Now I ask, Senators, what is there to prevent its further progress,
until it fulfils the ultimate end proposed, unless some decisive measure
should be adopted to prevent it? Has any one of the causes, which has
added to its increase from its original small and contemptible beginning
until it has attained its present magnitude, diminished in force? Is the
original cause of the movement--that slavery is a sin, and ought to be
suppressed--weaker now than at the commencement? Or is the abolition
party less numerous or influential, or have they less influence with,
or less control over the two great parties of the North in elections? Or
has the South greater means of influencing or controlling the movements
of this Government now, than it had when the agitation commenced? To
all these questions but one answer can be given: No, no, no. The very
reverse is true. Instead of being weaker, all the elements in favor
of agitation are stronger now than they were in 1835, when it first
commenced, while all the elements of influence on the part of the South
are weaker. Unless something decisive is done, I again ask, what is
to stop this agitation, before the great and final object at which it
aims--the abolition of slavery in the States--is consummated? Is it,
then, not certain, that if something is not done to arrest it, the South
will be forced to choose between abolition and secession? Indeed, as
events are now moving, it will not require the South to secede, in order
to dissolve the Union. Agitation will of itself effect it, of which its
past history furnishes abundant proof--as I shall next proceed to show.
It is a great mistake to suppose that disunion can be effected by a
single blow. The cords which bound these States together in one common
Union, are far too numerous and powerful for that. Disunion must be the
work of time. It is only through a long process, and successively, that
the cords can be snapped, until the whole fabric falls asunder. Already
the agitation of the slavery question has snapped some of the most
important, and has greatly weakened all the others, as I shall proceed
to show.
The cords that bind the States together are not only many, but various
in character. Some are spiritual or ecclesiastical; some political;
others social. Some appertain to the benefit conferred by the Union, and
others to the feeling of duty and obligation.
The strongest of those of a spiritual and ecclesiastical nature,
consisted in the unity of the great religious denominations, all of
which originally embraced the whole Union. All these denominations, with
the exception, perhaps, of the Catholics, were organized very much upon
the principle of our political institutions. Beginning with smaller
meetings, corresponding with the political divisions of the country,
their organization terminated in one great central assemblage,
corresponding very much with the character of Congress. At these
meetings the principal clergymen and lay members of the respective
denominations from all parts of the Union, met to transact business
relating to their common concerns. It was not confined to what
appertained to the doctrines and discipline of the respective
denominations, but extended to plans for disseminating the
Bible--establishing missions, distributing tracts--and of establishing
presses for the publication of tracts, newspapers, and periodicals, with
a view of diffusing religious information--and for the support of their
respective doctrines and creeds. All this combined contributed
greatly to strengthen the bonds of the Union. The ties which held each
denomination together formed a strong cord to hold the whole Union
together, but, powerful as they were, they have not been able to resist
the explosive effect of slavery agitation.
The first of these cords which snapped, under its explosive force, was
that of the powerful Methodist Episcopal Church. The numerous and strong
ties which held it together, are all broken, and its unity is gone. They
now form separate churches; and, instead of that feeling of attachment
and devotion to the interests of the whole church which was formerly
felt, they are now arrayed into two hostile bodies, engaged in
litigation about what was formerly their common property.
The next cord that snapped was that of the Baptists--one of the largest
and most respectable of the denominations. That of the Presbyterian is
not entirely snapped, but some of its strands have given way. That
of the Episcopal Church is the only one of the four great Protestant
denominations which remains unbroken and entire.
The strongest cord, of a political character, consists of the many and
powerful ties that have held together the two great parties which have,
with some modifications, existed from the beginning of the Government.
They both extended to every portion of the Union, and strongly
contributed to hold all its parts together. But this powerful cord has
fared no better than the spiritual. It resisted, for a long time, the
explosive tendency of the agitation, but has finally snapped under its
force--if not entirely, in a great measure. Nor is there one of the
remaining cords which has not been greatly weakened. To this extent the
Union has already been destroyed by agitation, in the only way it can
be, by sundering and weakening the cords which bind it together.
If the agitation goes on, the same force, acting with increased
intensity, as has been shown, will finally snap every cord, when nothing
will be left to hold the States together except force. But, surely, that
can, with no propriety of language, be called a Union, when the only
means by which the weaker is held connected with the stronger portion
is force. It may, indeed, keep them connected; but the connection will
partake much more of the character of subjugation, on the part of the
weaker to the stronger, than the union of free, independent States, in
one confederation, as they stood in the early stages of the Government,
and which only is worthy of the sacred name of Union.
Having now, Senators, explained what it is that endangers the Union,
and traced it to its cause, and explained its nature and character, the
question again recurs, How can the Union be saved? To this I answer,
there is but one way by which it can be, and that is by adopting such
measures as will satisfy the States belonging to the southern section,
that they can remain in the Union consistently with their honor and
their safety. There is, again, only one way by which this can be
effected, and that is by removing the causes by which this belief has
been produced. Do this, and discontent will cease, harmony and kind
feelings between the sections be restored, and every apprehension of
danger to the Union be removed. The question, then, is, How can this be
done? But, before I undertake to answer this question, I propose to show
by what the Union cannot be saved.
It cannot, then, be saved by eulogies on the Union, however splendid
or numerous. The cry of "Union, Union, the glorious Union!" can no more
prevent disunion than the cry of "Health, health, glorious health!" on
the part of the physician, can save a patient lying dangerously ill. So
long as the Union, instead of being regarded as a protector, is regarded
in the opposite character, by not much less than a majority of the
States, it will be in vain to attempt to conciliate them by pronouncing
eulogies on it.
Besides, this cry of Union comes commonly from those whom we cannot
believe to be sincere. It usually comes from our assailants. But we
cannot believe them to be sincere; for, if they loved the Union,
they would necessarily be devoted to the Constitution. It made the
Union,--and to destroy the Constitution would be to destroy the
Union. But the only reliable and certain evidence of devotion to the
Constitution is to abstain, on the one hand, from violating it, and
to repel, on the other, all attempts to violate it. It is only by
faithfully performing these high duties that the Constitution can be
preserved, and with it the Union.
But how stands the profession of devotion to the Union by our
assailants, when brought to this test? Have they abstained from
violating the Constitution? Let the many acts passed by the Northern
States to set aside and annul the clause of the Constitution providing
for the delivery up of fugitive slaves answer. I cite this, not that
it is the only instance (for there are many others), but because the
violation in this particular is too notorious and palpable to be denied.
Again: Have they stood forth faithfully to repel violations of the
Constitution? Let their course in reference to the agitation of the
slavery question, which was commenced and has been carried on for
fifteen years, avowedly for the purpose of abolishing slavery in the
States--an object all acknowledged to be unconstitutional,--answer. Let
them show a single instance, during this long period, in which they have
denounced the agitators or their attempts to effect what is admitted to
be unconstitutional, or a single measure which they have brought forward
for that purpose. How can we, with all these facts before us, believe
that they are sincere in their profession of devotion to the Union, or
avoid believing their profession is but intended to increase the vigor
of their assaults and to weaken the force of our resistance?
Nor can we regard the profession of devotion to the Union, on the part
of those who are not our assailants, as sincere, when they pronounce
eulogies upon the Union, evidently with the intent of charging us
with disunion, without uttering one word of denunciation against our
assailants. If friends of the Union, their course should be to unite
with us in repelling these assaults, and denouncing the authors as
enemies of the Union. Why they avoid this, and pursue the course they
do, it is for them to explain.
Nor can the Union be saved by invoking the name of the illustrious
Southerner whose mortal remains repose on the western bank of the
Potomac. He was one of us,--a slave-holder and a planter. We have
studied his history, and find nothing in it to justify submission to
wrong. On the contrary, his great fame rests on the solid foundation,
that, while he was careful to avoid doing wrong to others, he was
prompt and decided in repelling wrong. I trust that, in this respect, we
profited by his example.
Nor can we find any thing in his history to deter us from seceding
from the Union, should it fail to fulfil the objects for which it was
instituted, by being permanently and hopelessly converted into the means
of oppressing instead of protecting us. On the contrary, we find much
in his example to encourage us, should we be forced to the extremity of
deciding between submission and disunion.
There existed then, as well as now, a union--between the parent country
and her colonies. It was a union that had much to endear it to the
people of the colonies. Under its protecting and superintending care,
the colonies were planted and grew up and prospered, through a long
course of years, until they be-came populous and wealthy. Its benefits
were not limited to them. Their extensive agricultural and other
productions, gave birth to a flourishing commerce, which richly rewarded
the parent country for the trouble and expense of establishing and
protecting them. Washing-ton was born and grew up to manhood under that
Union. He acquired his early distinction in its service, and there is
every reason to believe that he was devotedly attached to it. But his
devotion was a national one. He was attached to it, not as an end, but
as a means to an end. When it failed to fulfil its end, and, instead
of affording protection, was converted into the means of oppressing
the colonies, he did not hesitate to draw his sword, and head the great
movement by which that union was forever severed, and the independence
of these States established. This was the great and crowning glory
of his life, which has spread his fame over the whole globe, and will
transmit it to the latest posterity.
Nor can the plan proposed by the distinguished Senator from Kentucky,
nor that of the administration, save the Union. I shall pass by,
without remark, the plan proposed by the Senator. I, however, assure
the distinguished and able Senator, that, in taking this course, no
disrespect whatever is intended to him or to his plan. I have adopted
it because so many Senators of distinguished abilities, who were present
when he delivered his speech, and explained his plan, and who were fully
capable to do justice to the side they support, have replied to
him. * * *
Having now shown what cannot save the Union, I return to the question
with which I commenced, How can the Union be saved? There is but one
way by which it can with any certainty; and that is, by a full and final
settlement, on the principle of justice, of all the questions at issue
between the two sections. The South asks for justice, simple justice,
and less she ought not to take. She has no compromise to offer, but the
Constitution; and no concession or surrender to make. She has already
surrendered so much that she has little left to surrender. Such a
settlement would go to the root of the evil, and remove all cause of
discontent, by satisfying the South that she could remain honorably
and safely in the Union, and thereby restore the harmony and fraternal
feelings between the sections, which existed anterior to the Missouri
agitation. Nothing else can, with any certainty, finally and forever
settle the question at issue, terminate agitation, and save the Union.
But can this be done? Yes, easily; not by the weaker party, for it can,
of itself do nothing,--not even protect itself--but by the stronger. The
North has only to will it to accomplish it--to do justice by conceding
to the South an equal right in the acquired territory, and to do her
duty by causing the stipulations relative to fugitive slaves to be
faithfully fulfilled, to cease the agitation of the slave question, and
to provide for the insertion of a provision in the Constitution, by an
amendment, which will restore to the South, in substance, the power
she possessed of protecting herself, before the equilibrium between the
sections was destroyed by the action of this Government. There will be
no difficulty in devising such a provision--one that will protect the
South, and which, at the same time, will improve and strengthen the
Government, instead of impairing and weakening it.
But will the North agree to this? It is for her to answer the question.
But, I will say, she cannot refuse, if she has half the love for the
Union which she professes to have, or without justly exposing herself to
the charge that her love of power and aggrandizement is far greater than
her love of the Union. At all events the responsibility of saving the
Union rests on the North, and not on the South. The South cannot save
it by any act of hers, and the North may save it without any sacrifice
whatever, unless to do justice, and to perform her duties under the
Constitution, should be regarded by her as a sacrifice.
It is time, Senators, that there should be an open and manly avowal on
all sides, as to what is intended to be done. If the question is not now
settled, it is uncertain whether it ever can hereafter be; and we,
as the representatives of the States of this Union, regarded as
governments, should come to a distinct understanding as to our
respective views, in order to ascertain whether the great questions at
issue can be settled or not. If you, who represent the stronger portion,
cannot agree to settle on the broad principle of justice and duty, say
so; and let the States we both represent agree to separate and part in
peace. If you are unwilling we should part in peace, tell us so, and
we shall know what to do, when you reduce the question to submission or
resistance. If you remain silent, you will compel us to infer by your
acts what you intend. In that case, California will become the test
question. If you admit her, under all the difficulties that oppose her
admission, you compel us to infer that you intend to exclude us from
the whole of the acquired territories, with the intention of destroying,
irretrievably, the equilibrium between the two sections. We would be
blind not to perceive in that case, that your real objects are power and
aggrandizement, and infatuated, not to act accordingly.
I have now, Senators, done my duty in ex-pressing my opinions fully,
freely and candidly, on this solemn occasion. In doing so, I have been
governed by the motives which have governed me in all the stages of the
agitation of the slavery question since its commencement. I have exerted
myself, during the whole period, to arrest it, with the intention of
saving the Union, if it could be done; and if it could not, to save
the section where it has pleased Providence to cast my lot, and which I
sincerely believe has justice and the Constitution on its side. Having
faithfully done my duty to the best of my ability, both to the Union and
my section, throughout this agitation, I shall have the consolation, let
what will come, that I am free from all responsibility.
[Illustration: Daniel Webster]
DANIEL WEBSTER,
OF MASSACHUSETTS. (BORN, 1782, DIED, 1852.)
ON THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION;
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, MARCH 7, 1850.
MR. PRESIDENT:
I wish to speak to-day, not as a Massachusetts man, nor as a northern
man, but as an American, and a member of the Senate of the United
States. It is fortunate that there is a Senate of the United States; a
body not yet moved from its propriety, nor lost to a just sense of its
own dignity and its own high responsibilities, and a body to which
the country looks, with confidence, for wise, moderate, patriotic, and
healing counsels. It is not to be denied that we live in the midst of
strong agitations and are surrounded by very considerable dangers to
our institutions and government. The imprisoned winds are let loose.
The East, the North, and the stormy South combine to throw the whole
sea into commotion, to toss its billows to the skies, and disclose its
profoundest depths. I do not affect to regard myself, Mr. President,
as holding, or fit to hold, the helm in this combat with the political
elements; but I have a duty to perform, and I mean to perform it with
fidelity, not without a sense of existing dangers, but not without
hope. I have a part to act, not for my own security or safety, for I am
looking out for no fragment upon which to float away from the wreck, if
wreck there must be, but for the good of the whole, and the preservation
of all; and there is that which will keep me to my duty during this
struggle, whether the sun and the stars shall appear for many days. I
speak to-day for the preservation of the Union. "Hear me for my
cause." I speak to-day out of a solicitous and anxious heart, for the
restoration to the country of that quiet and that harmony which make the
blessings of this Union so rich, and so dear to us all. These are the
topics that I propose to myself to discuss; these are the motives,
and the sole motives, that influence me in the wish to communicate
my opinions to the Senate and the country; and if I can do any
thing, however little, for the promotion of these ends, I shall have
accomplished all that I expect.
* * * We all know, sir, that slavery has existed in the world from time
immemorial. There was slavery in the earliest periods of history, among
the Oriental nations. There was slavery among the Jews; the theocratic
government of that people issued no injunction against it. There was
slavery among the Greeks. * * * At the introduction of Christianity, the
Roman world was full of slaves, and I suppose there is to be found no
injunction against that relation between man and man in the teachings
of the Gospel of Jesus Christ or of any of his apostles. * * * Now, sir,
upon the general nature and influence of slavery there exists a wide
difference of opinion between the northern portion of this country and
the southern. It is said on the one side, that, although not the subject
of any injunction or direct prohibition in the New Testament, slavery
is a wrong; that it is founded merely in the right of the strongest; and
that it is an oppression, like unjust wars, like all those conflicts by
which a powerful nation subjects a weaker to its will; and that, in its
nature, whatever may be said of it in the modifications which have taken
place, it is not according to the meek spirit of the Gospel. It is not
"kindly affectioned"; it does not "seek another's, and not its own";
it does not "let the oppressed go free." These are sentiments that are
cherished, and of late with greatly augmented force, among the people of
the Northern States. They have taken hold of the religious sentiment of
that part of the country, as they have, more or less, taken hold of the
religious feelings of a considerable portion of mankind. The South upon
the other side, having been accustomed to this relation between the two
races all their lives; from their birth, having been taught, in general,
to treat the subjects of this bondage with care and kindness, and I
believe, in general, feeling great kindness for them, have not taken
the view of the subject which I have mentioned. There are thousands of
religious men, with consciences as tender as any of their brethren at
the North, who do not see the unlawfulness of slavery; and there are
more thousands, perhaps, that, whatsoever they may think of it in its
origin, and as a matter depending upon natural rights, yet take things
as they are, and, finding slavery to be an established relation of the
society in which they live, can see no way in which, let their opinions
on the abstract question be what they may, it is in the power of this
generation to relieve themselves from this relation. And candor obliges
me to say, that I believe they are just as conscientious many of them,
and the religious people, all of them, as they are at the North who hold
different opinions. * * *
There are men who, with clear perceptions, as they think, of their own
duty, do not see how too eager a pursuit of one duty may involve them in
the violation of others, or how too warm an embracement of one truth
may lead to a disregard of other truths just as important. As I heard it
stated strongly, not many days ago, these persons are disposed to mount
upon some particular duty, as upon a war-horse, and to drive furiously
on and upon and over all other duties that may stand in the way. There
are men who, in reference to disputes of that sort, are of opinion that
human duties may be ascertained with the exactness of mathematics. They
deal with morals as with mathematics; and they think what is right may
be distinguished from what is wrong with the precision of an algebraic
equation. They have, therefore, none too much charity toward others who
differ from them. They are apt, too, to think that nothing is good but
what is perfect, and that there are no compromises or modifications to
be made in consideration of difference of opinion or in deference to
other men's judgment. If their perspicacious vision enables them to
detect a spot on the face of the sun, they think that a good reason why
the sun should be struck down from heaven. They prefer the chance
of running into utter darkness to living in heavenly light, if that
heavenly light be not absolutely without any imperfection. * * *
But we must view things as they are. Slavery does exist in the
United States. It did exist in the States before the adoption of this
Constitution, and at that time. Let us, therefore, consider for a
moment what was the state of sentiment, North and South, in regard
to slavery,--in regard to slavery, at the time this Constitution was
adopted. A remarkable change has taken place since; but what did the
wise and great men of all parts of the country think of slavery then? In
what estimation did they hold it at the time when this Constitution was
adopted? It will be found, sir, if we will carry ourselves by historical
research back to that day, and ascertain men's opinions by authentic
records still existing among us, that there was no diversity of opinion
between the North and the South upon the subject of slavery. It will be
found that both parts of the country held it equally an evil, a moral
and political evil. It will not be found that, either at the North or
at the South, there was much, though there was some, invective against
slavery as inhuman and cruel. The great ground of objection to it was
political; that it weakened the social fabric; that, taking the place
of free labor, society became less strong and labor less productive;
and therefore we find from all the eminent men of the time the clearest
expression of their opinion that slavery is an evil. They ascribed its
existence here, not without truth, and not without some acerbity of
temper and force of language, to the injurious policy of the mother
country, who, to favor the navigator, had entailed these evils upon the
colonies. * * * You observe, sir, that the term slave, or slavery, is
not used in the Constitution. The Constitution does not require that
"fugitive slaves" shall be delivered up. It requires that persons held
to service in one State, and escaping into another, shall be delivered
up. Mr. Madison opposed the introduction of the term slave, or slavery,
into the Constitution; for he said, that he did not wish to see it
recognized by the Constitution of the United States of America that
there could be property in men. * * *