When I consider the affair of a union betwixt the two nations, as it
is expressed in the several articles thereof, and now the subject of
our deliberation at this time I find my mind crowded with a variety
of melancholy thoughts, and I think it my duty to disburden myself
of some of them, by laying them before, and exposing them to, the
serious consideration of this honorable house.
I think I see a free and independent kingdom delivering up that
which all the world hath been fighting for since the days of Nimrod;
yea, that for which most of all the empires, kingdoms, states,
principalities, and dukedoms of Europe, are at this very time
engaged in the most bloody and cruel wars that ever were, to-wit, a
power to manage their own affairs by themselves, without the
assistance and counsel of any other.
I think I see a national church, founded upon a rock, secured by a
claim of right, hedged and fenced about by the strictest and most
pointed legal sanction that sovereignty could contrive, voluntarily
descending into a plain, upon an equal level with Jews, Papists,
Socinians, Arminians, Anabaptists, and other sectaries, etc. I think
I see the noble and honorable peerage of Scotland, whose valiant
predecessors led armies against their enemies, upon their own proper
charges and expenses, now divested of their followers and
vassalages, and put upon such an equal foot with their vassals, that
I think I see a petty English exciseman receive more homage and
respect than what was paid formerly to their quondam Mackallamores.
I think I see the present peers of Scotland, whose noble ancestors
conquered provinces, over-run countries, reduced and subjected towns
and fortified places, exacted tribute through the greatest part of
England, now walking in the court of requests like so many English
attorneys, laying aside their walking swords when in company with
the English peers, lest their self-defense should be found murder.
I think I see the honorable estate of barons, the bold assertors of
the nation's rights and liberties in the worst of times, now
setting a watch upon their lips and a guard upon their tongues,
lest they be found guilty of _scandalum_ _magnatum_.
I think I see the royal state of boroughs walking their desolate
streets, hanging down their heads under disappointments, wormed out
of all the branches of their old trade, uncertain what hand to turn
to, necessitate to become 'prentices to their unkind neighbors; and
yet, after all, finding their trade so fortified by companies, and
secured by prescriptions, that they despair of any success therein.
I think I see our learned judges laying aside their practiques and
decisions, studying the common law of England, graveled with
_certioraries_, _nisi_ _prius's_, writs of error, _verdicts_ _indovar_,
_ejectione_ _firmae_, injunctions, demurs, etc., and frighted with
appeals and avocations, because of the new regulations and
rectifications they may meet with.
I think I see the valiant and gallant soldiery either sent to learn
the plantation-trade abroad; or at home petitioning for a small
subsistence, as the reward of their honorable exploits; while their
old corps are broken, the common soldiers left to beg, and the
youngest English corps kept standing.
I think I see the honest, industrious tradesman loaded with new
taxes and impositions, disappointed of the equivalents, drinking
water in place of ale, eating his saltless pottage, petitioning for
encouragement to his manufactories, and answered by counter-petitions.
In short, I think I see the laborious plowman, with his corn
spoiling upon his hands, for want of sale, cursing the day of his
birth, dreading the expense of his burial, and uncertain whether to
marry or do worse.
I think I see the incurable difficulties of the landed men, fettered
under the golden chain of equivalents, their pretty daughters
petitioning for want of husbands, and their sons for want of
employment.
I think I see our mariners delivering up their ships to their Dutch
partners, and what through presses and necessity, earning their
bread as underlings in the royal English navy.
But above all, my lord, I think I see our ancient mother Caledonia,
like Caesar, sitting in the midst of our senate, ruefully looking
round about her, covering herself with her royal garment, attending
the fatal blow, and breathing out her last with an _Et_ _tu_
_quoque_, _mi_ _fili_.
Are not these, my lord, very afflicting thoughts? And yet they are
but the least part suggested to me by these dishonorable
articles. Should not the consideration of these things vivify these
dry bones of ours? Should not the memory of our noble predecessors'
valor and constancy rouse up our drooping spirits? Are our noble
predecessors' souls got so far into the English cabbage stock and
cauliflowers that we should show the least inclination that way? Are
our eyes so blinded? Are our ears so deafened? Are our hearts so
hardened? Are our tongues so faltered? Are our hands so fettered
that in this our day, I say, my lord, that in this our day, we
should not mind the things that concern the very being and
well-being of our ancient kingdom, before the day be hid from our
eyes?
No, my lord, God forbid! man's extremity is God's opportunity; he is
a present help in time of need, and a deliverer, and that right
early. Some unforeseen Providence will fall out, that may cast the
balance; some Joseph or other will say, "Why do ye strive together,
since ye are brethren?" None can destroy Scotland, save Scotland
itself; hold your hands from the pen, you are secure. Some Judah or
other will say, "Let not our hands be upon the lad, he is our
brother." There will be a Jehovah-Jireh, and some ram will he caught
in the thicket, when the bloody knife is at our mother's throat. Let
us up then, my lord, and let our noble patriots behave themselves
like men, and we know not bow soon a blessing may come.
My lord, I wish from my heart, that this my vision prove not as true
as my reasons for it are probable. I design not at this time to
enter into the merits of any one particular article; I intend this
discourse as an introduction to what I may afterwards say upon the
whole debate as it falls in before this honorable house; and
therefore, in the farther prosecution of what I have to say, I shall
insist upon few particulars, very necessary to be understood, before
we enter into the detail of so important a matter.
I shall, therefore, in the first place, endeavor to encourage a free
and full deliberation, without animosities and heats. In the next
place I shall endeavor to make an inquiry into the nature and source
of the unnatural and dangerous divisions that are now on foot within
this isle, with some motives showing that it is our interest to lay
them aside at this time. Then I shall inquire into the reasons
which have induced the two nations to enter into a treaty of union
at this time, with some considerations and meditations with relation
to the behavior of the lord's commissioners of the two kingdoms in
the management of this great concern. And lastly, I shall propose a
method, by which we shall most distinctly, and without confusion, go
through the several articles of this treaty, without unnecessary
repetitions or loss of time. And all this with all deference, and
under the correction of this honorable house.
My lord chancellor, the greatest honor that was done unto a Roman
was to allow him the glory of a triumph; the greatest and most
dishonorable punishment was that of _parricide_. He that was guilty of
_parricide_ was beaten with rods upon his naked body till the blood
gushed out of all the veins of his body; then he was sewed up in a
leathern sack, called a _culeus_ with a cock, a viper, and an ape,
and thrown headlong into the sea.
My lord, _patricide_ is a greater crime than _parricide_, all the world
over.
In a triumph, my lord, when the conqueror was riding in his
triumphal chariot, crowned with laurels, adorned with trophies, and
applauded with huzzas, there was a monitor appointed to stand behind
him, to warn him not to be high-minded, not puffed up with
overweening thoughts of himself; and to his chariot were tied a whip
and a bell, to mind him that for all his glory and grandeur he was
accountable to the people for his administration, and would be
punished as other men, if found guilty.
The greatest honor amongst us, my lord, is to represent the
sovereign's sacred person in Parliament; and in one particular it
appears to be greater than that of a triumph, because the whole
legislative power seems to be wholly intrusted with him. If he give
the royal assent to an act of the estates, it becomes a law
obligatory upon the subject, though contrary or without any
instructions from the sovereign. If he refuse the royal assent to a
vote in Parliament, it cannot be a law, though he has the
Sovereign's particular and positive instructions for it.
His Grace, the Duke of Queensbury, who now presents her Majesty in
this session of Parliament, hath had the honor of that great trust,
as often, if not more, than any Scotchman ever had. He hath been
the favorite of two successive sovereigns; and I cannot but commend
his constancy and perseverance, that notwithstanding his former
difficulties and unsuccessful attempts, and maugre some other
specialties not yet determined, that his Grace has yet had the
resolution to undertake the most unpopular measures last. If his
Grace succeed in this affair of a union, and that it prove for the
happiness and welfare of the nation, then he justly merits to have a
statue of gold erected for himself; but if it shall tend to the
entire destruction and abolition of our nation, and that we the
nation's trustees will go into it, then I must say that a whip and a
bell, a cock and a viper and an ape, are but too small punishments
for any such bold, unnatural undertaking and complaisance.
That I may pave a way, my lord, to a full, calm, and free reasoning
upon this affair, which is of the last consequence unto this nation,
I shall mind this honorable house, that we are the successors of our
noble predecessors, who founded our monarchy, framed our laws,
amended, altered, and corrected them from time to time, as the
affairs and circumstances of the nation did require, without the
assistance or advice of any foreign power or potentate, and who,
during the time of 2,000 years, have handed them down to us, a free
independent nation, with the hazard of their lives and fortunes.
Shall not we then argue for that which our progenitors have
purchased for us at so dear a rate, and with so much immortal honor
and glory? God forbid. Shall the hazard of a father unbind the
ligaments of a dumb son's tongue; and shall we hold our peace, when
our _patria_ is in danger? I speak this, my lord, that I may
encourage every individual member of this house to speak his mind
freely. There are many wise and prudent men amongst us, who think
it not worth their while to open their mouths; there are others, who
can speak very well, and to good purpose, who shelter themselves
under the shameful cloak of silence, from a fear of the frowns of
great men and parties. I have observed, my lord, by my experience,
the greatest number of speakers in the most trivial affairs; and it
will always prove so, while we come not to the right understanding
of the oath _de_ _fideli_, whereby we are bound not only to give our
vote, but our faithful advice in Parliament, as we should answer to
God; and in our ancient laws, the representatives of the honorable
barons and the royal boroughs are termed spokesmen. It lies upon
your lordships, therefore, particularly to take notice of such whose
modesty makes them bashful to speak. Therefore, I shall leave it
upon you, and conclude this point with a very memorable saying of an
honest private gentleman to a great queen, upon occasion of a State
project, contrived by an able statesman, and the favorite to a great
king, against a peaceable, obedient people, because of the diversity
of their laws and constitutions: "If at this time thou hold thy
peace, salvation shall come to the people from another place, but
thou and thy house shall perish." I leave the application to each
particular member of this house.
My lord, I come now to consider our divisions. We are under the
happy reign (blessed be God) of the best of queens, who has no evil
design against the meanest of her subjects, who loves all her
people, and is equally beloved by them again; and yet that under the
happy influence of our most excellent Queen there should be such
divisions and factions more dangerous and threatening to her
dominions than if we were under an arbitrary government, is most
strange and unaccountable. Under an arbitrary prince all are willing
to serve because all are under a necessity to obey, whether they
will or not. He chooses therefore whom he will, without respect to
either parties or factions; and if he think fit to take the advices
of his councils or parliaments, every man speaks his mind freely,
and the prince receives the faithful advice of his people without
the mixture of self-designs. If he prove a good prince, the
government is easy; if bad, either death or a revolution brings a
deliverance. Whereas here, my lord, there appears no end of our
misery, if not prevented in time; factions are now become
independent, and have got footing in councils, in parliaments, in
treaties, armies, in incorporations, in families, among kindred,
yea, man and wife are not free from their political jars.
It remains therefore, my lord, that I inquire into the nature of
these things; and since the names give us not the right idea of the
thing, I am afraid I shall have difficulty to make myself well
understood.
The names generally used to denote the factions are Whig and Tory,
as obscure as that of Guelfs and Gibelins. Yea, my lord, they have
different significations, as they are applied to factions in each
kingdom; a Whig in England is a heterogeneous creature, in Scotland
he is all of a piece; a Tory in England is all of a piece, and a
statesman in Scotland, he is quite otherways, an anti-courtier and
anti-statesman.
A Whig in England appears to be somewhat like Nebuchadnezzar's
image, of different metals, different classes, different principles,
and different designs; yet take the Whigs all together, they are
like a piece of fine mixed drugget of different threads, some finer,
some coarser, which, after all, make a comely appearance and an
agreeable suit. Tory is like a piece of loyal-made English cloth,
the true staple of the nation, all of a thread; yet, if we look
narrowly into it, we shall perceive diversity of colors, which,
according to the various situations and positions, make various
appearances. Sometimes Tory is like the moon in its full, as
appeared in the affair of the bill of occasional conformity; upon
other occasions it appears to be under a cloud, and as if it were
eclipsed by a greater body, as it did in the design of calling over
the illustrious Princess Sophia. However, by this we may see their
designs are to outshoot Whig in his own bow.
Whig in Scotland is a true blue Presbyterian, who, without
considering time or power, will venture their all for the Kirk, but
something less for the State. The greatest difficulty is how to
describe a Scots Tory. Of old, when I knew them first, Tory was an
honest-hearted comradish fellow, who, provided he was maintained and
protected in his benefices, titles, and dignities by the State, was
the less anxious who had the government and management of the
Church. But now what he is since _jure_ _divino_ came in fashion, and
that Christianity, and, by consequence, salvation comes to depend
upon episcopal ordination, I profess I know not what to make of him;
only this I must say for him, that he endeavors to do by opposition
that which his brother in England endeavors by a more prudent and
less scrupulous method.
Now, my lord, from these divisions there has got up a kind of
aristocracy something like the famous triumvirate at Rome; they are
a kind of undertakers and pragmatic statesmen, who, finding their
power and strength great, and answerable to their designs, will make
bargains with our gracious sovereign; they will serve her
faithfully, but upon their own terms; they must have their own
instruments, their own measures; this man must be turned out, and
that man put in, and then they will make her the most glorious queen
in Europe.
Where will this end, my lord? Is not her Majesty in danger by such
a method? Is not the monarchy in danger? Is not the nation's peace
and tranquillity in danger? Will a change of parties make the
nation more happy? No, my lord, the seed is sown that is like to
afford us a perpetual increase; it is not an annual herb, it takes
deep root; it seeds and breeds; and, if not timely prevented by her
Majesty's royal endeavors, will split the whole island in two.
My lord, I think, considering our present circumstances at this
time, the Almighty God has reserved this great work for us. We may
bruise this Hydra of division, and crush this Cockatrice's egg. Our
neighbors in England are not yet fitted for any such thing; they are
not under the afflicting hand of Providence, as we are; their
circumstances are great and glorious; their treaties are prudently
managed, both at home and abroad; their generals brave and valorous;
their armies successful and victorious; their trophies and laurels
memorable and surprising; their enemies subdued and routed; their
strongholds besieged and taken, sieges relieved, marshals killed and
taken prisoners; provinces and kingdoms are the results of their
victories; their royal navy is the terror of Europe; their trade and
commerce extended through the universe, encircling the whole
habitable world and rendering their own capital city the emporium
for the whole inhabitants of the earth. And, which is yet more than
all these things, the subjects freely bestow their treasure upon
their sovereign! And, above all, these vast riches, the sinews of
war, and without which all the glorious success had proved abortive
--these treasures are managed with such faithfulness and nicety,
that they answer seasonably all their demands, though at never so
great a distance. Upon these considerations, my lord, how hard and
difficult a thing will it prove to persuade our neighbors to a
self-denying bill.
'Tis quite otherwise with us, my lord; we are an obscure poor
people, though formerly of better account, removed to a remote
corner of the world, without name, and without alliances, our posts
mean and precarious, so that I profess I don't think any one post of
the kingdom worth the briguing after, save that of being
commissioner to a long session of a factious Scotch Parliament, with
an antedated commission, and that yet renders the rest of the
ministers more miserable. What hinders us then, my lord, to lay
aside our divisions, to unite cordially and heartily together in our
present circumstances, when our all is at stake? Hannibal, my lord,
is at our gates; Hannibal is come within our gates Hannibal is come
the length of this table; he is at the foot of this throne; he will
demolish this throne; if we take not notice, he'll seize upon these
regalia, he'll take them as our _spolia_ _opima_, and whip us out of
this house, never to return again.
For the love of God then, my lord, for the safety and welfare of our
ancient kingdom, whose sad circumstances, I hope, we shall yet
convert into prosperity and happiness, we want no means, if we
unite. God blessed the peacemakers; we want neither men, nor
sufficiency of all manner of things necessary, to make a nation
happy; all depends upon management, _Concordia_ _res_ _parvae_
_crescunt_. I fear not these articles, though they were ten times
worse than they are, if we once cordially forgive one another, and
that, according to our proverb, bygones be bygones, and fair play
for time to come. For my part, in the sight of God, and in the
presence of this honorable house, I heartily forgive every man, and
beg that they may do the same to me; and I do most humbly propose
that his grace, my lord commissioner, may appoint an Agape, may
order a love feast for this honorable house, that we may lay aside
all self-designs, and after our fasts and humiliations may have a
day of rejoicing and thankfulness, may eat our meat with gladness,
and our bread with a merry heart; then shall we sit each man under
his own fig-tree, and the voice of the turtle shall be heard in our
land, a bird famous for constancy and fidelity.
My lord, I shall make a pause here, and stop going on further in my
discourse, till I see further, if his grace, my lord commissioner,
receive any humble proposals for removing misunderstandings among
us, and putting an end to our fatal divisions; upon honor, I have no
other design, and I am content to beg the favor upon my bended
knees. (No answer.) My lord chancellor, I am sorry that I must
pursue the thread of my sad and melancholy story. What remains, I
am afraid may prove as afflicting as what I have said; I shall
therefore consider the motives which have engaged the two nations to
enter upon a treaty of union at this time. In general, my lord, I
think both of them had in their view to better themselves by the
treaty; but before I enter upon the particular motives of each
nation, I must inform this honorable house that since I can
remember, the two nations have altered their sentiments upon that
affair, even almost to downright contradiction--they have changed
headbands, as we say; for the English, till of late, never thought
it worth their pains of treating with us; the good bargain they made
at the beginning they resolve to keep, and that which we call an
incorporating union was not so much as in their thoughts. The first
notice they seemed to take of us was in our affair of Caledonia,
when they had most effectually broken off that design in a manner
very well known to the world, and unnecessary to be repeated here;
they kept themselves quiet during the time of our complaints upon
that head. In which time our sovereign, to satisfy the nation, and
allay their heats, did condescend to give us some good laws, and
amongst others that of personal liberties; but they having declared
their succession, and extended their entail, without ever taking
notice of us, our gracious sovereign Queen Anne was graciously
pleased to give the royal assent to our act of security, to that of
peace and war after the decease of her Majesty, and the heirs of her
body, and to give us a hedge to all our sacred and civil interests,
by declaring it high treason to endeavor the alteration of them, as
they were then established. Thereupon did follow the threatening
and minatory laws against us by the Parliament of England, and the
unjust and unequal character of what her Majesty had so graciously
condescended to in our favors. Now, my lord, whether the desire
they had to have us engaged in the same succession with them, or
whether they found us like a free and independent people, breathing
after more liberty than what formerly was looked after, or whether
they were afraid of our act of security, in case of her Majesty's
decease; which of all these motives has induced them to a treaty I
leave it to themselves. This I must say only, they have made a good
bargain this time also.
For the particular motives that induced us, I think they are obvious
to be known, we found by sad experience, that every man hath
advanced in power and riches, as they have done in trade, and at the
same time considering that nowhere through the world slaves are
found to be rich, though they should be adorned with chains of gold,
we thereupon changed our notion of an incorporating union to that of
a federal one; and being resolved to take this opportunity to make
demands upon them, before we enter into the succession, we were
content to empower her Majesty to authorize and appoint
commissioners to treat with the commissioners of England, with as
ample powers as the lords commissioners from England had from their
constituents, that we might not appear to have less confidence in
her Majesty, nor more narrow-heartedness in our act, than our
neighbors of England. And thereupon last Parliament, after her
Majesty's gracious letter was read, desiring us to declare the
succession in the first place, and afterwards to appoint
commissioners to treat, we found it necessary to renew our former
resolve, which I shall read to this honorable house. The resolve
presented by the Duke of Hamilton last session of Parliament:--
"That this Parliament will not proceed to the nomination of a
successor till we have had a previous treaty with England, in
relation to our commerce, and other concerns with that nation. And
further, it is resolved that this Parliament will proceed to make
such limitations and conditions of government, for the rectification
of our constitution, as may secure the liberty, religion, and
independency of this kingdom, before they proceed to the said
nomination."
Now, my lord, the last session of Parliament having, before they
would enter into any treaty with England, by a vote of the house,
passed both an act for limitations and an act for rectification of
our constitution, what mortal man has reason to doubt the design of
this treaty was only federal?
My lord chancellor, it remains now, that we consider the behavior of
the lords commissioners at the opening of this treaty. And before I
enter upon that, allow me to make this meditation, that if our
posterity, after we are all dead and gone, shall find themselves
under an ill-made bargain, and shall have recourse unto our records,
and see who have been the managers of that treaty, by which they
have suffered so much; when they read the names, they will certainly
conclude, and say, Ah! our nation has been reduced to the last
extremity, at the time of this treaty; all our great chieftains, all
our great peers and considerable men, who used formerly to defend
the rights and liberties of the nation, have been all killed and
dead in the bed of honor, before ever the nation was necessitated to
condescend to such mean and contemptible terms. Where are the names
of the chief men, of the noble families of Stuarts, Hamiltons,
Grahams, Campbels, Gordons, Johnstons, Humes, Murrays, Kers? Where
are the two great officers of the crown, the constables and marshals
of Scotland? They have certainly all been extinguished, and now we
are slaves forever.
Whereas the English records will make their posterity reverence the
memory of the honorable names who have brought under their fierce,
warlike, and troublesome neighbors, who had struggled so long for
independence, shed the best blood of their nation and reduced a
considerable part of their country to become waste and desolate.
I am informed, my lord, that our commissioners did indeed frankly
tell the lords commissioners for England that the inclinations of
the people of Scotland were much altered of late, in relation to an
incorporating union; and that, therefore, since the entail was to
end with her Majesty's life (whom God long preserve), it was proper
to begin the treaty upon the foot of the treaty of 1604, year of
God, the time when we came first under one sovereign; but this the
English commissioners would not agree to, and our commissioners,
that they might not seem obstinate, were willing to treat and
conclude in the terms laid before this honorable house and subjected
to their determination. If the lords commissioners for England had
been as civil and complaisant, they should certainly have finished a
federal treaty likewise, that both nations might have the choice
which of them to have gone into as they thought fit; but they would
hear of nothing but an entire and complete union, a name which
comprehends a union, either by incorporation, surrender, or
conquest, whereas our commissioners thought of nothing but a fair,
equal, incorporating union. Whether this be so or not I leave it to
every man's judgment; but as for myself I must beg liberty to think
it no such thing; for I take an incorporating union to be, where
there is a change both in the material and formal points of
government, as if two pieces of metal were melted down into one
mass, it can neither be said to retain its former form or substance
as it did before the mixture. But now, when I consider this treaty,
as it hath been explained and spoke to before us this three weeks by
past, I see the English constitution remaining firm, the same two
houses of Parliament, the same taxes, the same customs, the same
excises, the same trading companies, the same municipal laws and
courts of judicature; and all ours either subject to regulations or
annihilations, only we have the honor to pay their old debts and to
have some few persons present for witnesses to the validity of the
deed when they are pleased to contract more.
Good God! What, is this an entire surrender!
My lord, I find my heart so full of grief and indignation that I
must beg pardon not to finish the last part of my discourse, that I
may drop a tear as the prelude to so sad a story.