pretends to have found in the papers of the Jesuits; the animosity is
yet too recent to enable me to distinguish true imputations from false
ones. I will rather do justice to the majority of the members of this
society, who were not interested in its temporal affairs. If there were
some intriguing men in this body, the far greater number, who were
sincerely pious, did not consider any thing in the institution, besides
the piety of its founder, and worshipped God, to whom they had
consecrated themselves, in spirit and in truth. I have been informed, on
my return to France, that the marquis de Buccarelli set out from Buenos
Ayres for the missions, the 14th of May, 1768; and that he had not met
with any obstacle, or resistance, to the execution of his most catholic
majesty’s orders. My readers will be able to form an idea of the manner
in which this interesting event was terminated, by reading the two
following pieces, which contain an account of the first scene. It is a
narrative of what happened at the colony of Yapegu, situated upon the
Uraguay, and which lay the first in the Spanish general’s way; all the
others have followed the example of this.
_Translation of a letter from a captain of the grenadiers of the
regiment of Majorca, commanding one of the detachments of the
expedition into Paraguay._
Yapegu, the 19th July, 1768.
[Sidenote: Account of the governor-general’s entry into the missions.]
“YESTERDAY we arrived here very happily; the reception given to our
general has been most magnificent, and such as could not be exported
from so simple a people, so little accustomed to shows. Here is a
college, which has very rich and numerous church ornaments; there is
likewise a great quantity of plate. The settlement is somewhat less than
Montevideo, but more regularly disposed, and well peopled. The houses
are so uniform, that after seeing one, you have seen them all; and the
same, after you have seen one man and woman, you have seen them all,
there being not the least difference in the manner in which they are
dressed. There are many musicians, but they are only middling
performers.
“As soon as we arrived near this mission, the governor-general gave
orders to go and seize the father provincial of the Jesuits, and six
other fathers, and to bring them to a place of safety. They are to
embark in a few days on the river Uraguay. However, we believe they will
stay at Salto, in order to wait till the rest of their brethren have
undergone the same fate. We expected to make a stay of five or six days
at Yapegu, and then to continue our march to the last mission. We are
very well pleased with our general, who has procured us all possible
refreshments. Yesterday we had an opera, and shall have another
representation of it to-day. The good people do all they can, and all
they know.
“Yesterday we likewise saw the famous Nicolas, the same whom people were
so desirous to confine. He was in a deplorable situation, and almost
naked. He is seventy years of age, and seems to be a very sensible man.
His excellency spoke with him a long time, and seemed very much pleased
with his conversation.
“This is all the news I can inform you of.”
_Relation published at Buenos Ayres of the entry of his excellency Don
Francisco Buccarelli y Ursua, in the mission of Yapegu, one of those
belonging to the Jesuits, among the nations of Guaranis, on his
arrival there the 18th of July, 1768._
“At eight o’clock in the morning, his excellency went out of the chapel
of St. Martin, at one league’s distance from Yapegu. He was accompanied
by his guard of grenadiers and dragoons, and had detached two hours
before the companies of grenadiers of Majorca, in order to take
possession of, and get ready every thing at the river of Guavirade,
which must be crossed in canoes and ferries. This rivulet is about half
a league from the colony.
“As soon as his excellency had crossed the rivulet, he found the
caciques and corregidors of the missions, who attended with the Alferes
of Yapegu, bearing the royal standard. His excellency having received
all the honours and compliments usual on such occasions, got on
horseback, in order to make his public entry.
“The dragoons began the march; they were followed by two adjutants, who
preceded his excellency; after whom came the two companies of grenadiers
of Majorca, followed by the retinue of the Caciques and Corregidores,
and by a great number of horsemen from these parts.
“They went to the great place facing the church. His excellency having
alighted, Don Francisco Martinez, chaplain of the expedition, attended
on the steps before the porch to receive him; he accompanied him to the
_Presbyterium_, and began the _Te Deum_; which was sung and performed by
musicians, entirely consisting of guaranis. During this ceremony, there
was a triple discharge of the artillery. His excellency went afterwards
to the lodgings, which he had chosen for himself, in the college of the
fathers; round which the whole troop encamped, till, by his order, they
went to take their quarters in the _Guatiguasa_, or _la Casa de las
recogidas_, house of retirement for women[57].”
Let us now continue the account of our voyage; in which the detail of
the revolution that happened in the missions, has been one of the most
interesting circumstances.
-----
Footnote 56:
Chambekins.
Footnote 57:
The Jesuits in Paraguay have been so much the object of private
conversation, and of public contest, that it is a wonder the public is
still at a loss, in regard to the real situation of their affairs. The
account published here by Mr. Bougainville, must, no doubt, greatly
contribute to throw a light on the transactions in Paraguay, of which
so little is known with any degree of certainty. A few remarks taken
from the ingenious _Marquis de Pau’s Recherches sur les Americains_,
will, we hope, not be disagreeable to the readers.
In the year 1731, the Audiença of Chuquisaca, in the province of _los
Charcas_, found it necessary to empower the _Protector of the
Indians_, i. e. the solicitor general for them, and a member of their
body, to visit the famous Paraguay missions, and to inquire into the
truth of the various unfavourable reports spread about them. _Don
Joseph de Antequera_, a man of abilities, great integrity, and
superior courage, was then invested with the dignity of Protector of
the Indians. Accompanied only by one _Alguazil Mayor_, called _Joseph
de Mena_; and with the deed, impowering him with the visitation of the
missions, he went with spirit on his business; and after his arrival
at the city of Assumption, he acquainted the Jesuits with the
commission. The reverend fathers told him, that he had taken in vain
the pains of coming to their missions, where he would never get
admittance; and if he should attempt to force his way, he would repent
of it. Antequera did neither know the bad character of these people,
nor did he fear their threats, and went therefore on his intended
journey. But he was soon surrounded by a large detachment of armed
Indians, with Jesuits at their head, who fell upon him; and he escaped
by a sudden flight only.
The unfortunate Alguazil, being willing to encounter a German Jesuit,
was dangerously wounded. The Jesuits, not contented with this
inconsiderate step, accused Antequera, as an adventurer, who had
attempted to assume the dignity of a king of Paraguay, at the city of
Assumption; but that the reverend fathers, as faithful subjects to his
Catholic Majesty, had driven him out by main force; and they
requested, therefore, to be recompensed for this signal service to
their sovereign.
_Don Armendariz, Marquis de Castel Fuerte_, thirty-third viceroy of
Peru, entirely devoted to the Jesuits, sent Don Joseph de Antequera,
in consequence of this accusation, immediately to a dungeon. He was
examined; and though his counsellors had written five thousand sheets
in his defence, he was, however, hanged for the crime of revolting
against his sovereign, the fifth of June, together with his assistant
Joseph de Mena, who was still very ill from the wound received at
Assumption.
Lima and all Peru revolted against their viceroy, on the account of so
shocking and tyrannical an action. The troops were sent to quell the
riots. The blood of thousands flowed in the streets of Lima, and
stained the vallies of Peru. All the men of integrity and honour at
Lima, Cusco, Cuença, and Chuquisaca took up mourning for Antequera,
the innocent victim of the revenge of the pious fathers, and of the
despotism of the arbitrary viceroy, their tool. This transaction
ruined the credit of the Jesuits in Peru.
The reverend missionaries found means to settle extensive
establishments on the Uraguay, and the interior parts of Paraguay,
upon the Pilco Mayo, and other rivers. They collected first, by gentle
means, some of the Indian tribes into small settlements, taught them
husbandry, and the most necessary arts; and afterwards, music,
painting, and sculpture; all were instructed in the use of arms. By
the help of these first colonies, they often forced the free rambling
tribes of interior America, under the holy yoke of the gospel, and
into subjection to these zealous missionaries. The poor wretches were
then cloathed with a callico shirt, and got their allowance of meat,
maize, and caamini; but they were in return obliged to drudge for the
good fathers, in planting the Paraguay tea, cotton, tobacco, and
sugar. Every ounce of cotton and caamini raised by these slaves must
be delivered into the society’s storehouses, from whence they were
transported and sold for the benefit of the missionaries: those who
concealed any of the above articles, got twelve lashes, in honour of
the twelve apostles, and were confined to fasting during three days in
the public work-house. Benedict XIV. the head of the Romish church, a
man, whose humanity and extensive learning is so universally known,
published two bulls against the Jesuits, wherein he excommunicates
them, for the practice of enslaving the poor proselytes, and keeping
them no better than animals; (whom men deprive of their liberty, and
domesticate them with a view of making use of them in the most
laborious employments) and for using religion as a cloak to
oppression, despotism, and tyranny; in order to deprive free-born
beings and their fellow-creatures of liberty, the first and most
precious of all their enjoyments and privileges in this present life.
These bulls will be for ever the strongest proofs of the truth of
these assertions, and of the specious tyranny of the Jesuits.
The iniquitous practices in regard to the trade of the Paraguay-tea,
are so well dated, that whole tribes of Indians were brought to the
dilemma either to enlist as bondmen to the Jesuits, or to be starved;
the complaints of so many Indian plantations of South-Sea tea
destroyed by the Jesuits, were always heard, examined, and reported to
the court of Spain; but the influence of the Jesuits prevented the
council of the Indies from taking any steps for the punishment of the
pious fathers; and they would still remain unknown and unpunished, had
not this society been so suddenly involved in their ruin, by the
precaution of the court of Spain. F.
-----
_CHAP. VIII._
_Departure from Montevideo; run to Cape Virgin; entrance into the
Straits; interview with the Patagonians; navigation to the isle of
St. Elizabeth._
Nimborum in patriam, loca soeta furentibus austris. Virg. Æneid. Lib. I.
[Sidenote: The Etoile comes down from Baragan to Montevideo.]
The repair and loading of the Etoile took us up all October, and cost us
a prodigious expence; we were not able to balance our accounts with the
provisor-general, and the other Spaniards who had supplied our wants,
till the end of this month. I paid them with the money I received, as a
reimbursement for the cession of the Malouines, which I thought was
preferable to a draught upon the king’s treasury. I have continued to do
the same in regard to all the expences, at the various places we had
occasion to touch at in foreign countries. I have bought what I wanted
much cheaper, and obtained it much sooner by this means.
[Sidenote: Difficulty of this navigation.]
The 31st of October, by break of day, I joined the Etoile, some leagues
from the Encenada; she having sailed from thence for Montevideo the
preceding day. [Sidenote: 1767. November.] We anchored there on the
third of November, at seven in the evening. The necessity of finding out
a channel, by constant soundings, between the Ortiz sandbank, and
another little bank to the southward of it, both of which have no
beacons on them, makes this navigation subject to great difficulties:
the low situation of the land to the south, which therefore cannot be
seen with ease, increases the difficulties. It is true, chance has
placed a kind of beacon almost at the west point of the Ortiz bank.
These were the two masts of a Portuguese vessel, which was lost there,
and happily stands upright. In the channel you meet with four, four and
a half, and five fathoms of water; and the bottom is black ooze; on the
extremities of the Ortiz-bank, it is red sand. In going from Montevideo
to the Encenada, as soon as you have made the beacon in E. by S. and
have five fathoms of water, you have passed the banks. We have observed
15′ deg. 30. min. N. E. variation in the channel.
[Sidenote: Loss of three sailors.]
This small passage cost us three men, who were drowned; the boat getting
foul under the ship, which was wearing, went to the bottom; all our
efforts sufficed only to save two men and the boat, which had not lost
her mooring-rope. I likewise was sorry to see, that, notwithstanding the
repairs the Etoile had undergone, she still made water; which made us
fear that the fault lay in the caulking of the whole water-line; the
ship had been free of water till she drew thirteen feet.
[Sidenote: Preparation for leaving Rio de la Plata.]
We employed some days to stow all the victuals into the Boudeuse, which
she could hold, and to caulk her over again; which was an operation,
that could not be done sooner, on account of the absence of her
caulkers, who had been employed in the Etoile; we likewise repaired the
boat of the Etoile; cut grass for the cattle we had on board; and
embarked whatever we had on shore. The tenth of November was spent in
swaying up our top-masts and lower yards, and setting up our rigging,
&c. We could have sailed the same day, if we had not grounded. On the
11th, the tide coming in, the ships floated, and we cast anchor at the
head of the road; where vessels are always a-float. The two following
days we could not sail, on account of the high sea; but this delay was
not entirely useless. A schooner came from Buenos Ayres, laden with
flour, and we took sixty hundred weight of it, which we made shift to
stow in our ships. We had now victuals for ten months; though it is
true, that the greatest part of the drink consisted of brandy.
[Sidenote: Condition of the crews, at our sailing from Montevideo.] The
crew was in perfect health. The long stay they made in Rio de la Plata,
during which a third part of them alternately lay on shore, and the
fresh meat they were always fed with, had prepared them for the fatigues
and miseries of all kinds, which we were obliged to undergo. I left at
Montevideo my pilot, my master-carpenter, my armourer, and a
warrant-officer of my frigate; whom age and incurable infirmities
prevented from undertaking the voyage. Notwithstanding all our care,
twelve men, soldiers and sailors, deserted from the two ships. I had,
however, taken some of the sailors at the Malouines, who were engaged in
the fishery there; and likewise an engineer, a supercargo, and a
surgeon; by this means my ship had as many hands as at her departure
from Europe; and it was already a year since we had left the river of
Nantes.
[Sidenote: Departure from Montevideo.]
The 14th of November, at half past four in the morning, wind due north,
a fine breeze, we sailed from Montevideo. At half past eight we were N.
and S. off the isle of Flores; and at noon twelve leagues E. and E. by
S. from Montevideo; and from hence I took my point of departure in 34°
54′ 40″ S. lat. and 58° 57′ 30″ W. long. from the meridian of Paris.
[Sidenote: Its position astronomically determined.] I have laid down the
position of Montevideo, such as M. Verron has determined it by his
observations; which places its longitude 40′ 30″ more W. than Mr. Bellin
lays it down in his chart. I had likewise profited of my stay on shore,
to try my octant upon the distances of known stars; this instrument
always made the altitude of every star too little by two minutes; and I
have always since attended to this correction. I must mention here, that
in all the course of this Journal, I give the bearings of the coasts,
such as taken by the compass; whenever I give them corrected, according
to the variations, I shall take care to mention it.
[Sidenote: Soundings and navigation to the straits of Magalhaens.]
On the day of our departure, we saw land till sun-set; our soundings
constantly encreased, and changed from an oozy to a sandy bottom; at
half past six of the clock we found thirty-five fathom, and a grey sand;
and the Etoile, to whom I gave a signal for sounding on the fifteenth in
the afternoon, found sixty fathom, and the same ground: at noon we had
observed 36° 1′ of latitude. From the 16th to the 21st we had contrary
winds, a very high sea, and we kept the most advantageous boards in
tacking under our courses and close-reefed top-sails; the Etoile had
struck her top-gallant masts, and we sailed without having our’s up. The
22d it blew a hard gale, accompanied with violent squalls and showers,
which continued all night; the sea was very dreadful, and the Etoile
made a signal of distress; we waited for her under our fore-sail and
main-sail, the lee clue-garnet hauled up. This store-ship seemed to have
her fore top-sail-yard carried away. The wind and sea being abated the
next morning, we made sail, and the 24th I made the signal for the
Etoile to come within hail, in order to know what she had suffered in
the last gale. M. de la Giraudais informed me, that besides his fore
top-sail yard, four of his chain plates[58] had likewise been carried
away; he added, that all the cattle he had taken in at Montevideo, had
been lost, two excepted: this misfortune we had shared with him; but
this was no consolation, for we knew not when we should be able to
repair this loss. During the remaining part of this month, the winds
were variable, from S. W. to N. W; the currents carried us southward
with much rapidity, as far as 45° of latitude, where they became
insensible. We sounded for several days successively without finding
ground, and it was not till the 27th at night, being in the latitude of
about 47°, and, according to our reckoning, thirty-five leagues from the
coast of Patagonia, that we sounded seventy fathom, oozy bottom, with a
fine black and grey sand. From that day till we saw the land, we had
soundings in 67, 60, 55, 50, 47, and at last forty fathom, and then we
first got sight of Cape Virgins[59]. The bottom was sometimes oozy, but
always of a fine sand, which was grey, or yellow, and sometimes mixed
with small red and black gravel.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
[Illustration:
_CHART_
_of the_ STRAITS _of_
_MAGALHAENS_
_or_
_MAGELLAN_,
_with the Track of the_
Boudeuse & Etoile.
]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
[Sidenote: Hidden rock not taken notice of in the charts.]
I would not approach too near the coast till I came in latitude of 49°,
on account of a sunken rock or vigie, which I had discovered in 1765, in
48° 30′ south latitude, about six or seven leagues off shore. I
discovered it in the morning, at the same moment as I did the land, and
having taken a good observation at noon, the weather being very fair, I
was thus enabled to determine its latitude with precision. We ran within
a quarter of a league of this rock, which the first person who saw it,
originally took to be a _grampus_.
[Sidenote: 1767. December.]
The 1st and 2d of December, the winds were favourable from N. and N. N.
E.; very fresh, the sea high, and the weather hazy; we made all the sail
we could in day time, and passed the nights under our fore-sail, and
close-reefed top-sails. During all this time we saw the birds called
_Quebrantahuessos_ or _Albatrosses_, and what in all the seas in the
world is a bad sign, petrels, which disappear when the weather is fair,
and the sea smooth. We likewise saw seals, penguins, and a great number
of whales. Some of these monstrous creatures seemed to have their skin
covered with such white vermiculi, which fasten upon the bottoms of old
ships that are suffered to rot in the harbours. On the 30th of November,
two white birds, like great pigeons, perched on our yards. I had already
seen a flight of these birds cross the bay of the Malouines.
[Sidenote: Sight of Cape Virgins.]
On the 2d of December in the afternoon, we discovered Cape Virgins, and
we found it bore S. about seven leagues distant. [Sidenote: Its
position.] At noon I had observed 52° S. lat. and I was now in 52° 3′
30″ of latitude, and in 71° 12′ 20″ of longitude west from Paris. This
position of the ship, together with the bearing, places Cape Virgins in
52° 23′ of latitude, and in 71° 25′ 20″ of longitude west from Paris. As
Cape Virgins is an interesting point in geography, I must give an
account of the reasons which induced me to believe that the position I
give is nearly exact.
[Sidenote: Discussion upon the position given to Cape Virgin.]
The 27th of November in the afternoon, the chevalier du Bouchage had
observed eight distances of the moon from the sun, of which the mean
result had given him the west longitude of the ship, in 65° 0′ 30″ for
one hour, 43 min. 26 sec. of true time: M. Verron, on his part, had
observed five distances, the result of which gave for our longitude, at
the same instant, 64° 57′. The weather was fair, and extremely
favourable for observations. The 29th at 3 hours 57 min. 35 sec. true
time, M. Verron, by five observations of the distance of the moon from
the sun, determined the ship’s west longitude, at 67° 49′ 30″.
Now, by following the longitude determined the 27th of November, taking
the medium between the result of the observations of the chevalier du
Bouchage and those of M. Verron, in order to fix the longitude of the
ship, when we got sight of Cape Virgins, the longitude of that Cape will
be 71° 29′ 42″ west from Paris. The observations made the 29th
afternoon, likewise referred to the place of the ship, when we made the
Cape, would give a result of 38′ 47″ more westward. But it seems to me
that those of the 27th ought rather to be followed, though two days more
remote, because they were made in a greater number by two observers, who
did not communicate their observations to each other, and however did
not differ more than 3′ 30″. They carry an appearance of probability
which cannot well be objected to. Upon the whole, if a medium is to be
taken between the observations of both days, the longitude of Cape
Virgins will be 71° 49′ 5″, which differs only four leagues from the
first determination, which answers within a league to that which the
reckoning of my course gave me, and which I follow for this reason.
This longitude of Cape Virgin is more westerly by 42′ 20″ than that
which M. Bellin places it in, and this is the same difference which
appears in his position of Montevideo, of which we have given an account
in the beginning of this chapter. Lord Anson’s chart assigns for the
longitude of Cape Virgins, 72° west from London, which is near 75° west
from Paris[60]; a much more considerable error, which he likewise
commits at the mouth of the river Plata, and generally along the whole
coast of Patagonia.
[Sidenote: Digression upon the instruments proper for observing the
longitude at sea.]