distinguishing characteristics. This

arises in this wise. The policy of all those who proscribe any people,

induces them to select as the objects of proscription, those who

differed as much as possible, in some particulars, from themselves. This

is to ensure the greater success, because it engenders the greater

prejudice, or in other words, elicits less interest on the part of the

oppressing class, in their favor. This fact is well understood in

national conflicts, as the soldier or civilian, who is distinguished by

his dress, mustache, or any other peculiar appendage, would certainly

prove himself a madman, if he did not take the precaution to change his

dress, remove his mustache, and conceal as much as possible his peculiar

characteristics, to give him access among the repelling party.

This is mere policy, nature having nothing to do with it. Still, it is a

fact, a great truth well worthy of remark, and as such as adduce it for

the benefit of those of our readers, unaccustomed to an enquiry into the

policy of nations.

In view of these truths, our fathers and leaders in our elevation,

discovered that as a policy, we the colored people were selected as the

subordinate class in this country, not on account of any actual or

supposed inferiority on their part, but simply because, in view of all

the circumstances of the case, they were the very best class that could

be selected. They would have as readily had any other class as

subordinates in the country, as the colored people, but the condition of

society _at the time_, would not admit of it. In the struggle for

American Independence, there were among those who performed the most

distinguished parts, the most common-place peasantry of the Provinces.

English, Danish, Irish, Scotch, and others, were among those whose names

blazoned forth as heroes in the American Revolution. But a single

reflection will convince us, that no course of policy could have induced

the proscription of the parentage and relatives of such men as Benjamin

Franklin the printer, Roger Sherman the cobbler, the tinkers, and others

of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. But as they were

determined to have a subservient class, it will readily be conceived,

that according to the state of society at the time, the better policy on

their part was, to select some class, who from their political

position--however much they may have contributed their aid as we

certainly did, in the general struggle for liberty by force of arms--who

had the least claims upon them, or who had the _least chance_, or was

the _least potent_ in urging their claims. This class of course was the

colored people and Indians.

The Indians who in the early settlement of the continent, before an

African captive had ever been introduced thereon, were reduced to the

most abject slavery, toiling day and night in the mines, under the

relentless hands of heartless Spanish taskmasters, but being a race of

people raised to the sports of fishing, the chase, and of war, were

wholly unaccustomed to labor, and therefore sunk under the insupportable

weight, two millions and a half having fallen victims to the cruelty of

oppression and toil suddenly placed upon their shoulders. And it was

only this that prevented their farther enslavement as a class, after the

provinces were absolved from the British Crown. It is true that their

general enslavement took place on the islands and in the mining

districts of South America, where indeed, the Europeans continued to

enslave them, until a comparatively recent period; still, the design,

the feeling, and inclination from policy, was the same to do so here, in

this section of the continent.

Nor was it until their influence became too great, by the political

position occupied by their brethren in the new republic, that the German

and Irish peasantry ceased to be sold as slaves for a term of years

fixed by law, for the repayment of their passage-money, the descendants

of these classes of people for a long time being held as inferiors, in

the estimation of the ruling class, and it was not until they assumed

the rights and privileges guaranteed to them by the established policy

of the country, among the leading spirits of whom were their relatives,

that the policy towards them was discovered to be a bad one, and

accordingly changed. Nor was it, as is frequently very erroneously

asserted, by colored as well as white persons, that it was on account of

hatred to the African, or in other words, on account of hatred to his

color, that the African was selected as the subject of oppression in

this country. This is sheer nonsense; being based on policy and nothing

else, as shown in another place. The Indians, who being the most foreign

to the sympathies of the Europeans on this continent, were selected in

the first place, who, being unable to withstand the hardships, gave way

before them.

But the African race had long been known to Europeans, in all ages of

the worlds history, as a long-lived, hardy race, subject to toil and

labor of various kinds, subsisting mainly by traffic, trade, and

industry, and consequently being as foreign to the sympathies of the

invaders of the continent as the Indians, they were selected, captured,

brought here as a laboring class, and as a matter of policy held as

such. Nor was the absurd idea of natural inferiority of the African ever

dreamed of, until recently adduced by the slave-holders and their

abettors, in justification of the policy. This, with contemptuous

indignation, we fling back into their face, as a scorpion to a vulture.

And so did our patriots and leaders in the cause of regeneration know

better, and never for a moment yielded to the base doctrine. But they

had discovered the great fact, that a cruel policy was pursued towards

our people, and that they possessed distinctive characteristics which

made them the objects of proscription. These characteristics being

strongly marked in the colored people, as in the Indians, by color,

character of hair and so on, made them the more easily distinguished

from other Americans, and the policies more effectually urged against

us. For this reason they introduced the subject of emigration to Canada,

and a proper institution for the education of the youth.

At this important juncture of their proceedings, the afore named white

gentlemen were introduced to the notice of the Convention, and after

gaining permission to speak, expressed their gratification and surprise

at the qualification and talent manifested by different members of the

Convention, all expressing their determination to give the cause of the

colored people more serious reflection. Mr. Garrison, the youngest of

them all, and none the less honest on account of his youthfulness, being

but 26 years of age at the time, (1831) expressed his determination to

change his course of policy at once, and espouse the cause of the

elevation of the colored people here in their own country. We are not at

present well advised upon this point, it now having escaped our memory,

but we are under the impression that Mr. Jocelyn also, at once changed

his policy.

During the winter of 1832, Mr. Garrison issued his "Thoughts on African

Colonization," and near about the same time or shortly after, issued the

first number of the "Liberator," in both of which, his full convictions

of the enormity of American slavery, and the wickedness of their policy

towards the colored people, were fully expressed. At the sitting of the

Convention in this year, a number, perhaps all of these gentlemen were

present, and those who had denounced the Colonization scheme, and

espoused the cause of the elevation of the colored people in this

country, or the Anti-Slavery cause, as it was now termed, expressed

themselves openly and without reserve.

Sensible of the high-handed injustice done to the colored people in the

United States, and the mischief likely to emanate from the unchristian

proceedings of the deceptious Colonization scheme, like all honest

hearted penitents, with the ardor only known to new converts, they

entreated the Convention, whatever they did, not to entertain for a

moment, the idea of recommending emigration to their people, nor the

establishment of separate institutions of learning. They earnestly

contended, and doubtless honestly meaning what they said, that they (the

whites) had been our oppressors and injurers, they had obstructed our

progress to the high positions of civilization, and now, it was their

bounden duty to make full amends for the injuries thus inflicted on an

unoffending people. They exhorted the Convention to cease; as they had

laid on the burden, they would also take it off; as they had obstructed

our pathway, they would remove the hindrance. In a word, as they had

oppressed and trampled down the colored people, they would now elevate

them. These suggestions and promises, good enough to be sure, after they

were made, were accepted by the Convention--though some gentlemen were

still in favor of the first project as the best policy, Mr. A.D. Shadd

of West Chester, Pa., as we learn from himself, being one among that

number--ran through the country like wild-fire, no one thinking, and if

he thought, daring to speak above his breath of going any where out of

certain prescribed limits, or of sending a child to school, if it should

but have the name of "colored" attached to it, without the risk of being

termed a "traitor" to the cause of his people, or an enemy to the

Anti-Slavery cause.

At this important point in the history of our efforts, the colored men

stopped suddenly, and with their hands thrust deep in their

breeches-pockets, and their mouths gaping open, stood gazing with

astonishment, wonder, and surprise, at the stupendous moral colossal

statues of our Anti-Slavery friends and brethren, who in the heat and

zeal of honest hearts, from a desire to make atonement for the many

wrongs inflicted, promised a great deal more than they have ever been

able half to fulfill, in thrice the period in which they expected it.

And in this, we have no fault to find with our Anti-Slavery friends, and

here wish it to be understood, that we are not laying any thing to their

charge as blame, neither do we desire for a moment to reflect on them,

because we heartily believe that all that they did at the time, they did

with the purest and best of motives, and further believe that they now

are, as they then were, the truest friends we have among the whites in

this country. And hope, and desire, and request, that our people should

always look upon _true_ anti-slavery people, Abolitionists we mean, as

their friends, until they have just cause for acting otherwise. It is

true, that the Anti-Slavery, like all good causes, has produced some

recreants, but the cause itself is no more to be blamed for that, than

Christianity is for the malconduct of any professing hypocrite, nor the

society of Friends, for the conduct of a broad-brimmed hat and

shad-belly coated horsethief, because he spoke _thee_ and _thou_ before

stealing the horse. But what is our condition even amidst our

Anti-Slavery friends? And here, as our sole intention is to contribute

to the elevation of our people, we must be permitted to express our

opinion freely, without being thought uncharitable.

In the first place, we should look at the objects for which the

Anti-Slavery cause was commenced, and the promises or inducements it

held out at the commencement. It should be borne in mind, that

Anti-Slavery took its rise among _colored men_, just at the time they

were introducing their greatest projects for their own elevation, and

that our Anti-Slavery brethren were converts of the colored men, in

behalf of their elevation. Of course, it would be expected that being

baptized into the new doctrines, their faith would induce them to

embrace the principles therein contained, with the strictest possible

adherence.

The cause of dissatisfaction with our former condition, was, that we

were proscribed, debarred, and shut out from every respectable position,

occupying the places of inferiors and menials.

It was expected that Anti-Slavery, according to its professions, would

extend to colored persons, as far as in the power of its adherents,

those advantages nowhere else to be obtained among white men. That

colored boys would get situations in their shops and stores, and every

other advantage tending to elevate them as far as possible, would be

extended to them. At least, it was expected, that in Anti-Slavery

establishments, colored men would have the preference. Because, there

was no other ostensible object in view, in the commencement of the

Anti-Slavery enterprise, than the _elevation_ of the _colored man_, by

facilitating his efforts in attaining to equality with the white man. It

was urged, and it was true, that the colored people were susceptible of

all that the whites were, and all that was required was to give them a

fair opportunity, and they would prove their capacity. That it was

unjust, wicked, and cruel, the result of an unnatural prejudice, that

debarred them from places of respectability, and that public opinion

could and should be corrected upon this subject. That it was only

necessary to make a sacrifice of feeling, and an innovation on the

customs of society, to establish a different order of things,--that as

Anti-Slavery men, they were willing to make these sacrifices, and

determined to take the colored man by the hand, making common cause with

him in affliction, and bear a part of the odium heaped upon him. That

his cause was the cause of God--that "In as much as ye did it not unto

the least of these my little ones, ye did it not unto me," and that as

Anti-Slavery men, they would "do right if the heavens fell." Thus, was

the cause espoused, and thus did we expect much. But in all this, we

were doomed to disappointment, sad, sad disappointment. Instead of

realising what we had hoped for, we find ourselves occupying the very

same position in relation to our Anti-Slavery friends, as we do in

relation to the pro-slavery part of the community--a mere secondary,

underling position, in all our relations to them, and any thing more

than this, is not a matter of course affair--it comes not by established

anti-slavery custom or right, but like that which emanates from the

pro-slavery portion of the community by mere sufferance.

It is true, that the "Liberator" office, in Boston, has got Elijah

Smith, a colored youth, at the cases--the "Standard," in New York, a

young colored man, and the "Freeman," in Philadelphia, William Still,

another, in the publication office, as "packing clerk"; yet these are

but three out of the hosts that fill these offices in their various

departments, all occupying places that could have been, and as we once

thought, would have been, easily enough, occupied by colored men.

Indeed, we can have no other idea about anti-slavery in this country,

than that the legitimate persons to fill any and every position about an

anti-slavery establishment are colored persons. Nor will it do to argue

in extenuation, that white men are as justly entitled to them as colored

men; because white men do not from _necessity_ become anti-slavery men

in order to get situations; they being white men, may occupy any

position they are capable of filling--in a word, their chances are

endless, every avenue in the country being opened to them. They do not

therefore become abolitionists, for the sake of employment--at least, it

is not the song that anti-slavery sung, in the first love of the new

faith, proclaimed by its disciples.

And if it be urged that colored men are incapable as yet to fill these

positions, all that we have to say is, that the cause has fallen far

short; almost equivalent to a failure, of a tithe, of what it promised

to do in half the period of its existence, to this time, if it have not

as yet, now a period of twenty years, raised up colored men enough, to

fill the offices within its patronage. We think it is not unkind to say,

if it had been half as faithful to itself, as it should have been--its

professed principles we mean; it could have reared and tutored from

childhood, colored men enough by this time, for its own especial

purpose. These we know could have been easily obtained, because colored

people in general, are favorable to the anti-slavery cause, and wherever

there is an adverse manifestation, it arises from sheer ignorance; and

we have now but comparatively few such among us. There is one thing

certain, that no colored person, except such as would reject education

altogether, would be adverse to putting their child with an anti-slavery

person, for educational advantages. This then could have been done. But

it has not been done, and let the cause of it be whatever it may, and

let whoever may be to blame, we are willing to let all that pass, and

extend to our anti-slavery brethren the right-hand of fellowship,

bidding them God-speed in the propagation of good and wholesome

sentiments--for whether they are practically carried out or not, the

profession are in themselves all right and good. Like Christianity, the

principles are holy and of divine origin. And we believe, if ever a man

started right, with pure and holy motives, Mr. Garrison did; and that,

had he the power of making the cause what it should be, it would all be

right, and there never would have been any cause for the remarks we have

made, though in kindness, and with the purest of motives. We are

nevertheless, still occupying a miserable position in the community,

wherever we live; and what we most desire is, to draw the attention of

our people to this fact, and point out what, in our opinion, we conceive

to be a proper remedy.

III

AMERICAN COLONIZATION

When we speak of colonization, we wish distinctly to be understood, as

speaking of the "American Colonization Society"--or that which is under

its influence--commenced in Richmond, Virginia, in 1817, under the

influence of Mr. Henry Clay of Ky., Judge Bushrod Washington of Va., and

other Southern slaveholders, having for their express object, as their

speeches and doings all justify us in asserting in good faith, the

removal of the free colored people from the land of their birth, for the

security of the slaves, as property to the slave propagandists.

This scheme had no sooner been propagated, than the old and leading

colored men of Philadelphia, Pa., with Richard Allen, James Forten, and

others at their head, true to their trust and the cause of their

brethren, summoned the colored people together, and then and there, in

language and with voices pointed and loud, protested against the scheme

as an outrage, having no other object in view, than the benefit of the

slave-holding interests of the country, and that as freemen, they would

never prove recreant to the cause of their brethren in bondage, by

leaving them without hope of redemption from their chains. This

determination of the colored patriots of Philadelphia was published in

full, authentically, and circulated throughout the length and breadth of

the country by the papers of the day. The colored people every where

received the news, and at once endorsed with heart and soul, the doings

of the Anti-Colonization Meeting of colored freemen. From that time

forth, the colored people generally have had no sympathy with the

colonization scheme, nor confidence in its leaders, looking upon them

all, as arrant hypocrites, seeking every opportunity to deceive them. In

a word, the monster was crippled in its infancy, and has never as yet

recovered from the stroke. It is true, that like its ancient sire, that

was "more subtile than all the beasts of the field," it has inherited a

large portion of his most prominent characteristic--an idiosyncrasy with

the animal--that enables him to entwine himself into the greater part of

the Church and other institutions of the country, which having once

entered there, leaves his venom, which put such a spell on the

conductors of those institutions, that is only on condition that a

colored person consents to go to the neighborhood of his kindred brother

monster the boa, that he may find admission in the one or the other. We

look upon the American Colonization Society as one of the most arrant

enemies of the colored man, ever seeking to discomfit him, and envying

him of every privilege that he may enjoy. We believe it to be

anti-Christian in its character, and misanthropic in its pretended

sympathies. Because if this were not the case, men could not be found

professing morality and Christianity--as to our astonishment we have

found them--who unhesitatingly say, "I know it is right"--that is in

itself--"to do" so and so, "and I am willing and ready to do it, but

only on condition, that you go to Africa." Indeed, a highly talented

clergyman, informed us in November last (three months ago) in the city

of Philadelphia, that he was present when the Rev. Doctor J.P. Durbin,

late President of Dickinson College, called on Rev. Mr. P. or B., to

consult him about going to Liberia, to take charge of the literary

department of an University in contemplation, when the following

conversation ensued: Mr. P.--"Doctor, I have as much and more than I can

do here, in educating the youth of our own country, and preparing them

for usefulness here at home." Dr. D.--"Yes, but do as you may, you can

never be elevated here." Mr. P.--"Doctor, do you not believe that the

religion of our blessed Redeemer Jesus Christ, has morality, humanity,

philanthropy, and justice enough in it to elevate us, and enable us to

obtain our rights in this our own country?" Dr. D.--"No, indeed, sir, I

do not, and if you depend upon that, your hopes are vain!" Mr.

P.--Turning to Doctor Durbin, looking him solemnly, though

affectionately in the face, remarked--"Well, Doctor Durbin, we both

profess to be ministers of Christ; but dearly as I love the cause of my

Redeemer, if for a moment, I could entertain the opinion you do about

Christianity, I would not serve him another hour!" We do not know, as we

were not advised, that the Rev. Doctor added in fine,--"Well, you may

quit now, for all your serving him will not avail against the power of

the god (hydra) of Colonization." Will any one doubt for a single

moment, the justice of our strictures on colonization, after reading the

conversation between the Rev. Dr. Durbin and the colored clergyman?

Surely not. We can therefore make no account of it, but that of setting

it down as being the worst enemy of the colored people.

Recently, there has been a strained effort in the city of New York on

the part of the Rev. J.B. Pinney and others, of the leading white

colonizationists, to get up a movement among some poor pitiable colored

men--we say pitiable, for certainly the colored persons who are at this

period capable of loaning themselves to the enemies of their race,

against the best interest of all that we hold sacred to that race, are

pitiable in the lowest extreme, far beneath the dignity of an enemy,

and therefore, we pass them by with the simple remark, that this is the

hobby that colonization is riding all over the country, as the

"tremendous" access of colored people to their cause within the last

twelve months. We should make another remark here perhaps, in

justification of governor Pinney's New York allies--that is, report

says, that in the short space of some three or five months, one of his

confidants, benefited himself to the "reckoning" of from eleven to

fifteen hundred dollars, or "such a matter," while others were benefited

in sums "pretty considerable" but of a less "reckoning." Well, we do not

know after all, that they may not have quite as good a right, to pocket

part of the spoils of this "grab game," as any body else. However, they

are of little consequence, as the ever watchful eye of those excellent

gentlemen and faithful guardians of their people's rights--the

_Committee of Thirteen_, consisting of Messrs. John J. Zuille,

_Chairman_, T. Joiner White, Philip A. Bell, _Secretaries_, Robert

Hamilton, George T. Downing, Jeremiah Powers, John T. Raymond, Wm.

Burnett, James McCune Smith, Ezekiel Dias, Junius C. Morel, Thomas

Downing, and Wm. J. Wilson, have properly chastised this pet-slave of

Mr. Pinney, and made it "know its place," by keeping within the bounds

of its master's enclosure.

In expressing our honest conviction of the designedly injurious

character of the Colonization Society, we should do violence to our own

sense of individual justice, if we did not express the belief, that

there are some honest hearted men, who not having seen things in the

proper light, favor that scheme, simply as a means of elevating the

colored people. Such persons, so soon as they become convinced of their

error, immediately change their policy, and advocate the elevation of

the colored people, anywhere and everywhere, in common with other men.

Of such were the early abolitionists as before stated; and the great and

good Dr. F.J. Lemoyne, Gerrit Smith, and Rev. Charles Avery, and a host

of others, who were Colonizationists, before espousing the cause of our

elevation, here at home, and nothing but an honorable sense of justice,

induces us to make these exceptions, as there are many good persons

within our knowledge, whom we believe to be well wishers of the colored

people, who may favor colonization.[1] But the animal itself is the same

"hydra-headed monster," let whomsoever may fancy to pet it. A serpent is

a serpent, and none the less a viper, because nestled in the bosom of an

honest hearted man. This the colored people must bear in mind, and keep

clear of the hideous thing, lest its venom may be test upon them. But

why deem any argument necessary to show the unrighteousness of

colonization? Its very origin as before shown--the source from whence it

sprung, being the offspring of slavery--is in itself, sufficient to

blast it in the estimation of every colored person in the United States,

who has sufficient intelligence to comprehend it.

We dismiss this part of the subject, and proceed to consider the mode

and means of our elevation in the United States.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Benjamin Coates, Esq., a merchant of Philadelphia, we believe to be

an honest hearted man, and real friend of the colored people, and a

true, though as yet, rather undecided philanthropist. Mr. Coates, to our

knowledge, has supported three or four papers published by colored men,

for the elevation of colored people in the United States, and given, as

he continues to do, considerable sums to their support. We have recently

learned from himself, that, though he still advocates Colonization,

simply as a means of elevating the colored race of the United States,

that he has _left_ the Colonization Society, and prefers seeing colored

people located on this continent, to going to Liberia, or elsewhere off

of it--though his zeal for the enlightenment of Africa, is unabated, as

every good man's should be; and we are satisfied, that Mr. Coates is

neither well understood, nor rightly appreciated by the friends of our

cause. One thing we do know, that he left the Colonization Society,

because he could not conscientiously subscribe to its measures.

IV

OUR ELEVATION IN THE UNITED STATES

That very little comparatively as yet has been done, to attain a

respectable position as a class in this country, will not be denied, and

that the successful accomplishment of this end is also possible, must

also be admitted; but in what manner, and by what means, has long been,

and is even now, by the best thinking minds among the colored people

themselves, a matter of difference of opinion.

We believe in the universal equality of man, and believe in that

declaration of God's word, in which it is there positively said, that

"God has made of one blood all the nations that dwell on the face of the

earth." Now of "the nations that dwell on the face of the earth," that

is, all the people--there are one thousand millions of souls, and of

this vast number of human beings, two-thirds are colored, from black,

tending in complexion to the olive or that of the Chinese, with all the

intermediate and admixtures of black and white, with the various

"crosses" as they are physiologically, but erroneously termed, to white.

We are thus explicit in stating these points, because we are determined

to be understood by all. We have then, two colored to one white person

throughout the earth, and yet, singular as it may appear, according to

the present geographical and political history of the world, the white

race predominates over the colored; or in other words, wherever there is

one white person, that one rules and governs two colored persons. This

is a living undeniable truth, to which we call the especial attention of

the colored reader in particular. Now there is a cause for this, as

there is no effect without a cause, a comprehensible remediable cause.

We all believe in the justice of God, that he is impartial, "looking

upon his children with an eye of care," dealing out to them all, the

measure of his goodness; yet, how can we reconcile ourselves to the

difference that exists between the colored and the white races, as they

truthfully present themselves before our eyes? To solve this problem, is

to know the remedy; and to know it, is but necessary, in order

successfully to apply it. And we shall but take the colored people of

the United States, as a fair sample of the colored races everywhere of

the present age, as the arguments that apply to the one, will apply to

the other, whether Christians, Mahomedans, or pagans.

The colored races are highly susceptible of religion; it is a

constituent principle of their nature, and an excellent trait in their

character. But unfortunately for them, they carry it too far. Their hope

is largely developed, and consequently, they usually stand still--hope

in God, and really expect Him to do that for them, which it is necessary

they should do themselves. This is their great mistake, and arises from

a misconception of the character and ways of Deity. We must know God,

that is understand His nature and purposes, in order to serve Him; and

to serve Him well, is but to know him rightly. To depend for assistance

upon God, is a _duty_ and right; but to know when, how, and in what

manner to obtain it, is the key to this great Bulwark of Strength, and

Depository of Aid.

God himself is perfect; perfect in all his works and ways. He has means

for every end; and every means used must be adequate to the end to be

gained. God's means are laws--fixed laws of nature, a part of His own

being, and as immutable, as unchangeable as Himself. Nothing can be

accomplished but through the medium of, and conformable to these laws.

They are _three_--and like God himself, represented in the three persons

in the God-head--the _Spiritual_, _Moral_ and _Physical_ Laws.

That which is Spiritual, can only be accomplished through the medium of

the Spiritual law; that which is Moral, through the medium of the Moral

law; and that which is Physical, through the medium of the Physical law.

Otherwise than this, it is useless to expect any thing. Does a person

want a spiritual blessing, he must apply through the medium of the

spiritual law--_pray_ for it in order to obtain it. If they desire to do

a moral good, they must apply through the medium of the moral

law--exercise their sense and feeling of _right_ and _justice_, in order

to effect it. Do they want to attain a physical end, they can only do so

through the medium of the physical law--go to _work_ with muscles,

hands, limbs, might and strength, and this, and nothing else will attain

it.

The argument that man must pray for what he receives, is a mistake, and

one that is doing the colored people especially, incalculable injury.

That man must pray in order to get to Heaven, every Christian will

admit--but a great truth we have yet got to learn, that he can live on

earth whether he is religious or not, so that he conforms to the great

law of God, regulating the things of earth; the great physical laws. It

is only necessary, in order to convince our people of their error and

palpable mistake in this matter, to call their attention to the fact,

that there are no people more religious in this Country, than the

colored people, and none so poor and miserable as they. That prosperity

and wealth, smiles upon the efforts of wicked white men, whom we know to

utter the name of God with curses, instead of praises. That among the

slaves, there are thousands of them religious, continually raising

their voices, sending up their prayers to God, invoking His aid in their

behalf, asking for a speedy deliverance; but they are still in chains,

although they have thrice suffered out their three score years and ten.

That "God sendeth rain upon the just and unjust," should be sufficient

to convince us that our success in life, does not depend upon our

religious character, but that the physical laws governing all earthly

and temporary affairs, benefit equally the just and the unjust. Any

other doctrine than this, is downright delusion, unworthy of a free

people, and only intended for slaves. That all men and women, should be

moral, upright, good and religious--we mean _Christians_--we would not

utter a word against, and could only wish that it were so; but, what we

here desire to do is, to correct the long standing error among a large

body of the colored people in this country, that the cause of our

oppression and degradation, is the displeasure of God towards us,

because of our unfaithfulness to Him. This is not true; because if God

is just--and he is--there could be no justice in prospering white men

with his fostering care, for more than two thousand years, in all their

wickedness, while dealing out to the colored people, the measure of his

displeasure, for not half the wickedness as that of the whites. Here

then is our mistake, and let it forever henceforth be corrected. We are

no longer slaves, believing any interpretation that our oppressors may

give the word of God, for the purpose of deluding us to the more easy

subjugation; but freemen, comprising some of the first minds of

intelligence and rudimental qualifications, in the country. What then is

the remedy, for our degradation and oppression? This appears now to be

the only remaining question--the means of successful elevation in this

our own native land? This depends entirely upon the application of the

means of Elevation.

V

MEANS OF ELEVATION

Moral theories have long been resorted to by us, as a means of effecting

the redemption of our brethren in bonds, and the elevation of the free

colored people in this country. Experience has taught us, that

speculations are not enough; that the _practical_ application of

principles adduced, the thing carried out, is the only true and proper

course to pursue.

We have speculated and moralised much about equality--claiming to be as

good as our neighbors, and every body else--all of which, may do very

well in ethics--but not in politics. We live in society among men,

conducted by men, governed by rules and regulations. However arbitrary,

there are certain policies that regulate all well organized institutions

and corporate bodies. We do not intend here to speak of the legal

political relations of society, for those are treated on elsewhere. The

business and social, or voluntary and mutual policies, are those that

now claim our attention. Society regulates itself--being governed by

mind, which like water, finds its own level. "Like seeks like," is a

principle in the laws of matter, as well as of mind. There is such a

thing as inferiority of things, and positions; at least society has made

them so; and while we continue to live among men, we must agree to all

_just_ measures--all those we mean, that do not necessarily infringe on

the rights of others. By the regulations of society, there is no

equality of attainments. By this, we do not wish to be understood as

advocating the actual equal attainments of every individual; but we mean

to say, that if these attainments be necessary for the elevation of the

white man, they are necessary for the elevation of the colored man. That

some colored men and women, in a like proportion to the whites, should

be qualified in all the attainments possessed by them. It is one of the

regulations of society the world over, and we shall have to conform to

it, or be discarded as unworthy of the associations of our fellows.

Cast our eyes about us and reflect for a moment, and what do we behold!

every thing that presents to view gives evidence of the skill of the

white man. Should we purchase a pound of groceries, a yard of linen, a

vessel of crockery-ware, a piece of furniture, the very provisions that

we eat,--all, all are the products of the white man, purchased by us

from the white man, consequently, our earnings and means, are all given

to the white man.

Pass along the avenues of any city or town, in which you live--behold

the trading shops--the manufacturies--see the operations of the various

machinery--see the stage-coaches coming in, bringing the mails of

intelligence--look at the railroads interlining every section, bearing

upon them their mighty trains, flying with the velocity of the swallow,

ushering in the hundreds of industrious, enterprising travellers. Cast

again your eyes widespread over the ocean--see the vessels in every

direction with their white sheets spread to the winds of heaven,

freighted with the commerce, merchandise and wealth of many nations.

Look as you pass along through the cities, at the great and massive

buildings--the beautiful and extensive structures of

architecture--behold the ten thousand cupolas, with their spires all

reared up towards heaven, intersecting the territory of the clouds--all

standing as mighty living monuments, of the industry, enterprise, and

intelligence of the white man. And yet, with all these living truths,

rebuking us with scorn, we strut about, place our hands akimbo,

straighten up ourselves to our greatest height, and talk loudly about

being "as good as any body." How do we compare with them? Our fathers

are their coachmen, our brothers their cookmen, and ourselves their

waiting-men. Our mothers their nurse-women, our sisters their

scrub-women, our daughters their maid-women, and our wives their

washer-women. Until colored men, attain to a position above permitting

their mothers, sisters, wives, and daughters, to do the drudgery and

menial offices of other men's wives and daughters; it is useless, it is

nonsense, it is pitiable mockery, to talk about equality and elevation

in society. The world is looking upon us, with feelings of

commiseration, sorrow, and contempt. We scarcely deserve sympathy, if we

peremptorily refuse advice, bearing upon our elevation.

We will suppose a case for argument: In this city reside, two colored

families, of three sons and three daughters each. At the head of each

family, there is an old father and mother. The opportunities of these

families, may or may not be the same for educational advantages--be that

as it may, the children of the one go to school, and become qualified

for the duties of life. One daughter becomes school-teacher, another a

mantua-maker, and a third a fancy shop-keeper; while one son becomes a

farmer, another a merchant, and a third a mechanic. All enter into

business with fine prospects, marry respectably, and settle down in

domestic comfort--while the six sons and daughters of the other family,

grow up without educational and business qualifications, and the highest

aim they have, is to apply to the sons and daughters of the first named

family, to hire for domestics! Would there be an equality here between

the children of these two families? Certainly not. This, then, is

precisely the position of the colored people generally in the United

States, compared with the whites. What is necessary to be done, in order

to attain an equality, is to change the condition, and the person is at

once changed. If, as before stated, a knowledge of all the various

business enterprises, trades, professions, and sciences, is necessary

for the elevation of the white, a knowledge of them also is necessary

for the elevation of the colored man; and he cannot be elevated without

them.

White men are producers--we are consumers. They build houses, and we

rent them. They raise produce, and we consume it. They manufacture

clothes and wares, and we garnish ourselves with them. They build

coaches, vessels, cars, hotels, saloons, and other vehicles and places

of accommodation, and we deliberately wait until they have got them in

readiness, then walk in, and contend with as much assurance for a

"right," as though the whole thing was bought by, paid for, and belonged

to us. By their literary attainments, they are the contributors to,

authors and teachers of, literature, science, religion, law, medicine,

and all other useful attainments that the world now makes use of. We

have no reference to ancient times--we speak of modern things.

These are the means by which God intended man to succeed: and this

discloses the secret of the white man's success with all of his

wickedness, over the head of the colored man, with all of his religion.

We have been pointed and plain, on this part of the subject, because we

desire our readers to see persons and things in their true position.

Until we are determined to change the condition of things, and raise

ourselves above the position in which we are now prostrated, we must

hang our heads in sorrow, and hide our faces in shame. It is enough to

know that these things are so; the causes we care little about. Those we

have been examining, complaining about, and moralising over, all our

life time. This we are weary of. What we desire to learn now is, how to

effect a _remedy_; this we have endeavored to point out. Our elevation

must be the result of _self-efforts_, and work of our _own hands_. No

other human power can accomplish it. If we but determine it shall be so,

it will be so. Let each one make the case his own, and endeavor to rival

his neighbor, in honorable competition.

These are the proper and only means of elevating ourselves and attaining

equality in this country or any other, and it is useless, utterly

futile, to think about going any where, except we are determined to use

these as the necessary means of developing our manhood. The means are at

hand, within our reach. Are we willing to try them? Are we willing to

raise ourselves superior to the condition of slaves, or continue the

meanest underlings, subject to the beck and call of every creature

bearing a pale complexion? If we are, we had as well remained in the

South, as to have come to the North in search of more freedom. What was

the object of our parents in leaving the south, if it were not for the

purpose of attaining equality in common with others of their fellow

citizens, by giving their children access to all the advantages enjoyed

by others? Surely this was their object. They heard of liberty and

equality here, and they hastened on to enjoy it, and no people are more

astonished and disappointed than they, who for the first time, on

beholding the position we occupy here in the free north--what is called,

and what they expect to find, the free States. They at once tell us,

that they have as much liberty in the south as we have in the

north--that there as free people, they are protected in their

rights--that we have nothing more--that in other respects they have the

same opportunity, indeed the preferred opportunity, of being their

maids, servants, cooks, waiters, and menials in general, there, as we

have here--that had they known for a moment, before leaving, that such

was to be the only position they occupied here, they would have remained

where they were, and never left. Indeed, such is the disappointment in

many cases, that they immediately return back again, completely insulted

at the idea, of having us here at the north, assume ourselves to be

their superiors. Indeed, if our superior advantages of the free States,

do not induce and stimulate us to the higher attainments in life, what

in the name of degraded humanity will do it? Nothing, surely nothing.

If, in fine, the advantages of free schools in Massachusetts, New York,

Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, and wherever else we may have them, do not

give us advantages and pursuits superior to our slave brethren, then are

the unjust assertions of Messrs. Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Theodore

Frelinghuysen, late Governor Poindexter of Mississippi, George McDuffy,

Governor Hammond of South Carolina, Extra Billy (present Governor)

Smith, of Virginia, and the host of our oppressors, slave-holders and

others, true, that we are insusceptible and incapable of elevation to

the more respectable, honorable, and higher attainments among white men.

But this we do not believe--neither do you, although our whole life and

course of policy in this country are such, that it would seem to prove

otherwise. The degradation of the slave parent has been entailed upon

the child, induced by the subtle policy of the oppressor, in regular

succession handed down from father to son--a system of regular

submission and servitude, menialism and dependence, until it has become

almost a physiological function of our system, an actual condition of

our nature. Let this no longer be so, but let us determine to equal the

whites among whom we live, not by declarations and unexpressed

self-opinion, for we have always had enough of that, but by actual proof

in acting, doing, and carrying out practically, the measures of

equality. Here is our nativity, and here have we the natural right to

abide and be elevated through the measures of our own efforts.

VI

THE UNITED STATES OUR COUNTRY

Our common country is the United States. Here were we born, here raised

and educated; here are the scenes of childhood; the pleasant

associations of our school going days; the loved enjoyments of our

domestic and fireside relations, and the sacred graves of our departed

fathers and mothers, and from here will we not be driven by any policy

that may be schemed against us.

We are Americans, having a birthright citizenship--natural claims upon

the country--claims common to all others of our fellow citizens--natural

rights, which may, by virtue of unjust laws, be obstructed, but never

can be annulled. Upon these do we place ourselves, as immovably fixed as

the decrees of the living God. But according to the economy that

regulates the policy of nations, upon which rests the basis of

justifiable claims to all freeman's rights, it may be necessary to take

another view of, and enquire into the political claims of colored men.

VII

CLAIMS OF COLORED MEN AS CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES

The political basis upon which rests the establishment of all free

nations, as the first act in their organization, is the security by

constitutional provisions, of the fundamental claims of citizenship.

The legitimate requirement, politically considered, necessary to the

justifiable claims for protection and full enjoyment of all the rights

and privileges of an unqualified freeman, in all democratic countries

is, that each person so endowed, shall have made contributions and

investments in the country. Where there is no investment there can be

but little interest; hence an adopted citizen is required to reside a

sufficient length of time, to form an attachment and establish some

interest in the country of his adoption, before he can rightfully lay

any claims to citizenship. The pioneer who leads in the discovery or

settlement of a country, as the first act to establish a right therein,

erects a building of whatever dimensions, and seizes upon a portion of

the soil. The soldier, who braves the dangers of the battle-field, in

defence of his country's rights, and the toiling laborer and husbandman,

who cuts down and removes the forest, levels and constructs post-roads

and other public highways--the mechanic, who constructs and builds up

houses, villages, towns, and cities, for the conveniency of

inhabitants--the farmer, who cultivates the soil for the production of

breadstuffs and forage, as food and feed for man and beast--all of

these are among the first people of a democratic state, whose claims are

legitimate as freemen of the commonwealth. A freeman in a political

sense, is a citizen of unrestricted rights in the state, being eligible

to the highest position known to their civil code. They are the

preferred persons in whom may be invested the highest privileges, and to

whom may be entrusted fundamentally the most sacred rights of the

country; because, having made the greatest investments, they necessarily

have the greatest interests; and consequently, are the safest hands into

which to place so high and sacred a trust. Their interest being the

country's, and the interest of the country being the interest of the

people; therefore, the protection of their own interests necessarily

protects the interests of the whole country and people. It is this

simple but great principle of primitive rights, that forms the

fundamental basis of citizenship in all free countries, and it is upon

this principle, that the rights of the colored man in this country to

citizenship are fixed.

The object of this volume is, to enlighten the minds of a large class of

readers upon a subject with which they are unacquainted, expressed in

comprehensible language, therefore we have studiously avoided using

political and legal phrases, that would serve more to perplex than

inform them. To talk about the barons, King John, and the Magna Charta,

would be foreign to a work like this, and only destroy the interest that

otherwise might be elicited in the subject. Our desire is, to arrest the

attention of the American people in general, and the colored people in

particular, to great truths as heretofore but little thought of. What

claims then have colored men, based upon the principles set forth, as

fundamentally entitled to citizenship? Let the living records of history

answer the enquiry.

When Christopher Columbus, in 1492, discovered America, natives were

found to pay little or no attention to cultivation, being accustomed by

hereditary pursuit, to war, fishing, and the sports of the chase. The

Spaniards and Portuguese, as well as other Europeans who ventured here,

came as mineral speculators, and not for the purpose of improving the

country.

As the first objects of speculation are the developments of the mineral

wealth of every newly discovered country, so was it with this. Those who

came to the new world, were not of the common people, seeking in a

distant land the means of livelihood, but moneyed capitalists, the

grandees and nobles, who reduced the natives to servitude by confining

them to the mines. To have brought large numbers of the peasantry at

that early period, from the monarchies of Europe, to the wilds of

America, far distant from the civil and military powers of the home

governments, would have been to place the means of self-control into

their own hands, and invite them to rebellion against the crowns. The

capitalist miners were few, compared to the number of laborers required;

and the difficulty at that time of the transportation of suitable

provisions for their sustenance, conduced much to the objection of

bringing them here. The natives were numerous, then easily approached by

the wily seductions of the Europeans, easily yoked and supported, having

the means of sustenance at hand, the wild fruits and game of the forest,

the fish of the waters and birds of the country. All these as naturally

enough, European adventurers would be cautious against introducing into

common use among hundreds of thousands of laborers, under all the

influences incident of a foreign climate in a foreign country, in its

primitive natural state. The Indians were then preferred for many

reasons, as the common laborers on the continent, where nothing but the

mining interests were thought of or carried on. This noble race of

Aborigines, continued as the common slaves of the new world, to bear the

yoke of foreign oppression, until necessity induced a substitute for

them. They sunk by scores under the heavy weight of oppression, and were

fast passing from the shores of time. At this, the foreigners grew

alarmed, and of necessity, devised ways and means to obtain an adequate

substitute. A few European laborers were brought into the country, but

the influence of climate and mode of living, operated entirely against

them. They were as inadequate to stand the climate, as the nobles were

themselves.

From the earliest period of the history of nations, the African race had

been known as an industrious people, cultivators of the soil. The grain

fields of Ethiopia and Egypt were the themes of the poet, and their

garners, the subject of the historian. Like the present America, all the

world went to Africa, to get a supply of commodities. Their massive

piles of masonry, their skilful architecture, their subterranean vaults,

their deep and mysterious wells, their extensive artificial channels,

their mighty sculptured solid rocks, and provinces of stone quarries;

gave indisputable evidence, of the hardihood of that race of people.

Nor was Africa then, without the evidence of industry, as history will

testify. All travelers who had penetrated towards the interior of the

continent, have been surprised at the seeming state of civilization and

evidences of industry among the inhabitants of that vast country. These

facts were familiar to Europeans, who were continually trading on the

coast of Africa, as it was then the most important part of adventure and

research, known to the world. In later periods still, the history of

African travelers, confirm all the former accounts concerning the

industry of the people.

John and Richard Lander, two young English noblemen, in 1828, under the

patronage of the English government, sailed to the western coast of

Africa, on an expedition of research. In their voyage up the river

Niger, their description of the scenes is extravagant. They represent

the country on each side of the river, for several hundred miles up the

valley, as being not only beautiful and picturesque, but the fields as

in a high state of cultivation, clothed in the verdure of husbandry,

waving before the gentle breezes, with the rich products of

industry--maize, oats, rye, millet, and wheat, being among the fruits of

cultivation. The fences were of various descriptions: hedge, wicker,

some few pannel, and the old fashioned zig-zag, known as the "Virginia

worm fence"--the hedge and worm fence being the most common. Their

cattle were fine and in good order, looking in every particular, except

perhaps in size, as well as European cattle on the best managed farms.

The fruit groves were delightful to the eye of the beholder. Every

variety common to the country, were there to be seen in a high state of

cultivation. Their roads and public highways were in good condition, and

well laid out, as by the direction of skillful supervising surveyors.

The villages, towns, and cities, many of them, being a credit to the

people. Their cities were well laid out, and presented evidence of

educated minds and mechanical ingenuity. In many of the workshops in

which they went, they found skillful workmen, in iron, copper, brass,

steel, and gold; and their implements of husbandry and war, were as well

manufactured by African sons of toil, as any in the English

manufactories, save that they had not quite so fine a finish, garnish

and embellishment. This is a description, given of the industry and

adaptedness of the people of Africa, to labor and toil of every kind. As

it was very evident, that where there were manufactories of various

metals, the people must of necessity be inured to mining operations, so

it was also very evident, that this people must be a very hardy and

enduring people.

In 1442, fifty years previous to the sailing of Columbus in search of a

new world, Anthony Gonzales, Portuguese, took from the gold coast of

Guinea, ten Africans and a quantity of gold dust, which he carried back

to Lisbon with him. These Africans were set immediately to work in the

gardens of the emperor, which so pleased his queen, that the number were

much augmented, all of whom were found to be skillful and industrious in

agriculture.

In 1481, eleven years prior to the discovery by Columbus, the Portuguese

built a fort on the Gold Coast, and there commenced mining in search of

gold. During this time until the year 1502, a period of ten years, had

there been no other evidence, there was sufficient time and opportunity,

to give full practical demonstrations of the capacity of this people to

endure toil, especially in the mining operations, and for this cause and

this alone, were they selected in preference to any other race of men,

to do the labor of the New World. They had proven themselves physically

superior either to the European or American races--in fact, superior

physically to any living race of men--enduring fatigue, hunger and

thirst--enduring change of climate, habits, manners and customs, with

infinitely far less injury to their physical and mental system, than any

other people on the face of God's earth.

The following extract shows, that even up to the year 1676, the

Indians were enslaved--but that little value were attached to them

as laborers, as the price at which they were disposed and sold to

purchasers, fully shows:

SLAVERY IN PROVIDENCE, R.I.--Immediately after the struggle between

the natives and some of the New England settlers, known as "King

Philip's war," it became necessary to dispose of certain Indian

captives then in Providence. The method adopted was common in that

day, but to us remarkable, as also the names of those who figured

prominently therein. Only think of ROGER WILLIAMS sharing in the

proceeds of a slave sale. The following is from the "Annals of

Providence."

"A town meeting was held before Thomas Field's house, under a tree,

by the water side, on the 14th of August, 1676. A committee was

appointed to determine in what manner the Indians should be

disposed of. They reported as follows:

"Inhabitants wanting, can have Indians at the price they sell at

the Island of Rhode Island or elsewhere. All under five, to serve

till thirty; above five and under ten, till twenty-eight; above ten

to fifteen, till twenty-seven; above fifteen to twenty, till

twenty-six; from twenty to thirty, shall serve eight years; all

above thirty, seven years.

"We whose names are underwritten, being chosen by the town to see

the disposal of the Indians now in town, we agree that Roger

Williams, N. Waterman, T. Fenner, H. Ashton, J. Morey, D. Abbot, J.

Olney, V. Whitman, J. Whipple, sen., E. Pray, J. Pray, J. Angell,

Jas. Angell, T. Arnold, A. Man, T. Field, E. Bennett, T. Clemence,

W. Lancaster, W. Hopkins, W. Hawkins, W. Harris, Z. Field, S.

Winsor, and Capt. Fenner, shall each have a whole share in the

product. I. Woodward and R. Pray, three-fourths of a share each. J.

Smith, E. Smith, S. Whipple, N. Whipple, and T. Walling each half a

share."

Signed, "Roger Williams, Thomas Harris, sen., Thomas X Angell,

Thomas Field, John Whipple, Jr."

To gratify curiosity as to the price of Indians on those terms, the

following extracts are made from an account of sales about this

time;

"To Anthony Low, five Indians, great and small, £8.

"To James Rogers, two, for twenty bushels of Indian corn.

"To Philip Smith, two, in silver, $4 10.

"To Daniel Allen, one, in silver, $2 10.

"To C. Carr, one, twelve bushels of Indian corn.

"To Elisha Smith, one, in wool, 100 lbs.

"To Elisha Smith, one, for three fat sheep."

From 1492, the discovery of Hispaniola, to 1502, the short space of but

four years, such was the mortality among the natives, that the Spaniards

then holding rule there, "began to employ a few" Africans in the mines

of the Island. The experiment was effective--a successful one. The

Indian and African were enslaved together, when the Indian sunk, and the

African stood. It was not until June the 24th of the year 1498, that the

Continent was discovered by John Cabot, a Venetian, who sailed in August

of the previous year 1497, from Bristol, under the patronage of Henry

VII., King of England, with two vessels, "freighted by the merchants of

London and Bristol, with articles of traffic," his son Sebastian, and

300 men. In 1517, but the short period of thirteen years from the date

of their first introduction, Carolus V., King of Spain, by the right of

a patent, granted permission to a number of persons, annually, to supply

to the Islands of Hispaniola, (St. Domingo,) Cuba, Jamaica, and Porto

Rico, natives of Africa, to the number of four thousand annually. John

Hawkins, an unprincipled Englishman--whose name should be branded with

infamy--was the first person known to have engaged in so inhuman a

traffic, and that living monster his mistress, Queen Elizabeth, engaged

with him and shared in the profits.

The natives of Africa, on their introduction into a foreign country,

soon discovered the loss of their accustomed food, and mode and manner

of living. The Aborigines subsisted mainly by game and fish, with a few

patches of maize or Indian corn near their wigwams, which were generally

attended by the women, while the men were absent. The grains and

fruits, such as they had been accustomed to, were not to be had among

the Aborigines of the country, and this first induced the African to

cultivate patches of ground in the neighborhood of the mines, for the

raising of food for his own sustenance. This trait in their character

was observed, and regarded by the Spaniards with considerable interest;

and when on contracting with the English slave-dealer, Captain Hawkins,

and others for new supplies of slaves, they were careful to request them

to secure a quantity of the seeds and different products of the country,

to bring with them to the New World. Many of these were cultivated to

some extent, while those indigenous to America, were cultivated by them

with considerable success. And up to this day, it is a custom on many of

the slave plantations of the South, to allow the slave his "patch," and

Saturday afternoon or Sabbath day, to cultivate it.

Shortly after the commencement of the shameful traffic in the blood and

bones of men--the destiny and chastity of women by Captain Hawkins, and

what was termed England's "Virgin Queen"; Elizabeth gave a license to

Sir Walter Raleigh, to search for uninhabited lands, and seize upon all

uninhabited by Christians. Sir Walter discovered the coast of North

Carolina and Virginia, assigning the name of "Virginia" to the whole

coast now composing the old state. A feeble colony was settled here,

which did not avail, and it was not until the month of April, 1607, that

the first permanent settlement was made in Virginia, under the patronage

of letters patent from James I, King of England, to Thomas Gates and his

associates.

This was the first settling of North America, and thirteen years

anterior to the landing of the Pilgrims.

"No permanent settlement was effected in what is now called the United

States, till the reign of James the First."--_Ramsay's Hist. U.S._, vol.

I., p. 38.

"The month of April, 1607, is the epoch of the first permanent

settlement on the coast of Virginia; the name then given to all that

extent of country which forms thirteen States."--_Ibid._, p. 39. The

whole coast of the country was now explored, not for the purpose of

trade and agriculture--because there were no products in the

country--the natives not producing sufficient provisions to supply

present wants, and, consequently, nothing to trade for; but like the

speculations of their Spanish and Portuguese predecessors, on the

islands and in South America, but for that of mining gold. Trade and the

cultivation of the soil was foreign to their designs and intention on

coming to the continent of the new world, and they were consequently,

disappointed when failing of success. "At a time when the precious

metals were conceived to be the peculiar and only valuable productions

of the new world, when every mountain was supposed to contain a

treasure, and every rivulet was searched for its golden sands, this

appearance was fondly considered as an infallible indication of the

mine. Every hand was eager to dig."...

"There was now," says Smith, "no talk, no hope, no work; but dig gold,

wash gold, refine gold. With this imaginary wealth, the first vessel

returning to England was loaded, while the _culture of the land_, and

every useful occupation was _totally neglected_."...

The colonists, thus left, were in miserable circumstances for want of

provisions. The remainder of what they had brought with them, was so

small in quantity, as to be soon expended--and so damaged in the course

of a long voyage, as to be a source of disease.... In their expectation

of getting gold, the people were disappointed, the glittering substance

they had sent to England, proving to be a valueless mineral. "Smith, on

his return to Jamestown, found the colony reduced to thirty-eight

persons, who, in despair, were preparing to abandon the country. He

employed caresses, threats, and even violence, in order to prevent them

from executing this fatal resolution." _Ibid._, pp. 45-46. In November,

1620, the Pilgrims or Puritans made the harbor of Cape Cod, and after

solemn vows and organization previous to setting foot on shore, they

landed safely on "Plymouth Rock," December the 20th, about one month

after. They were one hundred and one in number, and from the toils and

hardships consequent to a severe season, in a strange country, in less

than six months after their arrival, "forty-four persons, nearly

one-half of their original number," had died.

... "In 1618, in the reign of James I, the British government

established a regular trade on the coast of Africa. In the year 1620,

negro slaves began to be imported into Virginia: a Dutch ship bringing

twenty of them for sale."--_Sampson's Hist. Dict._, p. 348. The Dutch

ship landed her cargo at New Bedford, (now Massachusetts,) as it will be

remembered, that the whole coast, now comprising the "Old Thirteen," and

original United States, was then called Virginia, so named by Sir Walter

Raleigh, in honor of his royal Mistress and patron, Elizabeth, the

Virgin Queen, under whom he received his royal patent commission of

adventure and expedition.

Beginning their preparation in the slave-trade in 1618, just two years

previous, giving time for successfully carrying out the project against

the landing of the first emigrant settlers, it will be observed that the

African captain, and the "Puritan" emigrants, landed upon the same

section of the continent at the same time, 1620--the Pilgrims at

Plymouth, and the captives at New Bedford, but a few miles

comparatively south.

The country at this period, was one vast wilderness. "The continent of

North America was then one continued forest."... There were no horses,

cattle, sheep, hogs, or tame beasts of any kind.... There were no

domestic poultry.... There were no gardens, orchards, public roads,

meadows, or cultivated fields.... They "often burned the woods that they

could advantageously plant their corn."... They had neither spice, salt,

bread, butter, cheese, nor milk.... They had no set meals, but eat when

they were hungry, and could find any thing to satisfy the cravings of

nature.... Very little of their food was derived from the earth, except

what it spontaneously produced.... The ground was both their seat and

table.... Their best bed was a skin.... They had neither steel, iron,

nor any metallic instruments....--_Ramsay's Hist._, pp. 39-40.

We adduce not these historical extracts to disparage our brother the

Indian--far be it: whatever he may think of our race, according to the

manner in which he has been instructed to look upon it, by our mutual

oppressor the American nation; we admire his, for the many deeds of

noble daring, for which the short history of his liberty-loving people

are replete: we sympathise with them, because our brethren are the

successors of their fathers in the degradation of American bondage--but

we adduce them in evidence against the many aspersions charged against

the African race, that their inferiority to the other races caused them

to be reduced to servitude. For the purpose of proving that their

superiority, and not inferiority, alone was the cause which first

suggested to Europeans the substitution of Africans for that of

aboriginal or Indian laborers in the mines; and that their superior

skill and industry, first suggested to the colonists, the propriety of

turning their attention to agricultural and other industrial pursuits,

than that of mining.

It is very evident, from what has been adduced, the settlement of

Captain John Smith, being in the course of a few months, reduced to

thirty-eight, and that of Plymouth, from one hundred and one, to that of

fifty-seven in six months--it is evident, that the whites nor the

Indians were equal to the hard and almost insurmountable difficulties,

that now stood wide-spread before them.

An endless forest, the impenetrable earth; the one to be removed, and

the other to be excavated. Towns and cities to be built, and farms to be

cultivated--all these presented difficulties too arduous for the

European then here, and unknown to the Indian.

It is very evident, that at a period such as this, when the natives

themselves had fallen victims to tasks imposed upon them by their

usurpers, and the Europeans were sinking beneath the weight of climate

and hardships; when food could not be had nor the common conveniences of

life procured--when arduous duties of life were to be performed and none

capable of doing them, but those who had previously by their labors, not

only in their native country, but in the new, so proven themselves--as

the most natural consequence, the Africans were resorted to, for the

performance of every duty common to domestic life.

There were no laborers known to the colonists from Cape Cod to Cape Look

Out, than those of the African race. They entered at once into the

mines, extracting therefrom, the rich treasures that for a thousand ages

lay hidden in the earth. And from their knowledge of cultivation, the

farming interests in the North, and planting in the South, were

commenced with a prospect never dreamed of before the introduction of

this most extraordinary, hardy race of men: though pagans, yet skilled

in all the useful duties of life. Farmers, herdsmen, and laborers in

their own country, they required not to be taught to work, and how to do

it--but it was only necessary to tell them to go to work, and they at

once knew what to do, and how it should be done.

It is notorious, that in the planting States, the blacks themselves are

the only skillful cultivators--the proprietor knowing little or nothing

about the art, save that which he learns from the African husbandman,

while his ignorant white overseer, who is merely there to see that the

work is attended to, knows a great deal less. Tobacco, cotton, rice,

hemp, indigo, the improvement in Indian corn, and many other important

products, are all the result of African skill and labor in this country.

And the introduction of the zigzag, or "Virginia Worm Fence," is purely

of African origin. Nor was their skill as herdsmen inferior to their

other attainments, being among the most accomplished trainers and

horsemen in the world. Indeed, to this class of men may be indebted the

entire country for the improvement South in the breed of horses. And any

one who has travelled South, could not fail to have observed, that all

of the leading trainers, jockies, and judges of horses, as well as

riders, are men of African descent.

In speaking of the Bornouese, a people from among whom a great many

natives have been enslaved by Arabian traders, and sold into foreign

bondage, and of course many into this country, "It is said that Bornou

can muster 15,000 Shonaas in the field mounted. They are the greatest

breeders of cattle in the country, and annually supply Soudan with from

two to three thousand horses."... "Our road lying along one of them,

gave me an excellent view of beautiful villages all round, and herds of

cattle grazing in the open country."... "Plantations of cotton or indigo

now occupy the place where the houses formerly stood."... "The Souga

market is well supplied with every necessary and luxury in request among

the people of the interior." "The country still open and well

cultivated, and the villages numerous. We met crowds of people coming

from Karro with goods. Some carried them on their heads, others had

asses or bullocks, according to their wealth."... "The country still

highly cultivated."... "We also passed several walled towns, quite

deserted, the inhabitants having been sold by their conquerors, the

Felatohs." "Women sat spinning cotton by the road side, offering for

sale to the passing caravans, gussub water, roast-meat, sweet potatoes,

coshen nuts," &c. (_Dunham and Clapperton's Travels and Discoveries in

North and Central Africa_, vol. 2, pp. 140, 230, 332, 333, 353.)

The forests gave way before them, and extensive verdant fields, richly

clothed with produce, rose up as by magic before these hardy sons of

toil. In the place of the unskillful and ill-constructed wigwam, houses,

villages, towns and cities quickly were reared up in their stead. Being

farmers, mechanics, laborers and traders in their own country, they

required little or no instruction in these various pursuits. They were

in fact, then, to the whole continent, what they are in truth now to the

whole Southern section of the Union--the bone and sinews of the country.

And even now, the existence of the white man, South, depends entirely on

the labor of the black man--the idleness of the one, is sustained by the

industry of the other. Public roads and highways are the result of their

labor, as are also the first public works, as wharves, docks, forts, and

all such improvements. Are not these legitimate investments in the

common stock of the nation, which should command a proportionate

interest?

We shall next proceed to review the contributions of colored men to

other departments of the nation, and as among the most notorious and

historical, we refer to colored American warriors.

VIII

COLORED AMERICAN WARRIORS

Among the highest claims that an inhabitant has upon his country, is

that of serving in its cause, and assisting to fight its battles. There

is no responsibility attended with more personal hazard, and

consequently, none for which the country owes a greater debt of

gratitude. _Amor patria_, or love of country, is the first requisition

and highest attribute of every citizen; and he who voluntarily ventures

his own safety for that of his country, is a patriot of the purest

character.

When the country's attention is arrested--her fears aroused--her peace

disturbed, and her independence endangered--when in the dread and

momentous hour, the tap of the drum, the roll of the reveille, the

shrill sound of the bugler's trumpet, or the thunders of the cannon's

roar, summons the warrior on to the pending conflict--upon whom then do

the citizens place their dependence, and in whom the country her trust?

Upon him who braves the consequences, and fights his country's battles

for his country's sake. Upon whom does the country look, as the most

eligible of her favored sons? Upon none more so than he, who shoulders

his musket, girds on his sword, and faces the enemy on to the charge.

The hero and the warrior, have long been estimated, the favorite sons of

a favored people.

In the Convention for the formation of the national compact, when the

question arose on the priority of citizen's rights, an honorable

member--Mr. Jefferson, if we mistake not--arose and stated, that for the

purpose of henceforward settling a question of such moment to the

American people, that nativity of birth, and the descendants of all who

had borne arms in their country's struggle for liberty, should be always

entitled to all the rights and privileges to which an American citizen

could be eligible. This at once, enfranchised the native citizen, and

the posterity of all those at the time, who may have been so fortunate

as to have been born on the American continent. The question was at once

settled, as regards American citizenship. And if we establish our right

of equal claims to citizenship with other American people, we shall have

done all that is desirable in this view of our position in the country.

But if in addition to this, we shall be able to prove, that colored men,

not only took part in the great scene of the first act for independence,

but that they were the actors--a colored man was really the hero in the

great drama, and actually the first victim in the revolutionary

tragedy--then indeed, shall we have more than succeeded, and have reared

a monument of fame to the history of our deeds, more lasting than the

pile that stands on Bunker Hill.

For a concise historical arrangement of colored men, who braved the

dangers of the battlefield, we are much indebted to William C. Nell,

Esq., formerly of Boston, now of Rochester, N.Y., for a pamphlet,

published by him during the last year, which should be read by every

American the country through.

For ten years previous, a dissatisfaction had prevailed among the

colonists, against the mother country, in consequence of the excessive

draughts of supplies, and taxation, made upon them, for the support of

the wars carried on in Europe. The aspect began to change, the light

grew dim, the sky darkened, the clouds gathered lower and lower, the

lightning glimmered through the black elements around--the storm

advanced, until on the fifth of March, 1773, it broke out in terrible

blasts, drenching the virgin soil of America, with the blood of her own

native sons--Crispus Attuck, a colored man, was the first who headed,

the first who commanded, the first who charged, who struck the first

blow, and the first whose blood was spilt, and baptized the colony, as a

peace-offering on the altar of American liberty. "The people were

greatly exasperated. The multitude, armed with clubs, ran towards King

street, crying, 'Let us drive out the ribalds; they have no business

here!' The rioters rushed furiously towards the Custom House; they

approached the sentinel crying, 'Kill him, kill him!' They assaulted him

with snowballs, pieces of ice, and whatever they could lay their hands

upon. They encountered a band of the populace led by a mulatto named

Attucks, who brandished their clubs and pelted them with snow-balls. The

maledictions, the imprecations, the execrations of the multitudes were

horrible. In the midst of a torrent of invectives from every quarter,

the military were challenged to fire. The populace advanced to the

points of the bayonets; the soldiers appeared like statues; the cries,

the howlings, the menaces, the violent din of bells still sounding the

alarm, increased the confusion and the horrors of these moments: at

length the mulatto and twelve of his companions, pressing forward

environed the soldiers, and striking their muskets with their clubs

cried to the multitude: 'Be not afraid, they dare not fire; why do you

hesitate, why do you not kill them, why not crush them at once?' The

mulatto lifted his arm against Captain Preston, having turned one of the

muskets, he seized the bayonet with his left hand, as if he intended to

execute his threat. At this moment confused cries were heard: 'The

wretches dare not fire!' Firing succeeds. Attucks is slain. Two other

discharges follow. Three were killed, five severely wounded, and several

others slightly." Attucks was killed by Montgomery, one of Captain

Preston's soldiers. He had been foremost in resisting, and was first

slain; as proof of front and close engagement, received two balls, one

in each breast." "John Adams, counsel for the soldier, admitted that

Attucks appeared to have undertaken to be the hero of the night, and to

lead the army with banners. John Hancock, in 1774, invokes the injured

shades of Maverick, Gray, Caldwell, _Attucks_ and Carr." _Nell's Wars_,

1776 and 1812, pp. 5, 6.--RHODE ISLAND also contributes largely to the

capital stock of citizenship. "In Rhode Island, the blacks formed an

entire regiment, and they discharged their duty with zeal and fidelity.

The gallant defence of Red Bank, in which the black regiment bore a

part, is among the proofs of their valor." In this contest it will be

recollected, that four hundred men met and repulsed, after a terrible

sanguinary struggle, fifteen hundred Hessian troops, headed by count

Donop." _Ibid._, p. 10. CONNECTICUT next claims to be heard and given

credit on the nation's books. In speaking of the patriots who bore the

standard of their country's glory, Judge Goddard, who held the office of

commissioner of pensions for nineteen colored soldiers, says, "I cannot

refrain from mentioning one aged black man, Primus Babcock, who proudly

presented to me an honorable discharge from service during the war,

dated at the close of it, wholly in the hand-writing of GEORGE

WASHINGTON. Nor can I forget the expression of his feelings, when

informed that, after his discharge had been sent to the department, that

it could not be returned. At his request it was written for, as he

seemed to spurn the pension and reclaim the discharge." It is related of

Babcock, that when the British in a successful charge took a number of

the Americans prisoners, they were ordered to deliver up their arms by

the British officer of the detachment, which demand was readily conceded

to by all the prisoners except Babcock, who looking at the officer

sternly--at the margin of a mud pond foot of Bunker Hill--turned his

musket bayonet downwards, thrusting it into the mire up to the armpit,

drawing out his muddy arm, turned to the British officer, and said, "Now

dirty your silk glove, and take it--you red coat!" The officer raised

his sword as if to cut him down for the impertinence, then replied, "You

are too brave a soldier to be killed, you black devil!" A few years

since, a musket evidently a relic of the Revolution, was found near the

same spot in the singular position of that thrust down by Babcock, no

doubt being the same, which was deposited among the relics in the

archives at Washington. Babcock died but a few years ago, aged we

believe 101 years.

"When Major Montgomery, one of the leaders in the expedition against the

colonists, was lifted upon the walls of the fort by his soldiers,

flourishing his sword and calling on them to follow him, Jordan Freeman

received him on the point of a pike and pinned him dead to the earth."

"NEW HAMPSHIRE gives her testimony to the deposit of colored interest.

There was a regiment of blacks in the same situation, a regiment of

negroes fighting for our liberty and independence, not a white man among

them but the officers, in the same dangerous and responsible position.

Had they been unfaithful, or given way before the enemy all would have

been lost. Three times in succession were they attacked with most

desperate fury by well disciplined and veteran troops, and three times

did they successfully repel the assault, and thus preserve the army.

They fought thus through the war. They were brave and hearty troops."

_Nell_, pp. 11, 13.

NEW YORK comes bravely to the call, and sends her investments by land

and sea. In the convention of 1821, for revising the constitution of the

State, the question of equal rights having been introduced, Doctor

Clarke among other things said, "In the war of the Revolution, these

people helped to fight our battles by land and by sea. Some of your

states were glad to turn out corps of colored men, and to stand

'shoulder to shoulder' with them. In your late war, they contributed

largely towards some of your most splendid victories. On lakes Erie and

Champlain, where your fleets triumphed over a foe superior in numbers

and engines of death, they were manned in a large proportion with men of

color. And in this very house, in the fall of 1814, a bill passed

receiving all the branches of your government, authorising the governor

to accept the services of a corps of two thousand free people of color.

These were times when a man who shouldered his musket did not know but

he bared his bosom to receive a death wound from the enemy ere he laid

it aside; and in these times these people were found as ready and as

willing to volunteer in your service as any other. They were not

compelled to go; they were not draughted.... They were volunteers...."

Said Martindale of New York in congress 22 of first month 1828: "Slaves,

or negroes who had been slaves, were enlisted as soldiers in the War of

the Revolution; and I myself saw a battalion of them, as fine martial

looking men as I ever saw, attached to the northern army in the last

war, on its march from Plattsburg to Sackett's Harbor."

PENNSYLVANIA contributes an important share in the stock of

Independence, as will be seen by the following historical reminiscence:

"On the capture of Washington by the British forces, it was judged

expedient to fortify without delay, the principal towns and cities

exposed to similar attacks. The Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia

waited upon three of the principal Colored citizens, namely, James

Forten, Bishop Allen, and Absalom Jones, soliciting the aid of the

people of Color in erecting suitable defences for the city. Accordingly

two thousand five hundred Colored men assembled in the State House yard,

and from thence marched to Gray's Ferry, where they labored for two

days, almost without intermission. Their labors were so faithful and

efficient, that a vote of thanks was tendered them by the Committee. A

battalion of Colored troops were at the same time organized in the city,

under an officer of the United States army; and they were on the point

of marching to the frontier when peace was proclaimed."--_Ibid._, pp.

14-17-18.[2]

And even in the slave States, where might reasonably be expected,

nothing but bitter hate and burning revenge to exist--where the

displeasure of Heaven and anger of God was invoked--where it is thought

the last glimmering spark of patriotic fire has been quenched, and every

aid withheld--even there, in the hour of their country's danger, did

they lay aside every consideration of the ten thousand wrongs

inflicted--throw in their contributions, and make common cause.

Says Mr. Nell, "The celebrated Charles Pinkney, of South Carolina, in

his speech on the Missouri question, in defence of the Slave

representation of the South, made the following admission:--They (the

colored people) were in numerous instances the pioneers, and in all the

labors of our army. To their hands we are owing the greatest part of the

fortifications raised for the protection of the country. Fort Moultrie

gave, at an early period of inexperience and untried valor of our

citizens, immortality to the American arms." And were there no other

proof on record, the testimony given to the brave followers of the

renowned hero of Chalmet Plains, would of itself be sufficient to

establish the right of the colored man to eligibility in his native

country. "In 1814," continues Mr. Nell, "when New Orleans was in danger,

and the proud criminal distinctions of caste were again demolished by

one of those emergencies in which nature puts to silence for the moment

the base partialities of art, the free colored people were called into

the field in common with the whites; and the importance of their

services was thus acknowledged by General Jackson:--

"HEAD-QUARTERS SEVENTH MILITARY

DISTRICT, MOBILE, SEPTEMBER 21, 1814.

"_To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana:_

"Through a mistaken policy, you have heretofore been deprived of a

participation in the glorious struggle for national rights, in

which _our_ country is engaged. This no longer shall exist. As

sons of Freedom you are now called upon to defend your most

estimable blessings. _As Americans_, your country looks with

confidence to her adopted children, for a valorous support, as a

faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and

equitable government. As fathers, husbands, and brothers, you are

summoned to rally round the standard of the Eagle, to defend all

which is dear in existence.

"_Your country_, although calling for your exertions, does not wish

you to engage in her cause, without remunerating you for the

services rendered. Your intelligent minds are not to be led away by

false representations--your love of honor would cause you to

despise the man who should attempt to deceive you. In the sincerity

of a soldier, and the language of truth I address you.

"To every noble hearted free man of color, volunteering to serve

during the present contest with Great Britain, and no longer, there

will be paid the same bounty in money and lands now received by

white soldiers of the United States, namely, one hundred and

twenty-four dollars in money and one hundred and sixty acres in

land. The non-commissioned officers and privates will also be

entitled to the same monthly pay and daily rations and clothes

furnished to any American soldiers.

"On enrolling yourselves in companies, the Major General commanding

will select officers for your government from your white

fellow-citizens. Your non-commissioned officers will be appointed

from among yourselves.

"Due regard will be paid to the feelings of free men and soldiers.

"You will not, by being associated with white men in the same

corps, be exposed to improper comparison, or unjust sarcasm. As a

distinct, independent battalion or regiment, pursuing the path of

glory, you will, undivided, receive the applause and gratitude of

your countrymen.

"To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions, and my anxiety to

engage your invaluable services to our country, I have communicated

my wish to the Governor of Louisiana, who is fully informed as to

the manner of enrollments, and will give you every necessary

information on the subject of this address.

"ANDREW JACKSON,

"Major General Commanding."

On the 18th of December, 1814, through his Aid-de-camp, Colonel Butler,

the General issued another address to the colored soldiers, who had

proven themselves, in every particular, worthy of their country's trust,

and in every way worthy of the proudest position of enfranchised

freemen. To deny to men and their descendants, who are capable of such

deeds as are acknowledged in this proclamation, equal rights with other

men, is a moral homicide--as assassination, which none but the most

malicious and obdurate are capable of perpetrating. Surely, surely, it

cannot be, that our fellow-citizens, who control the destiny of the

country, one fully advised of the claims of their brethren in

adversity--we cannot be persuaded that a people, claiming the

self-respect and consideration of the American people, can be satisfied

that the perils of war be encountered by them--their country's rights

sustained--and their liberty, the liberty of their wives and children

defended and protected; then, with a cool deliberation, unknown to any

uncivilized people on the face of the earth, deny them a right--withhold

their consent to their having equal enjoyment of human rights with other

citizens, with those who have never contributed aid to our country--but

we give the proclamation and let it speak for itself. Of it Mr. Nell

says:--

"The second proclamation is one of the highest compliments ever paid by

a military chief to his soldiers."