invade. The government's work ends when it has insured just rewards by
preventing unjust profits, but even a just government cannot bring about
an equal distribution of happiness. It can and should guarantee equality
before the law--that is, equality of opportunity and equal treatment at
the hand of the government--but that will not insure equal prosperity to
each or bestow on all an equal amount of enjoyment. Ability will have to
be taken into consideration, and likewise, industry, integrity and many
other factors.
While the government can encourage all the virtues it cannot compel
them; there is a zone between that Which can be legally required and
that which is morally desirable. When the government has done all in
its power--all that it can do and all that it should do--there will be
inequalities in success, based upon inequalities in merit. There must,
therefore, be a spiritual law to govern when the statute law, based upon
economic principles, has reached its limit.
Christ suggests such a law--the law of stewardship. We hold what we
have--no matter how justly acquired--in trust. That which is ours by
economic right and by the government's permission, is not ours to waste.
We have no more moral right to squander it foolishly than we have to
throw away our bodily strength, our mental energy or our moral worth.
When we analyze ourselves we find that there is little of real value in
us for which we can claim sole credit. We inherit much from ancestry
and draw much from environment long before we are able to choose our
surroundings. The ideals which come to us from others will account for
nearly all that we do not derive from the past and from those among whom
we spend our youth. If one has accepted Christ, received forgiveness of
sin and been brought into living contact with the Heavenly Father,
he becomes indebted beyond the power of language to describe. Our
indebtedness if discharged at all must be paid not, as a rule, to those
who have contributed most largely to making us what we are, but by
general service to those now living and to those who succeed us. Our
debtors are as impersonal as our creditors.
Nothing could contribute more to the security of the government than
an approximation to the divine standard of rewards, and if all then
recognized and obeyed the law of stewardship nearly all the complaint
that would still exist would be silenced by the volunteer service
rendered by the fortunate to the unfortunate.
"The mob"--the terror of orderly government--has been described by
Victor Hugo as "the human race in misery." When the brotherhood of
Christ is established a just standard of rewards will abolish law-made
misery and private benevolence will relieve such suffering as may come
upon the members of society without their fault and in spite of all the
government can do.
But plain as are the dangers arising from love of money, and reasonable
as seem the means of meeting them, the mad race for riches goes on all
over the world. The mind is powerless to call a halt; intellectual
processes fail--man needs a voice that can speak with authority--a voice
that must be obeyed. He needs even more--he needs to be born again. His
heart must be cleansed and his thoughts turned to higher things. It is
to such that Christ appeals when He asks: "What shall it profit a man if
he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?" Let man cease
to be brutish and become brotherly and he will need few restraining
statutes.
If it is brutish to turn so-called legitimate business into grand
larceny, what shall be said of those forms of money-making that deprave
both parties to the transaction? The liquor traffic furnished the best
illustration of the power of the dollar to blind the eyes of greedy men
to the crime and misery produced by drink. The beneficiaries of this
wicked business formerly included high church officials--and does yet in
some countries--who swelled their incomes with the dividends collected
from vice; they included also highly respected brewers and distillers as
well as saloon-keepers of all degrees. The fact that the liquor traffic
manufactured criminals, ruined men and women, produced poverty,
disrupted families, lowered the standard of education, lessened
attendance upon worship and even afflicted little children before their
birth, was not sufficient to deter people from engaging in it--even
some calling themselves Christians. The handling of intoxicating drinks
continued openly until these centers of pollution were closed by an
emphatic expression of the nation's conscience.
Now, the fight is against the bootlegger and the smuggler. The man who
peddles liquor, like the man who sells habit-forming drugs, is an outlaw
and his trade is branded as an enemy of society. The sanction given to
prohibition by the law brings to its support all who respect orderly
government and reduces the enemies of prohibition to those whose
fondness for drink, or for the profits obtainable from its illicit sale,
is sufficient to overcome conscientious scruples and a sense of civic
duty. Those who oppose prohibition now are shameless enough to become
voluntary companions of the lawless members of society, but this number
will constantly decrease as the virtue of the country asserts itself
at the polls in the election of officials who are in sympathy with the
enforcement of the law.
The unrest which pervades the industrial world to-day also threatens the
stability of government. The members of the Capitalistic group and the
members of the Labour group are becoming more and more class-conscious;
they are solidifying as if they looked forward with a vague dread
to what they regard as an inevitable class conflict. The same plan,
Universal Brotherhood, can reconcile all class differences. Is there any
other plan? Christ died for all--the employer as well as the employee;
He is the friend of those who pay wages as well as of those who work for
wages; the children of one class are as dear to Him as the children of
the other. His creed brings man into harmony with God and then teaches
him to love his neighbour as himself. To put human rights before
property rights--the man before the dollar, is simply to put the
teachings of the Saviour into modern language and apply them to
present-day conditions.
The whole code of morals of the Nazarene is a protest against the
attitude of antagonism between capital and labour. He pleads for
sympathy and fellowship. Every worker should give to society the maximum
of his productive power--but he cannot do this unless he is a willing
worker. Every employer should give to society the maximum of his
organizing and directing ability, but he cannot do it unless he is a
satisfied employer. What plan but the plan of Christ can fill the world
with _willing workers_ and _satisfied employers?_ Capitalism, supported
by force, cannot save civilization; neither can government by any
class assure the justice that makes for permanence in government. Only
brotherly love can make employers willing to pay fair compensation for
work done and employees anxious to give fair work for their wages.
One of the first fruits of the spirit of brotherhood will be
investigation before strike or lockout, just as our nation has provided
for investigation before war. If these bloody conflicts cannot be
entirely abolished to-day the civilized nations should at least know
_why_ they are to shoot before they begin shooting. The world, too,
should know. War is not a private affair; it disturbs the commerce of
the world, obstructs the ocean's highways and kills innocent bystanders.
Neutral nations suffer as well as those at war. If peacefully inclined
nations cannot avoid loss and suffering _after_ war is begun, they
certainly have a right to demand information as to the nature and merits
of the dispute _before_ any nation begins to "shoot up" civilization.
The strike and the lockout are to our industrial life what war is
between nations, and the general public stands in much the same position
as neutral nations. The number of those actually injured by a suspension
of industry is often many times as great as the total number of
employers and employees in that industry combined.
If, for instance, ninety-five per cent, of the people are asked to
freeze while the mine owners and the mine workers (numbering possibly
five per cent.) fight out their differences, have they not a right to
demand information as to the merits of the dispute before the shivering
begins? If the home builders are asked to suspend construction while
the steel manufacturers and steel workers (but a small fraction of the
population) go to war over the terms of employment, have they not a
right to inquire why before they begin to move into tents? And so with
disputes between railroads and their employees.
Compulsory _arbitration_ of _all_ disputes between labour and capital
is as improbable as compulsory arbitration of _all_ disputes between
nations, but the compulsory _investigation_ of all disputes (before
lockout or strike) will come as soon as the Golden Rule--an expression
of brotherhood--is adopted in industry. When each man loves his
neighbour as himself all rights will be safeguarded--the rights of
employees, the rights of employers and the rights of the public--that
important third party that furnishes the profits for the employer and
the wages for the employee.
Ambition has been a disturbing factor in government. The ambitions of
monarchs have overthrown governments and enslaved races. In republics,
the ambitions of aspirants for office have caused revolutions and
corrupted politics. No form of government is immune to the evils that
flow from ambition, or proof against those who plot for their own
political advancement. For this evil, too, Christ has a remedy. He
changes the point of view. It seems a simple thing, but behold the
transformation! "Let him who would be chiefest among you be servant of
all." He makes service the measure of greatness. This is one of the most
important of the many great doctrines taught by the Saviour. It puts
the accent on _giving_ instead of _getting_; it measures a life by the
_outflow_ rather than by the _income_. Men had been in the habit of
estimating their greatness by the amount of service they could coerce or
buy; Christ taught them to measure their greatness by service rendered
to others. A wonderful transformation will take place in this old world
when all are animated by a desire to contribute to the public good
rather than by an ambition to absorb as much as possible from society.
Brotherhood is easily established among those who "in honour prefer one
another"--who are willing to hold office when they are needed, but
as willing to serve under others as to command. It is impossible
to overestimate the contribution that Christ has made to enduring
government in suppressing unworthy ambition and in implanting high and
ennobling ideals.
War may be mentioned as the fourth foe of enduring government. It is the
resultant of many forces. Love of money is probably more responsible for
modern wars than any other one cause; commercial rivalries lead nations
into injustice and unfair dealing.
Wars are sometimes waged to extend trade--the blood of many being shed
to enrich a few. The supplying of battleships and munitions is so
profitable a business that wars are encouraged by some for the money
they bring to certain classes. Prejudices are aroused, jealousies are
stirred up and hatreds are fanned into flame. Class conflicts cause wars
and selfish ambitions have often embroiled nations; in fact, war is like
a boil, it indicates that there is poison in the blood. Christ is the
great physician whose teachings purify the blood of the body politic and
restore health.
In dealing with the subject of war we cannot ignore another great
foundation principle of Christianity, namely, forgiveness. The war
through which the world has recently passed is not only without a
parallel in the blood and treasure it has cost, but it was a typical war
in that nearly every important war-producing cause contributed to the
fierceness of the conflict. Personal ambition, trade rivalries, the
greed of munition-makers, race hatreds and revenge--all played a part in
the awful tragedy. Thirty millions of human lives were sacrificed; three
hundred billion dollars' worth of property was destroyed; more than two
hundred billion dollars of indebtedness was added to the burden that
the world was already carrying. The paper currency of the nations was
swollen from seven billions to fifty-six and the gold reserve dwindled
from seventy per cent. to twelve.
And, oh, the pity! nearly every great nation engaged in the war was a
Christian nation and every important branch of the Church was involved!
And this occurred nineteen hundred years after the birth of the Saviour,
at whose coming the angels sang, "on earth, peace, good-will to men."
The world is weary of war. If blood is necessary for the remission of
sins, enough has been spilled to atone for the wrong done by all who
live upon the earth; if sorrow is necessary to repentance and reform,
enough tears have been shed to wash away all the crimes of the past.
This last plague would seem to have been sufficient to release the world
from bondage to force--if so, mankind is ready to turn over a new leaf
and set about the task of finding a way to prevent war.
As Christ can remove the pecuniary cause of war by purging the heart of
that love of money which leads men into evil doings, the class-conflict
cause by stimulating brotherly love, and the ambition cause, by setting
up a new measure of greatness; so He can subdue hatred and silence the
cry for revenge.
"Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord," should be a
restraint, but Christ goes farther and commands us to love our enemies.
That was the complete cure for which the world was not ready when God
made Moses His spokesman. "Thou shalt not," came first; "Thou shalt,"
came later. Christ's creed compels positive helpfulness and love is the
basis of that creed.
Love makes money-grabbing seem contemptible; love makes class prejudice
impossible; love makes selfish ambition a thing to be despised; love
converts enemies into friends.
It may encourage us to expect Christ's teachings to bring world peace
if we consider for a moment what has already been accomplished in the
establishing of peace between individuals. Take, for instance, the
doctrine of forgiveness as applied to indebtedness. In Christ's time
debtors were not only imprisoned but members of the family could be sold
into bondage to satisfy a pecuniary obligation. In Matthew (chap. 18)
we have a picture of the cruelty which the creditor was permitted to
practice:
Therefore is the kingdom of heaven likened unto a certain king,
which would take account of his servants. And when he had begun
to reckon, one was brought unto him, which owed him ten thousand
talents [ten million dollars]. But forasmuch as he had not to pay,
his lord commanded him to be sold, and his wife, and children, and
all that he had, and payment to be made. The servant therefore fell
down, and worshipped him, saying, Lord, have patience with me, and
I will pay thee all. Then the lord of that servant was moved with
compassion, and loosed him, and forgave him the debt. But the same
servant went out, and found one of his fellow-servants which owed
him an hundred pence [seventeen dollars]; and he laid hands on him,
and took him by the throat, saying, Pay me that thou owest. And his
fellow-servant fell down at his feet, and besought him, saying, Have
patience with me, and I will pay thee all. And he would not: but
went and cast him into prison, till he should pay the debt. So when
his fellow-servants saw what was done, they were very sorry, and
came and told unto their lord all that was done. Then his lord,
after that he had called him, said unto him, O thou wicked servant,
I forgave thee all that debt, because thou desiredst me: Shouldest
not thou also have had compassion on thy fellow-servant, even as I
had pity on thee? And his lord was wroth, and delivered him to the
tormentors, till he should pay all that was due unto him.
If Christ were to reappear to-day he would find imprisonment for debt
abolished throughout nearly all, if not the entire, civilized world. The
law stays the hand of the creditor, or rather withholds from him the
instruments of torture which he formerly employed. Here we have the
doctrine of forgiveness applied in a very practical form. It is based on
mercy, and yet in a larger sense it rests on justice and promotes the
welfare of society.
But compassion has gone further; we have the exemption law which secures
to the debtor the food necessary for his family and the tools by which
he makes his living. Christ's doctrine has been applied further still;
we have the bankruptcy law which gives a new lease of life to an
insolvent debtor if his failure is without criminal fault on his
part. By turning over to his creditors all the property he has above
exemptions he can go forth from court free from all legal obligations
and begin business unembarrassed. Some who take advantage of these
provisions of the law may be indifferent to the Teacher whose loving
spirit has thus conquered the hard heart of the world, but the triumph
marks a step in human advance and suggests possible changes in other
directions as the principle is increasingly applied to daily life.
International law still permits greater cruelty in war than accompanied
imprisonment for debt. National obligations are enforced by killing the
innocent as well as the guilty. Ports are blockaded, cities are besieged
and even bombed, and non-combatants are starved and drowned.
As imprisonment for debt has disappeared and as duelling is giving way
to the suit at law, so war will be succeeded by courts of arbitration
and tribunals for investigation. All real progress toward peace is in
line with the teachings of the Nazarene and this progress hastens the
coming of governments that shall endure.
With the conclusion of the World War our nation confronts such an
opportunity as never came to any other nation--such an opportunity as
never came to our nation before. We were the only great nation that
sought no selfish advantage and had no old scores to settle, no spirit
of revenge to gratify. Our contributions were made for the world's
benefit--to end war and make self-government respected everywhere. We
entered the conflict at the time when we could render the maximum of
service with a minimum of sacrifice. At the peace conference we asked
nothing for ourselves--no territorial additions, no indemnities, no
reimbursements--just world peace, universal and perpetual. That was to
be our recompense.
It is not entirely the fault of other nations that they do not stand
exactly in the same position that we do. In many respects their
situations are different from ours. They have received from the past an
inheritance of race and national hostility; they have their commercial
ambitions; they have their military and naval groups with antiquated
standards of honour, not to speak of those who, feeding on war
contracts, feel that they have a vested interest in carnage. Besides
these hindrances to peace they lack several advantages which we enjoy
over any other nation of importance, viz., more complete information in
regard to other people, a more general sympathy with other nations and a
greater moral obligation to them. Our nation being made up of the best
blood of the nations of Europe, we learn to know the people at home
through the representatives who come here. Because of our intimate
connection with the foreign elements of our country our sympathy goes
out to all lands; and because we have received from other nations as no
other nation ever did, we are in duty bound to give as no other nation
has given.
We have given the world a peace plan that provides for the investigation
of all disputes before a resort to arms--a plan that gives time
for passions to subside and for reason to resume her sway. We have
substituted the maxim: "Nothing is final between friends," for the
old-fashioned diplomacy based on threats and ultimatums. We have turned
from the blood-stained precedents of the past and invoked a spirit of
brotherhood for the purpose of preventing wars. These treaties contain
a provision which, though seemingly very simple, is profoundly
significant. In former times treaties ran for a certain number of years
and then lapsed unless renewed. The thirty treaties negotiated by our
nation in 1913 and 1914 with three-quarters of the world, providing for
_investigation_ of _all_ disputes before hostilities can begin, run for
five years and then, instead of lapsing, continue until one year after
one of the parties to the treaty has formally demanded its termination.
Note the difference: the old treaties gave the presumption to war--the
new treaties give the presumption to peace. As our constitution requires
a two-thirds vote for ratification of a treaty, a minority of the Senate
(as few as one-third plus one) could prevent the renewal of a treaty;
under the new plan the treaty continues indefinitely until a majority
denounce it.
But while we have made a splendid beginning as the leader of the peace
movement in the world much remains to be done. Our nation should lead in
the crusade for disarmament; no other nation is so well qualified for
leadership in this movement so necessary for civilization. The desire
for peace, intensified by the agonies of an unprecedented war, ought to
be sufficient to bring about disarmament; it should be unnecessary
to invoke financial reasons. But national debts have increased so
enormously as to have become unbearable and the world must disarm or
face universal bankruptcy. The reaction against militarism is more
advanced, but the reaction against navalism is just as sure to come--one
cannot survive without the support of the other. Rivalry in the building
of battleships will not long be tolerated after rivalry in land forces
has been abandoned.
The United States should be the champion of the Christian method of
preserving peace--and the world is ready for it. The devil never won
a greater victory than when he persuaded statesmen to make the absurd
experiment of trying to prevent war by getting ready for it. "Arm
yourselves," he whispered, "and you will never have to use your
weapons." How his Satanic majesty must have gloated over the gullibility
of his dupes.
John Bright, Quaker statesman of Great Britain, pointed out the fallacy
of this policy. He called it, "Worshipping the scimitar" and predicted
that it would invite war instead of preventing it. But the din of the
munition factories drowned the voice of protest and the civilized
world--yes, the Christian world--went into a prepared war, each nation
protesting that it was drawn into the conflict against its will.
Permanent peace cannot rest upon terrorism; friendship alone can inspire
peace, and friendship has no swagger in its gait; it does not flourish a
sword. Our nation has invited the world to a conference to consider the
limitation of armaments; if disarmament by agreement fails we should
enter upon a systematic policy of reduction ourselves and by so doing
arouse the Christians, the friends of humanity and the toilers of the
world to the criminal folly of the brute method of dealing with this
question.
We should also join the world in creating a tribunal before which every
complaint of international injustice can be heard. If reason is to be
substituted for force the forum instituted for the consideration of
these questions must have authority to hear all issues between nations,
in order that public opinion, based upon information, may compel such
action as may be necessary to remove discord.
It does not lessen the value of such a tribunal to withhold from it the
power to enforce its findings by the weapons of warfare. In the case of
our own nation, we have no constitutional right to transfer to another
nation authority to declare war for us, or to impair our freedom of
action when the time for action arrives.
Then, too, the judgment that rests upon its merits alone, and is not
enforceable by war, is more apt to be fair than one that can be executed
by those who render it. A persuasive plea appeals to the reason; a
command is usually uttered in an entirely different spirit.