In the reforms thus far carried on we perceive that, though

popular, they emanated from princes and not from the people. The

people had no hand in the changes made, as at Geneva, only the

ministers of kings and great public functionaries. And in the

reforms subsequently effected, which really constitute the English

Reformation, they were made by the council of regency, under the

leadership of Cranmer and the protectorship of Somerset.

The first thing which the Government did after the accession of

Edward VI. was to remove images from the churches, as a form of

idolatry,--much to the wrath of Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, the

ablest man of the old conservative and papal party. But Ridley,

afterwards Bishop of Rochester, preached against all forms of papal

superstition with so much ability and zeal that the churches were

soon cleared of these "helps to devotion."

Cranmer, now unchecked, turned his attention to other reforms, but

proceeded slowly and cautiously, not wishing to hazard much at the

outset. First communion of both kinds, heretofore restricted to

the clergy, was appointed; and, closely connected with it, Masses

were put down. Then a law was passed by Parliament that the

appointment of bishops should vest in the Crown alone, and not, as

formerly, be confirmed by the Pope. The next great thing to which

the reformers directed their attention was the preparation of a new

liturgy in the public worship of God, which gave rise to

considerable discussion. They did not seek to sweep away the old

form, for it was prepared by the sainted doctors of the Church of

all ages; but they would purge it of all superstitions, and retain

what was most beautiful and expressive in the old prayers. The Ten

Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the early creeds of course

were retained, as well as whatever was in harmony with primitive

usages. These changes called out letters from Calvin at Geneva,

who was now recognized as a great oracle among the Protestants: he

encouraged the work, but advised a more complete reformation, and

complained of the coldness of the clergy, as well as of the general

vices of the times. Martin Bucer of Strasburg, at this time

professor at Cambridge, also wrote letters to the same effect; but

the time had not come for more radical reforms. Then Parliament,

controlled by the Government, passed an act allowing the clergy to

marry,--opposed, of course, by many bishops in allegiance to Rome.

This was a great step in reform, and removed many popular scandals;

it struck a heavy blow at the conditions of the Middle Ages,

holding that celibacy sprung from no law of God, but was Oriental

in its origin, encouraged by the Church to cement its power. And

this act concerning the marriage of the clergy was soon followed by

the celebrated Forty-two Articles, framed by Cranmer and Ridley,

which are the bases of the English Church,--a theological creed,

slightly amended afterwards in the reign of Elizabeth; evangelical

but not Calvinistic, affirming the great ideas of Augustine and

Luther as to grace, justification by faith, and original sin, and

repudiating purgatory, pardons, the worship and invocation of

saints and images; a larger creed than the Nicene or Athanasian,

and comprehensive,--such as most Protestants might accept. Both

this and the book of Common Prayer were written with consummate

taste, were the work of great scholars,--moderate, broad,

enlightened, conciliatory.

The reformers then gave their attention to an alteration of

ecclesiastical laws in reference to matters which had always been

decided in ecclesiastical courts. The commissioners--the ablest

men in England, thirty-two in number--had scarcely completed their

work before the young King died, and Mary ascended the throne.

We cannot too highly praise the moderation with which the reforms

had been made, especially when we remember the violence of the age.

There were indeed two or three capital executions for heresy.

Gardiner and Bonner, who opposed the reformation with unparalleled

bitterness were only deprived of their sees and sent to the Tower.

The execution of Somerset was the work of politicians, of great

noblemen jealous of his ascendency. It does not belong to the

reformation, nor do the executions of a few other noblemen.

Cranmer himself was a statesman rather than a preacher. He left

but few sermons, and these commonplace, without learning, or wit,

or zeal,--ordinary exhortations to a virtuous life. The chief

thing, outside of the reforms I have mentioned, was the publication

of a few homilies for the use of the clergy,--too ignorant to write

sermons,--which homilies were practical and orthodox, but

containing nothing to stir up an ardent religious life. The Bible

was also given a greater scope; everybody could read it if he

wished. Public prayer was restored to the people in a language

which they could understand, and a few preachers arose who appealed

to conscience and reason,--like Latimer and Ridley, and Hooper and

Taylor; but most of them were formal and cold. There must have

been great religious apathy, or else these reforms would have

excited more opposition on the part of the clergy, who generally

acquiesced in the changes. But the Reformation thus far was

official; it was not popular. It repressed vice and superstition,

but kindled no great enthusiasm. It was necessary for the English

reformers and sincere Protestants to go through a great trial; to

be persecuted, to submit to martyrdom for the sake of their

opinions. The school of heroes and saints has ever been among

blazing fires and scaffolds. It was martyrdom which first gave

form and power to early Christianity. The first chapter in the

history of the early Church is the torments of the martyrs. The

English Reformation had no great dignity or life until the funeral

pyres were lighted. Men had placidly accepted new opinions, and

had Bibles to instruct them; but it was to be seen how far they

would make sacrifices to maintain them.

This test was afforded by the accession of Mary, daughter of

Catharine the Spaniard,--an affectionate and kind-hearted woman

enough in ordinary times, but a fiend of bigotry, like Catherine

de' Medicis, when called upon to suppress the Reformation, although

on her accession she declared that she would force no man's

conscience. But the first thing she does is to restore the popish

bishops,--for so they were called then by historians; and the next

thing she does is to restore the Mass, and the third to shut up

Cranmer and Latimer in the Tower, attaint and execute them, with

sundry others like Ridley and Hooper, as well as those great nobles

who favored the claims of the Lady Jane Grey and the religious

reforms of Edward VI. She reconciles herself with Rome, and

accepts its legate at her court; she receives Spanish spies and

Jesuit confessors; she marries the son of Charles V., afterwards

Philip II.; she executes the Lady Jane Grey; she keeps the

strictest watch on the Princess Elizabeth, who learns in her

retirement the art of dissimulation and lying; she forms an

alliance with Spain; she makes Cardinal Pole Archbishop of

Canterbury; she gives almost unlimited power to Gardiner and

Bonner, who begin a series of diabolical persecutions, burning such

people as John Rogers, Sanders, Doctor Taylor of Hadley, William

Hunter, and Stephen Harwood, ferreting out all suspected of heresy,

and confining them in the foulest jails,--burning even little

children. Mary even takes measures to introduce the Inquisition

and restore the monasteries. Everywhere are scaffolds and

burnings. In three years nearly three hundred people were burned

alive, often with green wood,--a small number compared with those

who were executed and assassinated in France, about this time, by

Catherine de' Medicis, the Guises, and Charles IX.

In those dreadful persecutions which began with the accession of

Mary, it was impossible that Cranmer should escape. In spite of

his dignity, rank, age, and services, he could hope for no favor or

indulgence from that morose woman in whose sapless bosom no

compassion for the Protestants ever found admission, and still less

from those cruel, mercenary, bigoted prelates whom she selected for

her ministers. It was not customary in that age for the Churchmen

to spare heretics, whether high or low. Would it forgive him who

had overturned the consecrated altars, displaced the ritual of a

thousand years, and revolted from the authority of the supreme head

of the Christian world? Would Mary suffer him to pass unpunished

who had displaced her mother from the nuptial bed, and pronounced

her own birth to be stained with an ignominious blot, and who had

exalted a rival to the throne? And Gardiner and Bonner, too, those

bigoted prelates and ministers who would have sent to the flames an

unoffending woman if she denied the authority of the Pope, were not

the men to suffer him to escape who had not only overturned the

papal power in England, but had deprived them of their sees and

sent them to the Tower. No matter how decent the forms of law or

respectful the agents of the crown, Cranmer had not the shadow of a

hope; and hence he was certainly weak to say the least, to trust to

any deceitful promises made to him. What his enemies were bent

upon was his recantation, as preliminary to his execution; and he

should have been firm, both for his cause, and because his

martyrdom was sure. In an evil hour he listened to the voice of

the seducer. Both life and dignities were promised if he would

recant. "Confounded, heart-broken, old," the love of life and the

fear of death were stronger for a time than the power of conscience

or dignity of character. Six several times was he induced to

recant the doctrines he had preached, and profess an allegiance

which could only be a solemn mockery.

True, Cranmer came to himself; he perceived that he was mocked, and

felt both grief and shame in view of his apostasy. His last hours

were glorious. Never did a good man more splendidly redeem his

memory from shame. Being permitted to address the people before

his execution,--with the hope on the part of his tormentors that he

would publicly confirm his recantation,--he first supplicated the

mercy and forgiveness of Almighty God, and concluded his speech

with these memorable words: "And now I come to the great thing that

troubleth my conscience more than anything I ever did or said, even

the setting forth of writings contrary to the truth, which I now

renounce and refuse,--those things written with my own hand

contrary to the truth I thought in my heart, and writ for fear of

death and to save my life. And forasmuch as my hand offended in

writing contrary to my heart, therefore my hand shall first be

punished; for if I come to the fire, it shall first be burned. As

for the Pope, I denounce him as Christ's enemy and Antichrist, with

all his false doctrines." Then he was carried away, and a great

multitude ran after him, exhorting him, while time was, to remember

himself. "Coming to the stake," says the Catholic eye-witness,

"with a cheerful countenance and willing mind, he took off his

garments in haste and stood upright in his shirt. Fire being

applied, he stretched forth his right hand and thrust it into the

flame, before the fire came to any other part of his body; when his

hand was to be seen sensibly burning, he cried with a loud voice,

'This hand hath offended."'

Thus died Cranmer, in the sixty-seventh year of his age, after

presiding over the Church of England above twenty years, and having

bequeathed a legacy to his countrymen of which they continue to be

proud. He had not the intrepidity of Latimer; he was supple to

Henry VIII.; he was weak in his recantation; he was not an original

genius,--but he was a man of great breadth of views, conciliating

wise, temperate in reform, and discharged his great trust with

conscientious adherence to the truth as he understood it; the

friend of Calvin, and revered by the Protestant world.

Queen Mary reigned, fortunately, but five years, and the

persecutions she encouraged and indorsed proved the seed of a

higher morality and a loftier religious life.

"For thus spake aged Latimer:

I tarry by the stake,

Not trusting in my own weak heart,

But for the Saviour's sake.

Why speak of life or death to me,

Whose days are but a span?

Our crown is yonder,--Ridley, see!

Be strong and play the man!

God helping, such a torch this day

We'll light on English land,

That Rome, with all her cardinals,

Shall never quench the brand!"

The triumphs of Gardiner and Bonner too were short. Mary died with

a bruised heart and a crushed ambition. On her death, and the

accession of her sister Elizabeth, exiles returned from Geneva and

Frankfort to advocate more radical changes in government and

doctrine. Popular enthusiasm was kindled, never afterwards to be

repressed.

The great ideas of the Reformation began now to agitate the mind of

England,--not so much the logical doctrines of Calvin as the

emancipating ideas of Luther. The Renaissance had begun, and the

two movements were incorporated,--the religious one of Germany and

the Pagan one of Italy, both favoring liberality of mind, a freer

style of literature, restless inquiries, enterprise, the revival of

learning and art, an intense spirit of progress, and disgust for

the Dark Ages and all the dogmas of scholasticism. With this

spirit of progress and moderate Protestantism Elizabeth herself,

the best educated woman in England, warmly sympathized, as did also

the illustrious men she drew to her court, to whom she gave the

great offices of state. I cannot call her age a religious one: it

was a merry one, cheerful, inquiring, untrammelled in thought, bold

in speculation, eloquent, honest, fervid, courageous, hostile to

the Papacy and all the bigots of Europe. It was still rough,

coarse, sensual; when money was scarce and industries in their

infancy, and material civilization not very attractive. But it was

a great age, glorious, intellectual, brilliant; with such statesmen

as Burleigh and Walsingham to head off treason and conspiracy; when

great poets arose, like Jonson and Spenser and Shakspeare; and

philosophers, like Bacon and Sir Thomas Browne, and lawyers, like

Nicholas Bacon and Coke; and elegant courtiers, like Sidney and

Raleigh and Essex; men of wit, men of enterprise, who would explore

distant seas and colonize new countries; yea, great preachers, like

Jeremy Taylor and Hall; and great theologians, like Hooker and

Chillingworth,--giving polish and, dignity to an uncouth language,

and planting religious truth in the minds of men.

Elizabeth, with such a constellation around her, had no great

difficulty in re-establishing Protestantism and giving it a new

impetus, although she adhered to liturgies and pomps, and loved

processions and fetes and banquets and balls and expensive

dresses,--a worldly woman, but progressive and enlightened.

In the religious reforms of that age you see the work of princes

and statesmen still, rather than any great insurrection of human

intelligence or any great religious revival, although the germs of

it were springing up through the popular preachers and the

influence of Genevan reformers. Calvin's writings were potent, and

John Knox was on his way to Scotland.

I pass by rapidly the reforms of Elizabeth's reign, effected by the

Queen and her ministers and the convocation of Protestant bishops

and clergy and learned men in the universities. Oxford and

Cambridge were then in their glory,--crowded with poor students

from all parts of England, who came to study Greek and Latin and

read theology, not to ride horses and row boats, to put on

dandified airs and sneer at lectures, running away to London to

attend theatres and flirt with girls and drink champagne, beggaring

their fathers and ruining their own expectations and their health.

In a very short time after the accession of Elizabeth, which was

hailed generally as a very auspicious event, things were restored

to nearly the state in which they were left by Cranmer in the

preceding reign. This was not done by direct authority of the

Queen, but by acts of Parliament. Even Henry VIII. ruled through

the Parliament, only it was his tool and instrument. Elizabeth

consulted its wishes as the representation of the nation, for she

aimed to rule by the affections of her people. But she recommended

the Parliament to conciliatory measures; to avoid extremes; to drop

offensive epithets, like "papist" and "heretic;" to go as far as

the wants of the nation required, and no farther. Though a zealous

Protestant, she seemed to have no great animosities. Her

particular aversion was Bonner,--the violent, blood-thirsty,

narrow-minded Bishop of London, who was deprived of his see and

shut up in the Tower, put out of harm's way, not cruelly treated,--

he was not even deprived of his good dinners. She appointed, as

her prerogative allowed, a very gentle, moderate, broad, kind-

hearted man to be Archbishop of Canterbury,--Parker, who had been

chaplain to her mother, and who was highly esteemed by Burleigh and

Nicholas Bacon, her most influential ministers. Parliament

confirmed the old act, passed during the reign of Henry VIII.,

making the sovereign the head of the English Church, although the

title of "supreme head" was left out in the oath of allegiance, to

conciliate the Catholic party. To execute this supremacy, the

Court of High Commission was established,--afterwards so abused by

Charles I. The Church Service was modified, and the Act of

Uniformity was passed by Parliament, after considerable debate.

The changes were all made in the spirit of moderation, and few

suffered beyond a deprivation of their sees or livings for refusing

to take the oath of supremacy.

Then followed the Thirty-nine Articles, setting forth the creed of

the Established Church,--substantially the creed which Cranmer had

made,--and a new translation of the Bible, and the regulation of

ecclesiastical courts.

But whatever was done was in good taste,--marked by good sense and

moderation,--to preserve decency and decorum, and repress all

extremes of superstition and license. The clergy preached in a

black gown and Genevan bands, using the surplice only in the

liturgy; we see no lace or millinery. The churches were stripped

of images, the pulpits became high and prominent, the altars were

changed to communion-tables without candles and symbols. There was

not much account made of singing, for the lyric version of the

Psalms was execrable. For the first time since Chrysostom and

Gregory Nazianzen, preaching became the chief duty of the

clergyman; and his sermons were long, for the people were greedy of

instruction, and were not critical of artistic merits. Among other

things of note, the exiles were recalled, who brought back with

them the learning of the Continent and the theology of Geneva, and

an intense hatred for all the old forms of superstition,--images,

crucifixes, lighted candles, Catholic vestments,--and a supreme

regard for the authority of the Scriptures, rather than the

authority of the Church.

These men, mostly learned and pious, were not contented with the

restoration as effected by Elizabeth's reformers,--they wanted

greater simplicity of worship and a more definite and logical

creed; and they made a good deal of trouble, being very

conscientious and somewhat narrow and intolerant. So that, after

the re-establishment of Protestantism, the religious history of the

reign is chiefly concerned with the quarrels and animosities within

the Church, particularly about vestments and modes of worship,--

things unessential, minute, technical,--which led to great acerbity

on both sides, and to some persecution; for these quarrels provoked

the Queen and her ministers, who wanted peace and uniformity. To

the Government it seemed strange and absurd for these returned

exiles to make such a fuss about a few externals; to these

intensified Protestants it seemed harsh and cruel that Government

should insist on such a rigid uniformity, and punish them for not

doing as they were bidden by the bishops.

So they separated from the Established Church, and became what were

called Nonconformists,--having not only disgust of the decent

ritualism of the Church, but great wrath for the bishops and

hierarchy and spiritual courts. They also disapproved of the holy

days which the Church retained, and the prayers and the cathedral

style of worship, the use of the cross in baptism, godfathers and

godmothers, the confirmation of children, kneeling at the

sacrament, bowing at the name of Jesus, the ring in marriage, the

surplice, the divine right of bishops, and some other things which

reminded them of Rome, for which they had absolute detestation,

seeing in the old Catholic Church nothing but abominations and

usurpations, no religion at all, only superstition and anti-

Christian government and doctrine,--the reign of the beast, the

mystic Babylon, the scarlet mother revelling in the sorceries of

ancient Paganism. These terrible animosities against even the

shadows and resemblances of what was called Popery were increased

and intensified by the persecution and massacres which the

Catholics about this time were committing on the Protestants in

France and Germany and the Low Countries, and which filled the

people of England,--especially the middle and lower classes, with

fear, alarm, anger, and detestation.

I will not enter upon the dissensions which so early crept into the

English Church, and led to a separation or a schism, whatever name

it goes by,--to most people in these times not very interesting or

edifying, because they were not based on any great ideas of

universal application, and seeming to such minds as Bacon and

Parker and Jewell rather narrow and frivolous.

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