And although it is supposed that the inductive method of Bacon has

led to the noblest discoveries of modern times, is this strictly

true? Galileo made his discoveries in the heavens before Bacon

died. Physical improvements must need follow such inventions as

gunpowder and the mariners' compass, and printing and the pictures

of Italy, and the discovery of mines and the revived arts of the

Romans and Greeks, and the glorious emancipation which the

Reformation produced. Why should not the modern races follow in

the track of Carthage and Alexandria and Rome, with the progress of

wealth, and carry out inventions as those cities did, and all other

civilized peoples since Babel towered above the plains of Babylon?

Physical developments arise from the developments of man, whatever

method may be recommended by philosophers. What philosophical

teachings led to the machinery of the mines of California, or to

that of the mills of Lowell? Some think that our modern

improvements would have come whether Bacon had lived or not. But I

would not disparage the labors of Bacon in pointing out the method

which leads to scientific discoveries. Granting that he sought

merely utility, an improvement in the outward condition of society,

which is the view that Macaulay takes, I would not underrate his

legacy. And even supposing that the blessings of material life--

"the acre of Middlesex"--are as much to be desired as Macaulay,

with the complacency of an eminently practical and prosperous man,

seems to argue, I would not sneer at them. Who does not value

them? Who will not value them so long as our mortal bodies are to

be cared for? It is a pleasant thing to ride in "cars without

horses," to feel in winter the genial warmth of grates and

furnaces, to receive messages from distant friends in a moment of

time, to cross the ocean without discomfort, with the "almost

certainty" of safety, and save our wives and daughters from the

ancient drudgeries of the loom and the knitting-needle. Who ever

tires in gazing at a locomotive as it whirls along with the power

of destiny? Who is not astonished at the triumphs of the engineer,

the wonders of an ocean-steamer, the marvellous tunnels under lofty

mountains? We feel that Titans have been sent to ease us of our

burdens.

But great and beneficent as are these blessings, they are not the

only certitudes, nor are they the greatest. An outward life of

ease and comfort is not the chief end of man. The interests of the

soul are more important than any comforts of the body. The higher

life is only reached by lofty contemplation on the true, the

beautiful, and the good. Subjective wisdom is worth more than

objective knowledge. What are the great realities,--machinery, new

breeds of horses, carpets, diamonds, mirrors, gas? or are they

affections, friendships, generous impulses, inspiring thoughts?

Look to Socrates: what raised that barefooted, ugly-looking,

impecunious, persecuted, cross-questioning, self-constituted

teacher, without pay, to the loftiest pedestal of Athenian fame?

What was the spirit of the truths HE taught? Was it objective or

subjective truth; the way to become rich and comfortable, or the

search for the indefinite, the infinite, the eternal,--Utopia, not

Middlesex,--that which fed the wants of the immaterial soul, and

enabled it to rise above temptation and vulgar rewards? What

raised Plato to the highest pinnacle of intellectual life? Was it

definite and practical knowledge of outward phenomena; or was it "a

longing after love, in the contemplation of which the mortal soul

sustains itself, and becomes participant in the glories of

immortality"? What were realities to Anselm, Bernard, and

Bonaventura? What gave beauty and placidity to Descartes and

Leibnitz and Kant? It may be very dignified for a modern savant to

sit serenely on his tower of observation, indifferent to all the

lofty speculations of the great men of bygone ages; yet those

profound questions pertaining to the [Greek text omitted] and the

[Greek text omitted], which had such attractions for Augustine and

Pascal and Calvin, did have as real bearing on human life and on

what is best worth knowing, as the scales of a leuciscus cephalus

or the limbs of a magnified animalculus, or any of the facts of

which physical science can boast. The wonders of science are

great, but so also are the secrets of the soul, the mysteries of

the spiritual life, the truths which come from divine revelation.

Whatever most dignifies humanity, and makes our labors sweet,

and causes us to forget our pains, and kindles us to lofty

contemplations, and prompts us to heroic sacrifice, is the most

real and the most useful. Even the leaves of a barren and

neglected philosophy may be in some important respects of more

value than all the boasted fruit of utilitarian science. Is that

which is most useful always the most valuable,--that, I mean, which

gives the highest pleasure? Do we not plant our grounds with the

acacia, the oak, the cedar, the elm, as well as with the apple, the

pear, and the cherry? Are not flowers and shrubs which beautify

the lawn as desirable as beans and turnips and cabbages? Is not

the rose or tulip as great an addition to even a poor man's cottage

as his bed of onions or patch of potatoes? What is the scale to

measure even mortal happiness? What is the marketable value of

friendship or of love? What makes the dinner of herbs sometimes

more refreshing than the stalled ox? What is the material profit

of a first love? What is the value in tangible dollars and cents

of a beautiful landscape, or a speaking picture, or a marble

statue, or a living book, or the voice of eloquence, or the charm

of earliest bird, or the smile of a friend, or the promise of

immortality? In what consisted the real glory of the country we

are never weary of quoting,--the land of Phidias and Pericles and

Demosthenes? Was it not in immaterial ideas, in patriotism, in

heroism, in conceptions of ideal beauty, in speculations on the

infinite and unattainable, in the songs which still inspire the

minds of youth, in the expression which made marble live, in those

conceptions of beauty and harmony which still give shape to the

temples of Christendom? Was Rome more glorious with her fine roads

and tables of thuja-root, and Falernian wines, and oysters from the

Lucrine Lake, and chariots of silver, and robes of purple and rings

of gold,--these useful blessings which are the pride of an

Epicurean civilization? And who gave the last support, who raised

the last barrier, against that inundation of destructive pleasures

in which some see the most valued fruits of human invention, but

which proved a canker that prepared the way to ruin? It was that

pious Emperor who learned his wisdom from a slave, and who set a

haughty defiance to all the grandeur and all the comforts of the

highest position which earth could give, and spent his leisure

hours in the quiet study of those truths which elevate the soul,--

truths not taught by science or nature, but by communication with

invisible powers.

Ah, what indeed is reality; what is the higher good; what is that

which perishes never; what is that which assimilates man to Deity?

Is it houses, is it lands, is it gold and silver, is it luxurious

couches, is it the practical utilitarian comforts that pamper this

mortal body in its brief existence? or is it women's loves and

patriots' struggles, and sages' pious thoughts, affections, noble

aspirations, Bethanies, the serenities of virtuous old age, the

harmonies of unpolluted homes, the existence of art, of truth, of

love; the hopes which last when sun and stars decay? Tell us, ye

women, what are realities to you,--your carpets, your plate, your

jewels, your luxurious banquets; or your husbands' love, your

friends' esteem, your children's reverence? And ye, toiling men of

business, what is really your highest joy,--your piles of gold,

your marble palaces; or the pleasures of your homes, the

approbation of your consciences, your hopes of future bliss? Yes,

you are dreamers, like poets and philosophers, when you call

yourselves pack-horses. Even you are only sustained in labor by

intangible rewards that you can neither see nor feel. The most

practical of men and women can really only live in those ideas

which are deemed indefinite and unreal. For what do the busiest of

you run away from money-making, and ride in cold or heat, in

dreariness or discomfort,--dinners, or greetings of love and

sympathy? On what are such festivals as Christmas and Thanksgiving

Day based?--on consecrated sentiments that have more force than any

material gains or ends. These, after all, are realities to you as

much as ideas were to Plato, or music to Beethoven, or patriotism

to Washington. Deny these as the higher certitudes, and you rob

the soul of its dignity, and life of its consolations.

AUTHORITIES.

Bacon's Works, edited by Basil Montagu; Bacon's Life, by Basil

Montagu; Bacon's Life, by James Spedding; Bacon's Life, by Thomas

Fowler; Dr. Abbott's Introduction to Bacon's Essays, in

Contemporary Review, 1876; Macaulay's famous essay in Edinburgh

Review, 1839; Archbishop Whately's annotations of the Essays of

Bacon; the general Histories of England.

GALILEO.

A. D. 1564-1642.

ASTRONOMICAL DISCOVERIES.

Among the wonders of the sixteenth century was the appearance of a

new star in the northern horizon, which, shining at first with a

feeble light, gradually surpassed the brightness of the planet

Jupiter; and then changing its color from white to yellow and from

yellow to red, after seventeen months, faded away from the sight,

and has not since appeared. This celebrated star, first seen by

Tycho Brahe in the constellation Cassiopeia, never changed its

position, or presented the slightest perceptible parallax. It

could not therefore have been a meteor, nor a planet regularly

revolving round the sun, nor a comet blazing with fiery nebulous

light, nor a satellite of one of the planets, but a fixed star, far

beyond our solar system. Such a phenomenon created an immense

sensation, and has never since been satisfactorily explained by

philosophers. In the infancy of astronomical science it was

regarded by astrologers as a sign to portend the birth of an

extraordinary individual.

Though the birth of some great political character was supposed to

be heralded by this mysterious star, its prophetic meaning might

with more propriety apply to the extraordinary man who astonished

his contemporaries by discoveries in the heavens, and who forms the

subject of this lecture; or it poetically might apply to the

brilliancy of the century itself in which it appeared. The

sixteenth century cannot be compared with the nineteenth century in

the variety and scope of scientific discoveries; but, compared with

the ages which had preceded it, it was a memorable epoch, marked by

the simultaneous breaking up of the darkness of mediaeval Europe,

and the bursting forth of new energies in all departments of human

thought and action. In that century arose great artists, poets,

philosophers, theologians, reformers, navigators, jurists,

statesmen, whose genius has scarcely since been surpassed. In

Italy it was marked by the triumphs of scholars and artists; in

Germany and France, by reformers and warriors; in England, by that

splendid constellation that shed glory on the reign of Elizabeth.

Close upon the artists who followed Da Vinci, to Salvator Rosa,

were those scholars of whom Emanuel Chrysoloras, Erasmus, and

Scaliger were the representatives,--going back to the classic

fountains of Greece and Rome, reviving a study for antiquity,

breathing a new spirit into universities, enriching vernacular

tongues, collecting and collating manuscripts, translating the

Scriptures, and stimulating the learned to emancipate themselves

from the trammels of the scholastic philosophers.

Then rose up the reformers, headed by Luther, consigning to

destruction the emblems and ceremonies of mediaeval superstition,

defying popes, burning bulls, ridiculing monks, exposing frauds,

unravelling sophistries, attacking vices and traditions with the

new arms of reason, and asserting before councils and dignitaries

the right of private judgment and the supreme authority of the

Bible in all matters of religious faith.

And then appeared the defenders of their cause, by force of arms

maintaining the great rights of religious liberty in France,

Germany, Switzerland, Holland, and England, until Protestantism was

established in half of the countries that had for more than a

thousand years servilely bowed down to the authority of the popes.

Genius stimulates and enterprise multiplies all the energies and

aims of emancipated millions. Before the close of the sixteenth

century new continents are colonized, new modes of warfare are

introduced, manuscripts are changed into printed books, the

comforts of life are increased, governments are more firmly

established, and learned men are enriched and honored. Feudalism

has succumbed to central power, and barons revolve around their

sovereign at court rather than compose an independent authority.

Before that century had been numbered with the ages past, the

Portuguese had sailed to the East Indies, Sir Francis Drake had

circumnavigated the globe, Pizarro had conquered Peru, Sir Walter

Raleigh had colonized Virginia, Ricci had penetrated to China,

Lescot had planned the palace of the Louvre, Raphael had painted

the Transfiguration, Michael Angelo had raised the dome of St.

Peter's, Giacomo della Porta had ornamented the Vatican with

mosaics, Copernicus had taught the true centre of planetary motion,

Dumoulin had introduced into French jurisprudence the principles of

the Justinian code, Ariosto had published the "Orlando Furioso,"

Cervantes had written "Don Quixote," Spenser had dedicated his

"Fairy Queen," Shakspeare had composed his immortal dramas, Hooker

had devised his "Ecclesiastical Polity," Cranmer had published his

Forty-two Articles, John Calvin had dedicated to Francis I. his

celebrated "Institutes," Luther had translated the Bible, Bacon had

begun the "Instauration of Philosophy," Bellarmine had systematized

the Roman Catholic theology, Henry IV. had signed the Edict of

Nantes, Queen Elizabeth had defeated the Invincible Armada, and

William the Silent had achieved the independence of Holland.

Such were some of the lights and some of the enterprises of that

great age, when the profoundest questions pertaining to philosophy,

religion, law, and government were discussed with the enthusiasm

and freshness of a revolutionary age; when men felt the inspiration

of a new life, and looked back on the Middle Ages with disgust and

hatred, as a period which enslaved the human soul. But what

peculiarly marked that period was the commencement of those

marvellous discoveries in science which have enriched our times and

added to the material blessings of the new civilization. Tycho

Brahe, Copernicus, Galileo, Kepler, and Bacon inaugurated the era

which led to progressive improvements in the physical condition of

society, and to those scientific marvels which have followed in

such quick succession and produced such astonishing changes that we

are fain to boast that we have entered upon the most fortunate and

triumphant epoch in our world's history.

Many men might be taken as the representatives of this new era of

science and material inventions, but I select Galileo Galilei as

one of the most interesting in his life, opinions, and conflicts.

Galileo was born at Pisa, in the year 1564, the year that Calvin

and Michael Angelo died, four years after the birth of Bacon, in

the sixth year of the reign of Elizabeth, and the fourth of Charles

IX., about the time when the Huguenot persecution was at its

height, and the Spanish monarchy was in its most prosperous state,

under Philip II. His parents were of a noble but impoverished

Florentine family; and his father, who was a man of some learning,--

a writer on the science of music,--gave him the best education he

could afford. Like so many of the most illustrious men, he early

gave promise of rare abilities. It was while he was a student in

the university of his native city that his attention was arrested

by the vibrations of a lamp suspended from the ceiling of the

cathedral; and before he had quitted the church, while the choir

was chanting mediaeval anthems, he had compared those vibrations

with his own pulse, which after repeated experiments, ended in the

construction of the first pendulum,--applied not as it was by

Huygens to the measurement of time, but to medical science, to

enable physicians to ascertain the rate of the pulse. But the

pendulum was soon brought into the service of the clockmakers, and

ultimately to the determination of the form of the earth, by its

minute irregularities in diverse latitudes, and finally to the

measurement of differences of longitude by its connection with

electricity and the recording of astronomical observations. Thus

it was that the swinging of a cathedral lamp, before the eye of a

man of genius, has done nearly as much as the telescope itself to

advance science, to say nothing of its practical uses in common

life.

Galileo had been destined by his father to the profession of

medicine, and was ignorant of mathematics. He amused his leisure

hours with painting and music, and in order to study the principles

of drawing he found it necessary to acquire some knowledge of

geometry, much to the annoyance of his father, who did not like to

see his mind diverted from the prescriptions of Hippocrates and

Galen. The certain truths of geometry burst upon him like a

revelation, and after mastering Euclid he turned to Archimedes with

equal enthusiasm. Mathematics now absorbed his mind, and the

father was obliged to yield to the bent of his genius, which seemed

to disdain the regular professions by which social position was

most surely effected. He wrote about this time an essay on the

Hydrostatic Balance, which introduced him to Guido Ubaldo, a famous

mathematician, who induced him to investigate the subject of the

centre of gravity in solid bodies. His treatise on this subject

secured an introduction to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, who perceived

his merits, and by whom he was appointed a lecturer on mathematics

at Pisa, but on the small salary of sixty crowns a year.

This was in 1589, when he was twenty-five, an enthusiastic young

man, full of hope and animal spirits, the charm of every circle for

his intelligence, vivacity, and wit; but bold and sarcastic,

contemptuous of ancient dogmas, defiant of authority, and therefore

no favorite with Jesuit priests and Dominican professors. It is

said that he was a handsome man, with bright golden locks, such as

painters in that age loved to perpetuate upon the canvas; hilarious

and cheerful, fond of good cheer, yet a close student, obnoxious

only to learned dunces and narrow pedants and treadmill professors

and zealous priests,--all of whom sought to molest him, yet to whom

he was either indifferent or sarcastic, holding them and their

formulas up to ridicule. He now directed his inquiries to the

mechanical doctrines of Aristotle, to whose authority the schools

had long bowed down, and whom he too regarded as one of the great

intellectual giants of the world, yet not to be credited without

sufficient reasons. Before the "Novum Organum" was written, he

sought, as Bacon himself pointed out, the way to arrive at truth,--

a foundation to stand upon, a principle tested by experience,

which, when established by experiment, would serve for sure

deductions.

Now one of the principles assumed by Aristotle, and which had never

been disputed, was, that if different weights of the same material

were let fall from the same height, the heavier would reach the

ground sooner than the lighter, and in proportion to the difference

of weight. This assumption Galileo denied, and asserted that, with

the exception of a small difference owing to the resistance of the

air, both would fall to the ground in the same space of time. To

prove his position by actual experiment, he repaired to the leaning

tower of Pisa, and demonstrated that he was right and Aristotle was

wrong. The Aristotelians would not believe the evidence of their

own senses, and ascribed the effect to some unknown cause. To such

a degree were men enslaved by authority. This provoked Galileo,

and led him to attack authority with still greater vehemence,

adding mockery to sarcasm; which again exasperated his opponents,

and doubtless laid the foundation of that personal hostility which

afterwards pursued him to the prison of the Inquisition. This

blended arrogance and asperity in a young man was offensive to the

whole university, yet natural to one who had overturned one of the

favorite axioms of the greatest master of thought the world had

seen for nearly two thousand years; and the scorn and opposition

with which his discovery was received increased his rancor, so that

he, in his turn, did not render justice to the learned men arrayed

against him, who were not necessarily dull or obstinate because

they would not at once give up the opinions in which they were

educated, and which the learned world still accepted. Nor did they

oppose and hate him for his new opinions, so much as from dislike

of his personal arrogance and bitter sarcasms.

At last his enemies made it too hot for him at Pisa. He resigned

his chair (1591), but only to accept a higher position at Padua, on

a salary of one hundred and eighty florins,--not, however, adequate

to his support, so that he was obliged to take pupils in

mathematics. To show the comparative estimate of that age of

science, the fact may be mentioned that the professor of scholastic

philosophy in the same university was paid fourteen hundred

florins. This was in 1592; and the next year Galileo invented the

thermometer, still an imperfect instrument, since air was not

perfectly excluded. At this period his reputation seems to have

been established as a brilliant lecturer rather than as a great

discoverer, or even as a great mathematician; for he was

immeasurably behind Kepler, his contemporary, in the power of

making abstruse calculations and numerical combinations. In this

respect Kepler was inferior only to Copernicus, Newton, and Laplace

in our times, or Hipparchus and Ptolemy among the ancients; and it

is to him that we owe the discovery of those great laws of

planetary motion from which there is no appeal, and which have

never been rivalled in importance except those made by Newton

himself,--laws which connect the mean distance of the planets from

the sun with the times of their revolutions; laws which show that

the orbits of planets are elliptical, not circular; and that the

areas described by lines drawn from the moving planet to the sun

are proportionable to the times employed in the motion. What an

infinity of calculation, in the infancy of science--before the

invention of logarithms,--was necessary to arrive at these truths!

What fertility of invention was displayed in all his hypotheses;

what patience in working them out; what magnanimity in discarding

those which were not true! What power of guessing, even to

hit upon theories which could be established by elaborate

calculations,--all from the primary thought, the grand axiom, which

Kepler was the first to propose, that there must be some numerical

or geometrical relations among the times, distances, and velocities

of the revolving bodies of the solar system! It would seem that

although his science was deductive, he invoked the aid of induction

also: a great original genius, yet modest like Newton; a man who

avoided hostilities, yet given to the most boundless enthusiasm on

the subjects to which he devoted his life. How intense his

raptures! "Nothing holds me," he writes, on discovering his great

laws; "I will indulge in my sacred fury. I will boast of the

golden vessels I have stolen from the Egyptians. If you forgive

me, I rejoice. If you are angry, it is all the same to me. The

die is cast; the book is written,--to be read either now, or by

posterity, I care not which. It may well wait a century for a

reader, as God has waited six thousand years for an observer."

We do not see this sublime repose in the attitude of Galileo,--this

falling back on his own conscious greatness, willing to let things

take their natural course; but rather, on the other hand, an

impatience under contradiction, a vehement scorn of adversaries,

and an intellectual arrogance that gave offence, and impeded his

career, and injured his fame. No matter how great a man may be,

his intellectual pride is always offensive; and when united with

sarcasm and mockery it will make bitter enemies, who will pull him

down.

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