COMMERCE AND NAVAL POWER (United States Senate, February 12th, 1810)

God has decided that the people of this country should be commercial

people. You read that decree in the seacoast of seventeen hundred

miles which he has given you; in the numerous navigable waters which

penetrate the interior of the country; in the various ports and

harbors scattered alone your shores; in your fisheries; in the

redundant productions of your soil; and, more than all, in the

enterprising and adventurous spirit of your people. It is no more a

question whether the people of this country shall be allowed to

plough the ocean, than it is whether they shall be permitted to

plough the land. It is not in the power of this government, nor

would it be if it were as strong as the most despotic upon the

earth, to subdue the commercial spirit, or to destroy the commercial

habits of the country. Young as we are, our tonnage and commerce

surpass those of every nation upon the globe but one, and if

not wasted by the deprivations to which they were exposed by their

defenseless situation, and the more ruinous restrictions to which

this government subjected them, it would require not many more years

to have made them the greatest in the world. Is this immense wealth

always to be exposed as a prey to the rapacity of freebooters? Why

will you protect your citizens and their property upon land, and

leave them defenseless upon the ocean? As your mercantile property

increases, the prize becomes more tempting to the cupidity of

foreign nations. In the course of things, the ruins and aggressions

which you have experienced will multiply, nor will they be

restrained while we have no appearance of a naval force.

I have always been in favor of a naval establishment--not from the

unworthy motives attributed by the gentleman from Georgia to a

former administration, in order to increase patronage, but from a

profound conviction that the safety of the Union and the prosperity

of the nation depended greatly upon its commerce, which never could

be securely enjoyed without the protection of naval power. I offer,

sir, abundant proof for the satisfaction of the liberal mind of that

gentleman, that patronage was not formerly a motive in voting an

increase in the navy, when I give now the same vote, when surely I

and my friends have nothing to hope, and for myself, I thank God,

nothing to wish from the patronage it may confer.

You must and will have a navy; but it is not to be created in a day,

nor is it to be expected that, in its infancy, it will be able to

cope, foot to foot with the full-grown vigor of the navy of

England. But we are even now capable of maintaining a naval force

formidable enough to threaten the British commerce, and to render

this nation an object of more respect and consideration.

In another point of view, the protection of commerce has become more

indispensable. The discovery is completely made, that it is from

commerce that the revenue is to be drawn which is to support this

government, A direct tax, a stamp act, a carriage tax, and an

excise, have been tried; and I believe, sir, after the lesson which

experience has given on the subject, no set of men in power will

ever repeat them again, for all they are likely to produce. The

burden must be pretty light upon the people of this country, or the

rider is in great danger. You may be allowed to sell your back lands

for some time longer, but the permanent fund for the support of this

government is the imports.

If the people were willing to part with commerce, can the government

dispense with it? But when it belongs equally to the interest of the

people and of the government to encourage and protect it, will you

not spare a few of those dollars which it brings into your treasury,

to defend and protect it?

In relation to the increase of a permanent military force, a free

people cannot cherish too great a jealousy. An army may wrest the

power from the hands of the people, and deprive them of their

liberty. It becomes us, therefore, to be extremely cautious how we

augment it. But a navy of any magnitude can never threaten us with

the same danger. Upon land, at this time, we have nothing--and

probably, at any future time, we shall have but little--to fear

from any foreign power. It is upon the ocean we meet them; it is

there our collisions arise; it is there we are most feeble, most

vulnerable, and most exposed; it is there by consequence, that our

safety and prosperity must require an augmented force.

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