SPEECH AGAINST DUELING

My Lords, I thought it fit for my place, and for these times, to

bring to hearing before your lordships some cause touching private

duels, to see if this court can do any good to tame and reclaim that

evil, which seems unbridled. And I could have wished that I had met

with some greater persons, as a subject for your censure; both

because it had been more worthy of this presence, and also the

better to have shown the resolution I myself have to proceed without

respect of persons in this business. But finding this cause on foot

in my predecessor's time, I thought to lose no time in a mischief

that groweth every day; and besides, it passes not amiss sometimes

in government, that the greater sort be admonished by an example

made in the meaner, and the dog to be eaten before the lion. Nay, I

should think, my lords, that men of birth and quality will leave the

practice, when it begins to be vilified, and come so low as to

barber-surgeons and butchers, and such base mechanical persons. And

for the greatness of this presence, in which I take much comfort,

both as I consider it in itself, and much more in respect it is by

his Majesty's direction, I will supply the meanness of the

particular cause, by handling of the general point; to the end that

by the occasion of this present cause, both my purpose of

prosecution against duels and the opinion of the court, without

which I am nothing, for the censure of them may appear, and thereby

offenders in that kind may read their own case, and know what they

are to expect; which may serve for a warning until example may be

made in some greater person, which I doubt the times will but too

soon afford.

Therefore, before I come to the particular, whereof your lordships

are now to judge, I think the time best spent to speak somewhat (1)

of the nature and greatness of this mischief; (2) of the causes and

remedies; (3) of the justice of the law of England, which some stick

not to think defective in this matter; (4) of the capacity of this

court, where certainly the remedy of this mischief is best to be

found; (5) touching mine own purpose and resolution, wherein I shall

humbly crave your lordships' aid and assistance.

For the mischief itself, it may please your lordships to take into

your consideration that, when revenge is once extorted out of the

magistrate's hands, contrary to God's ordinance, _mihi_ _vindicta_,

_ego_ _retribuam_, and every man shall bear the sword, not to

defend, but to assail, and private men begin once to presume to give

law to themselves and to right their own wrongs, no man can foresee

the danger and inconveniences that may arise and multiply thereupon.

It may cause sudden storms in court, to the disturbance of his

Majesty and unsafety of his person. It may grow from quarrels to

bandying, and from bandying to trooping, and so to tumult and

commotion; from particular persons to dissension of families and

alliances; yea, to national quarrels, according to the infinite

variety of accidents, which fall not under foresight. So that the

State by this means shall be like to a distempered and imperfect

body, continually subject to inflammations and convulsions.

Besides, certainly both in divinity and in policy, offenses of

presumption are the greatest. Other offenses yield and consent to

the law that it is good, not daring to make defense, or to justify

themselves; but this offense expressly gives the law an affront, as

if there were two laws, one a kind of gown law and the other a law

of reputation, as they term it. So that Paul's and Westminster, the

pulpit and the courts of justice, must give place to the law, as the

King speaketh in his proclamation, of ordinary tables, and such

reverend assemblies; the Yearbooks, and statute books must give

place to some French and Italian pamphlets, which handle the

doctrines of duels, which, if they be in the right, _transeamus_

_ad_ _illa_, let us receive them, and not keep the people in

conflict and distraction between two laws. Again, my lords, it is a

miserable effect, when young men full of towardness and hope, such

as the poets call "_Aurorae_ _filii_," sons of the morning, in whom

the expectation and comfort of their friends consisteth, shall be

cast away and destroyed in such a vain manner. But much more it is

to be deplored when so much noble and genteel blood should be spilt

upon such follies, as, if it were adventured in the field in service

of the King and realm, were able to make the fortune of a day and

change the future of a kingdom. So your lordships see what a

desperate evil this is; it troubleth peace; it disfurnisheth war; it

bringeth calamity upon private men, peril upon the State, and

contempt upon the law.

Touching the causes of it: the first motive, no doubt, is a false

and erroneous imagination of honor and credit; and therefore the

King, in his last proclamation, doth most aptly and excellently call

them bewitching duels. For, if one judge of it truly, it is no

better than a sorcery that enchanteth the spirits of young men, that

bear great minds with a false show, _species_ _falsa_; and a kind of

satanical illusion and apparition of honor against religion, against

law, against moral virtue, and against the precedents and examples

of the best times and valiantest nations; as I shall tell you by and

by, when I shall show you that the law of England is not alone in

this point. But then the seed of this mischief being such, it is

nourished by vain discourses and green and unripe conceits, which,

nevertheless, have so prevailed as though a man were staid and

sober-minded and a right believer touching the vanity and

unlawfulness of these duels; yet the stream of vulgar opinion is

such, as it imposeth a necessity upon men of value to conform

themselves, or else there is no living or looking upon men's faces;

so that we have not to do, in this case, so much with particular

persons as with unsound and depraved opinions, like the dominations

and spirits of the air which the Scripture speaketh of. Hereunto

may be added that men have almost lost the true notion and

understanding of fortitude and valor. For fortitude distinguisheth

of the grounds of quarrels whether they be just; and not only so,

but whether they be worthy; and setteth a better price upon men's

lives than to bestow them idly. Nay, it is weakness and disesteem

of a man's self, to put a man's life upon such ledger performances.

A man's life is not to be trifled away; it is to be offered up and

sacrificed to honorable services, public merits, good causes, and

noble adventures. It is in expense of blood as it is in expense of

money. It is no liberality to make a profusion of money upon every

vain occasion; nor no more is it fortitude to make effusion of

blood, except the cause be of worth. And thus much for the cause of

this evil.

For the remedies. I hope some great and noble person will put his

hand to this plough, and I wish that my labors of this day may be

but forerunners to the work of a higher and better hand. But yet to

deliver my opinion as may be proper for this time and place, there

be four things that I have thought on, as the most effectual for the

repressing of this depraved custom of particular combats.

The first is, that there do appear and be declared a constant and

settled resolution in the State to abolish it. For this is a thing,

my lords, must go down at once or not at all; for then every

particular man will think himself acquitted in his reputation, when

he sees that the State takes it to heart, as an insult against the

King's power and authority, and thereupon hath absolutely resolved

to master it; like unto that which we set down in express words in

the edict of Charles IX. of France, touching duels, that the King

himself took upon him the honor of all that took themselves grieved

or interested for not having performed the combat. So must the State

do in this business; and in my conscience there is none that is but

of a reasonable sober disposition, be he never so valiant, except it

be some furious person that is like a firework, but will be glad of

it, when he shall see the law and rule of State disinterest him of a

vain and unnecessary hazard.

Secondly, care must be taken that this evil be no more cockered, nor

the humor of it fed; wherein I humbly pray your lordships, that I

may speak my mind freely, and yet be understood aright. The

proceedings of the great and noble commissioners martial I honor and

reverence much, and of them I speak not in any sort. But I say the

compounding of quarrels, which is otherwise in use by private

noblemen and gentlemen, is so punctual, and hath such reference and

respect unto the received conceits, what is beforehand, and what is

behindhand, and I cannot tell what, as without all question it doth,

in a fashion, countenance and authorize this practice of duels as if

it had in it somewhat of right.

Thirdly, I must acknowledge that I learned out of the King's last

proclamation, the most prudent and best applied remedy for this

offense, if it shall please his Majesty to use it, that the wit of

man can devise. This offense, my lords, is grounded upon a false

conceit of honor; and therefore it would be punished in the same

kind, in _eo_ _quis_ _rectissime_ _plectitur_, _in_ _quo_ _peccat_.

The fountain of honor is the King and his aspect, and the access to

his person continueth honor in life, and to be banished from his

presence is one of the greatest eclipses of honor that can be. If

his Majesty shall be pleased that when this court shall censure any

of these offenses in persons of eminent quality, to add this out of

his own power and discipline, that these persons shall be banished

and excluded from his court for certain years, and the courts of his

queen and prince, I think there is no man that hath any good blood

in him will commit an act that shall cast him into that darkness

that he may not behold his sovereign's face.

Lastly, and that which more properly concerneth this court. We see,

my lords, the root of this offense is stubborn; for it despiseth

death, which is the utmost of punishments; and it were a just but a

miserable severity to execute the law without all remission or

mercy, where the case proveth capital. And yet the late severity in

France was more, where by a kind of martial law, established by

ordinance of the King and Parliament, the party that had slain

another was presently had to the gibbet, insomuch as gentlemen of

great quality were hanged, their wounds bleeding, lest a natural

death should prevent the example of justice. But, my lords, the

course which we shall take is of far greater lenity, and yet of no

less efficacy; which is to punish, in this court, all the middle

acts and proceedings which tend to the duel, which I will enumerate

to you anon, and so to hew and vex the root in the branches, which,

no doubt, in the end will kill the root, and yet prevent the

extremity of law.

Now for the law of England, I see it excepted to, though ignorantly,

in two points. The one, that it should make no difference between

an insidious and foul murder, and the killing of a man upon fair

terms, as they now call it. The other, that the law hath not

provided sufficient punishment and reparations for contumely of

words, as the lie, and the like. But these are no better than

childish novelties against the divine law, and against all laws in

effect, and against the examples of all the bravest and most

virtuous nations of the world.

For first, for the law of God, there is never to be found any

difference made in homicide, but between homicide voluntary and

involuntary, which we term misadventure. And for the case of

misadventure itself, there were cities of refuge; so that the

offender was put to his flight, and that flight was subject to

accident, whether the revenger of blood should overtake him before

he had gotten sanctuary or no. It is true that our law hath made a

more subtle distinction between the will inflamed and the will

advised, between manslaughter in heat and murder upon prepensed

malice or cold blood, as the soldiers call it; an indulgence not

unfit for a choleric and warlike nation; for it is true, _ira_

_furor_ _brevis_, a man in fury is not himself. This privilege of

passion the ancient Roman law restrained, but to a case; that was,

if the husband took the adulterer in the manner. To that rage and

provocation only it gave way, that a homicide was justifiable. But

for a difference to be made in killing and destroying man, upon a

forethought purpose, between foul and fair, and, as it were, between

single murder and vied murder, it is but a monstrous child of this

latter age, and there is no shadow of it in any law, divine or

human. Only it is true, I find in the Scripture that Cain enticed

his brother into the field and slew him treacherously; but Lamech

vaunted of his manhood, that he would kill a young man, and if it

were to his hurt; so as I see no difference between an insidious

murder and a braving or presumptuous murder, but the difference

between Cain and Lamech. As for examples in civil states, all

memory doth consent, that Graecia and Rome were the most valiant and

generous nations of the world; and that, which is more to be noted,

they were free estates, and not under a monarchy; whereby a man

would think it a great deal the more reason that particular persons

should have righted themselves. And yet they had not this practice

of duels, nor anything that bare show thereof; and sure they would

have had it, if there had been any virtue in it. Nay, as he saith,

"_Fas_ _est_ _et_ _ab_ _hoste_ _doceri_" It is memorable, that which

is reported by a counsel or ambassador of the emperor, touching the

censure of the Turks of these duels. There was a combat of this

kind performed by two persons of quality of the Turks, wherein one

of them was slain, and the other party was converted before the

council of bashaws. The manner of the reprehension was in these

words: "How durst you undertake to fight one with the other? Are

there not Christians enough to kill? Did you not know that whether

of you shall be slain, the loss would be the great seignor's?" So,

as we may see, the most warlike nations, whether generous or

barbarous, have ever despised this wherein now men glory.

It is true, my lords, that I find combats of two natures authorized,

how justly I will not dispute as to the latter of them. The one,

when upon the approaches of armies in the face one of the other,

particular persons have made challenges for trial of valors in the

field upon the public quarrel. This the Romans called "_pugna_

_per_ _provocationem_." And this was never, but either between the

generals themselves, who were absolute, or between particulars by

license of the generals; never upon private authority. So you see

David asked leave when he fought with Goliath; and Joab, when the

armies were met, gave leave, and said "Let the young man play before

us." And of this kind was that famous example in the wars of

Naples, between twelve Spaniards and twelve Italians, where the

Italians bore away the victory; besides other infinite like examples

worthy and laudable, sometimes by singles, sometimes by numbers.

The second combat is a judicial trial of right, where the right is

obscure, introduced by the Goths and the northern nations, but more

anciently entertained in Spain. And this yet remains in some cases

as a divine lot of battle, though controverted by divines, touching

the lawfulness of it; so that a wise writer saith: "_Taliter_

_pugnantes_ _videntur_ _tentare_ _Deum_, _quia_ _hoc_ _volunt_ _ut_

_Deus_ _ostendat_ _et_ _faciat_ _miraculum_, _ut_ _justam_ _causam_

_habens_ _victor_ _efficiatur_, _quod_ _saepe_ _contra_ _accidit_."

But whosoever it be, this kind of fight taketh its warrant from law.

Nay, the French themselves, whence this folly seemeth chiefly to

have flown, never had it but only in practice and toleration, and

never as authorized by law; and yet now of late they have been fain

to purge their folly with extreme rigor, in so much as many

gentlemen left between death and life in the duels, as I spake

before, were hastened to hanging with their wounds bleeding. For

the State found it had been neglected so long, as nothing could be

thought cruelty which tended to the putting of it down. As for the

second defect, pretended in our law, that it hath provided no remedy

for lies and fillips, it may receive like answer. It would have

been thought a madness amongst the ancient lawgivers to have set a

punishment upon the lie given, which in effect is but a word of

denial, a negative of another's saying. Any lawgiver, if he had

been asked the question, would have made Solon's answer: That he had

not ordained any punishment for it, because he never imagined the

world would have been so fantastical as to take it so highly. The

civilians dispute whether an action of injury lie for it, and rather

resolve the contrary. And Francis I. of France, who first set on

and stamped this disgrace so deep, is taxed by the judgment of all

wise writers for beginning the vanity of it; for it was he, that

when he had himself given the lie and defy to the Emperor, to make

it current in the world, said in a solemn assembly, "that he was no

honest man that would bear the lie," which was the fountain of this

new learning.

As for the words of approach and contumely, whereof the lie was

esteemed none, it is not credible, but that the orations themselves

are extant, what extreme and exquisite reproaches were tossed up and

down in the Senate of Rome and the places of assembly, and the like

in Graecia, and yet no man took himself fouled by them, but took

them but for breath, and the style of an enemy, and either despised

them or returned them, but no blood was spilt about them.

So of every touch or light blow of the person, they are not in

themselves considerable, save that they have got them upon the stamp

of a disgrace, which maketh these light things pass for great

matters. The law of England and all laws hold these degrees of

injury to the person, slander, battery, mayhem, death; and if there

be extraordinary circumstances of despite and contumely, as in case

of libels and bastinadoes and the like, this court taketh them in

hand and punisheth them exemplarily. But for this apprehension of a

disgrace that a fillip to the person should be a mortal wound to the

reputation, it were good that men did hearken unto the saying of

Gonsalvo, the great and famous commander, that was wont to say a

gentleman's honor should be _de_ _tela_ _crassiore_, of a good

strong warp or web, that every little thing should not catch in it;

when as now it seems they are but of cobweb-lawn or such light

stuff, which certainly is weakness, and not true greatness of mind,

but like a sick man's body, that is so tender that it feels

everything. And so much in maintenance and demonstration of the

wisdom and justice of the law of the land.

For the capacity of this court, I take this to be a ground

infallible, that wheresoever an offense is capital, or matter of

felony, though it be not acted, there the combination or practice

tending to the offense is punishable in this court as high

misdemeanor. So practice to imprison, though it took no effect;

waylaying to murder, though it took no effect; and the like; have

been adjudged heinous misdemeanors punishable in this court. Nay,

inceptions and preparations in inferior crimes, that are not

capital, as suborning and preparing of witnesses that were never

deposed, or deposed nothing material, have likewise been censured in

this court, as appeareth by the decree in Garnon's case.

Why, then, the major proposition being such, the minor cannot be

denied, for every appointment of the field is but combination and

plotting of murder. Let them gild it how they list, they shall never

have fairer terms of me in a place of justice. Then the conclusion

followeth, that it is a case fit for the censure of the court. And

of this there be precedents in the very point of challenge. It was

the case of Wharton, plaintiff, against Ellekar and Acklam,

defendants, where Acklam, being a follower of Ellekar's, was

censured for carrying a challenge from Ellekar to Wharton, though

the challenge was not put in writing, but delivered only by word of

message; and there are words in the decree, that such challenges are

to the subversion of government. These things are well known, and

therefore I needed not so much to have insisted upon them, but that

in this case I would be thought not to innovate anything of my own

head, but to follow the former precedents of the court, though I

mean to do it more thoroughly, because the time requires it more.

Therefore now to come to that which concerneth my part, I say that

by the favor of the king and the court, I will prosecute in this

court in the cases following: If any man shall appoint the field,

though the fight be not acted or performed. If any man shall send

any challenge in writing, or any message of challenge. If any man

carry or deliver any writing or message of challenge. If any man

shall accept to be second in a challenge of either side. If any man

shall depart the realm, with intention and agreement to perform the

fight beyond the seas. If any man shall revive a quarrel by any

scandalous bruits or writings, contrary to former proclamation

published by his Majesty in that behalf.

Nay I hear there be some counsel learned of duels, that tell voting

men when they are beforehand, and when they are otherwise and

thereby incense and incite them to the duel, and make an art of

it. I hope I shall meet with some of them too; and I am sure, my

lords, this course of preventing duels, in nipping them in the bud,

is fuller of clemency and providence than the suffering them to go

on, and hanging men with their wounds bleeding, as they did in

France.

To conclude, I have some petitions to make first to your lordship,

my lord chancellor, that in case I be advertised of a purpose in any

to go beyond the sea to fight, I may have granted his Majesty's writ

of _ne_ _exeat_ _regnum_ to stop him, for this giant bestrideth the

sea, and I would take and snare him by the foot on this side; for

the combination and plotting is on this side, though it should be

acted beyond the sea. And your lordship said notably the last time

I made a motion in this business, that a man may be as well _fur_

_de_ _se_ as _felo_ _de_ _se_, if he steal out of the realm for a

bad purpose. As for the satisfying of the words of the writ, no man

will doubt but he does _machinari_ _contra_ _coronam_, as the words

of the writ be, seeking to murder a subject; for that is ever

_contra_ _coronam_ _et_ _dignitatem_. I have also a suit to your

lordships all in general, that for justice's sake, and for true

honor's sake, honor of religion, law, and the King our master,

against this fond and false disguise or puppetry of honor. I may,

in my prosecution, which, it is like enough, may sometimes stir

coals, which I esteem not for my particular, but as it may hinder

the good service, I may, I say, be countenanced and assisted from

your lordships. Lastly, I have a petition to the nobles and

gentlemen of England, that they would learn to esteem themselves at

a just price. _Non_ _hos_ _quaesitim_ _munus_ _in_ _usus_--their

blood is not to be spilt like water or a vile thing; therefore, that

they would rest persuaded there cannot be a form of honor, except it

be upon a worthy matter. But this, _ipsi_ _viderunt_, I am resolved.

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