In the meantime I shall observe, what has been proved beyond question by
several great moralists of the present age, that the social passions are
by far the most powerful of any, and that even all the other passions,
receive from them their chief force and influence. Whoever desires to
see this question treated at large, with the greatest force of argument
and eloquence, may consult my Lord Shaftesbury's Enquiry concerning
Virtue.
OF CIVIL LIBERTY
Those who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party rage,
and party prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others,
contributes most to public utility, and even to the private satisfaction
of those who addict themselves to the study of it. I am apt, however, to
entertain a suspicion, that the world is still too young to fix many
general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest
posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; so
that not only the art of reasoning is still imperfect in this science,
as in all others, but we even want sufficient materials upon which we
can reason. It is not fully known what degree of refinement, either in
virtue or vice, human nature is susceptible of, nor what may be expected
of mankind from any great revolution in their education, customs, or
principles. Machiavel was certainly a great genius; but, having confined
his study to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or
to the little disorderly principalities of Italy, his reasonings,
especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely
defective; and there scarcely is any maxim in his _Prince_ which
subsequent experience has not entirely refuted. 'A weak prince,' says
he, 'is incapable of receiving good counsel; for, if he consult with
several, he will not be able to choose among their different counsels.
If he abandon himself to one, that minister may perhaps have capacity,
but he will not long be a minister. He will be sure to dispossess his
master, and place himself and his family upon the throne.' I mention
this, among many instances of the errors of that politician, proceeding,
in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the
world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of
Europe are at present governed by their ministers, and have been so for
near two centuries, and yet no such event has ever happened, or can
possibly happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the Cæsars, but
Fleury, though ever so vicious, could not, while in his senses,
entertain the least hopes of dispossessing the Bourbons.
Trade was never esteemed an affair of state till the last century; and
there scarcely is any ancient writer on politics who has made mention of
it. Even the Italians have kept a profound silence with regard to it,
though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of ministers of
state, as of speculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and
military achievements of the two maritime powers, seem first to have
instructed mankind in the importance of an extensive commerce.
Having therefore intended, in this Essay, to make a full comparison of
civil liberty and absolute government, and to show the great advantages
of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a suspicion that no
man in this age was sufficiently qualified for such an undertaking, and
that, whatever any one should advance on that head, would in all
probability be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by
posterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and
so many events have arisen contrary to the expectation of the ancients,
that they are sufficient to beget the suspicion of still further
changes.
It had been observed by the ancients, that all the arts and sciences
arose among free nations; and that the Persians and Egyptians,
notwithstanding their ease, opulence, and luxury, made but faint efforts
towards a relish in those finer pleasures, which were carried to such
perfection by the Greeks, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty,
and the greatest simplicity of life and manners. It had also been
observed, that, when the Greeks lost their liberty, though they
increased mightily in riches by means of the conquests of Alexander, yet
the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never since
been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was transplanted
to Rome, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having
met with so favourable a soil, it made prodigious shoots for above a
century; till the decay of liberty produced also the decay of letters,
and spread a total barbarism over the world. From these two
experiments, of which, each was double in its kind, and showed the fall
of learning in absolute governments, as well as its rise in popular
ones, Longinus thought himself sufficiently justified in asserting that
the arts and sciences could never flourish but in a free government. And
in this opinion he has been followed by several eminent writers[1] in
our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts,
or entertained too great a partiality in favour of that form of
government established among us.
But what would these writers have said to the instances of modern Rome
and Florence? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer
arts of sculpture, painting, and music, as well as poetry, though it
groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests, while the
latter made its chief progress in the arts and sciences after it began
to lose its liberty by the usurpation of the family of Medici. Ariosto,
Tasso, Galileo, no more than Raphael or Michael Angelo, were born in
republics. And though the Lombard school was famous as well as the
Roman, yet the Venetians have had the smallest share in its honours, and
seem rather inferior to the other Italians in their genius for the arts
and sciences. Rubens established his school at Antwerp, not at
Amsterdam. Dresden, not Hamburg, is the centre of politeness in Germany.
But the most eminent instance of the flourishing of learning in absolute
governments is that of France, which scarcely ever enjoyed any
established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and sciences as near
perfection as any other nation. The English are, perhaps, greater
philosophers; the Italians better painters and musicians; the Romans
were greater orators; but the French are the only people, except the
Greeks, who have been at once philosophers, poets, orators, historians,
painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the
stage, they have excelled even the Greeks, who far excelled the English.
And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art,
the most useful and agreeable of any, _l'Art de Vivre_, the art of
society and conversation.
If we consider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own
country, Horace's observation, with regard to the Romans, may in a great
measure be applied to the British.
Sed in longum tamen ævum
Manserunt, hodieque manent _vestigia ruris_.
The elegance and propriety of style have been very much neglected among
us. We have no dictionary of our language, and scarcely a tolerable
grammar. The first polite prose we have was writ by a man who is still
alive.[2] As to Sprat, Locke, and even Temple, they knew too little of
the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon,
Harrington, and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their
sense be excellent. Men, in this country, have been so much occupied in
the great disputes of _Religion_, _Politics_, and _Philosophy_, that
they had no relish for the seemingly minute observations of grammar and
criticism. And, though this turn of thinking must have considerably
improved our sense and our talent of reasoning, it must be confessed,
that even in those sciences above mentioned, we have not any standard
book which we can transmit to posterity: and the utmost we have to boast
of, are a few essays towards a more just philosophy, which indeed
promise well, but have not as yet reached any degree of perfection.
It has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish
but in a free government; and this opinion seems to be founded on a
longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts
and sciences. If we trace commerce in its progress through Tyre, Athens,
Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, England,
&c, we shall always find it to have fixed its seat in free governments.
The three greatest trading towns now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam,
and Hamburg; all free cities, and Protestant cities; that is, enjoying a
double liberty. It must, however, be observed, that the great jealousy
entertained of late with regard to the commerce of France, seems to
prove that this maxim is no more certain and infallible than the
foregoing, and that the subjects of an absolute prince may become our
rivals in commerce as well as in learning.
Durst I deliver my opinion in an affair of so much uncertainty, I would
assert, that notwithstanding the efforts of the French, there is
something hurtful to commerce inherent in the very nature of absolute
government, and inseparable from it; though the reason I should assign
for this opinion is somewhat different from that which is commonly
insisted on. Private property seems to me almost as secure in a
civilized European monarchy as in a republic, nor is danger much
apprehended, in such a government, from the violence of the sovereign,
more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any
accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of
industry, is so obstinate a passion, and works its way through so many
real dangers and difficulties, that it is not likely to be scared by an
imaginary danger, which is so small, that it scarcely admits of
calculation. Commerce, therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in
absolute governments, not because it is there less secure, but because
it is less _honourable_. A subordination of rank is absolutely necessary
to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honoured
above industry and riches; and while these notions prevail, all the
considerable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in
order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and
honours are annexed.
Since I am upon this head, of the alterations which time has produced,
or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of
government, free and absolute, seem to have undergone in modern times, a
great change for the better, with regard both to foreign and domestic
management. The _balance_ of power is a secret in politics, fully known
only to the present age; and I must add, that the internal police of
states has also received great improvements within the last century. We
are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army was much augmented by the
accession of the highwaymen about Rome; though I believe, that all of
that profession who are at present dispersed over Europe would not
amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for Milo, I find this
argument, among others, made use of to prove that his client had not
assassinated Clodius. Had Milo, said he, intended to have killed
Clodius, he had not attacked him in the daytime, and at such a distance
from the city; he had waylaid him at night, near the suburbs, where it
might have been pretended that he was killed by robbers; and the
frequency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. This is a
surprising proof of the loose policy of Rome, and of the number and
force of these robbers, since Clodius was at that time attended by
thirty slaves, who were completely armed, and sufficiently accustomed to
blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by that seditious
tribune.
But though all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet
monarchical government seems to have made the greatest advances towards
perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was
formerly said in praise of republics alone, _that they are a government
of Laws, not of Men._ They are found susceptible of order, method, and
constancy, to a surprising degree. Property is there secure, industry
encouraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives secure among his
subjects, like a father among his children. There are, perhaps, and have
been for two centuries, near two hundred absolute princes, great and
small, in Europe; and allowing twenty years to each reign, we may
suppose, that there have been in the whole two thousand monarchs, or
tyrants, as the Greeks would have called them; yet of these there has
not been one, not even Philip II of Spain, so bad as Tiberius, Caligula,
Nero, or Domitian, who were four in twelve among the Roman emperors. It
must, however, be confessed, that though monarchical governments have
approached nearer to popular ones in gentleness and stability, they are
still inferior. Our modern education and customs instil more humanity
and moderation than the ancient; but have not as yet been able to
overcome entirely the disadvantages of that form of government.
But here I must beg leave to advance a conjecture, which seems probable,
but which posterity alone can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in
monarchical governments there is a source of improvement, and in popular
governments a source of degeneracy, which in time will bring these
species of civil polity still nearer an equality. The greatest abuses
which arise in France, the most perfect model of pure monarchy, proceed
not from the number or weight of the taxes, beyond what are to be met
with in free countries; but from the expensive, unequal, arbitrary, and
intricate method of levying them, by which the industry of the poor,
especially of the peasants and farmers, is in a great measure
discouraged, and agriculture rendered a beggarly and slavish employment.
But to whose advantage do these abuses tend? If to that of the nobility,
they might be esteemed inherent in that form of government, since the
nobility are the true supports of monarchy; and it is natural their
interest should be more consulted in such a constitution, than that of
the people. But the nobility are, in reality, the chief losers by this
oppression, since it ruins their estates, and beggars their tenants. The
only gainers by it are the _Financiers_, a race of men rather odious to
the nobility and the whole kingdom. If a prince or minister, therefore,
should arise, endowed with sufficient discernment to know his own and
the public interest, and with sufficient force of mind to break through
ancient customs, we might expect to see these abuses remedied; in which
case, the difference between that absolute government and our free one
would not appear so considerable as at present.
The source of degeneracy which may be remarked in free governments,
consists in the practice of contracting debt, and mortgaging the public
revenues, by which taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable,
and all the property of the state be brought into the hands of the
public The practice is of modern date. The Athenians, though governed by
a republic, paid near two hundred per cent. for those sums of money
which any emergency made it necessary for them to borrow; as we learn
from Xenophon. Among the moderns, the Dutch first introduced the
practice of borrowing great sums at low interest, and have wellnigh
ruined themselves by it. Absolute princes have also contracted debt; but
as an absolute prince may make a bankruptcy when he pleases, his people
can never be oppressed by his debts. In popular governments, the people,
and chiefly those who have the highest offices, being commonly the
public creditors, it is difficult for the state to make use of thiss
remedy, which, however it may sometimes be necessary, is always cruel
and barbarous. This, therefore, seems to be an inconvenience which
nearly threatens all free governments, especially our own, at the
present juncture of affairs. And what a strong motive is this to
increase our frugality of public money, lest, for want of it, we be
reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, or, what is worse, by our public
impotence and inability for defence, to curse our very liberty, and wish
ourselves in the same state of servitude with all the nations who
surround us?
[1] Mr. Addison and Lord Shaftesbury.
[2] Dr. Swift.
OF ELOQUENCE
Those who consider the periods and revolutions of human kind, as
represented in history, are entertained with a spectacle full of
pleasure and variety, and see with surprise the manners, customs, and
opinions of the same species susceptible of such prodigious changes in
different periods of time. It may, however, be observed, that, in
_civil_ history, there is found a much greater uniformity than in the
history of learning and science, and that the wars, negotiations, and
politics of one age, resemble more those of another than the taste, wit,
and speculative principles. Interest and ambition, honour and shame,
friendship and enmity, gratitude and revenge, are the prime movers in
all public transactions; and these passions are of a very stubborn and
untractable nature, in comparison of the sentiments and understanding,
which are easily varied by education and example. The Goths were much
more inferior to the Romans in taste and science than in courage and
virtue.
But not to compare together nations so widely different, it may be
observed, that even this latter period of human learning is, in many
respects, of an opposite character to the ancient; and that, if we be
superior in philosophy, we are still, notwithstanding all our
refinements, much inferior in eloquence.
In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to require so great
parts and capacity as the speaking in public; and some eminent writers
have pronounced the talents even of a great poet or philosopher to be of
an inferior nature to those which are requisite for such an undertaking.
Greece and Rome produced, each of them, but one accomplished orator;
and, whatever praises the other celebrated speakers might merit, they
were still esteemed much inferior to those great models of eloquence. It
is observable, that the ancient critics could scarcely find two orators
in any age who deserved to be placed precisely in the same rank, and
possessed the same degree of merit. Calvus, Cælius, Curio, Hortensius,
Cæsar, rose one above another: but the greatest of that age was inferior
to Cicero, the most eloquent speaker that had ever appeared in Rome.
Those of fine taste, however, pronounced this judgment of the Roman
orator, as well as of the Grecian, that both of them surpassed in
eloquence all that had ever appeared, but that they were far from
reaching the perfection of their art, which was infinite, and not only
exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination to conceive.
Cicero declares himself dissatisfied with his own performances, nay,
even with those of Demosthenes. _Ita sunt avidæ et capaces meæ aures,_
says he, _et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant._
Of all the polite and learned nations, England alone possesses a popular
government, or admits into the legislature such numerous assemblies as
can be supposed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. But what has
England to boast of in this particular? In enumerating the great men who
have done honour to our country, we exult in our poets and philosophers;
but what orators are ever mentioned? or where are the monuments of their
genius to be met with? There are found, indeed, in our histories, the
names of several, who directed the resolutions of our parliament: but
neither themselves nor others have taken the pains to preserve their
speeches, and the authority, which they possessed, seems to have been
owing to their experience, wisdom, or power, more than to their talents
for oratory. At present there are above half a dozen speakers in the two
Houses, who, in the judgment of the public, have reached very near the
same pitch of eloquence; and no man pretends to give any one the
preference above the rest. This seems to me a certain proof, that none
of them have attained much beyond a mediocrity in their art, and that
the species of eloquence, which they aspire to, gives no exercise to the
sublimer faculties of the mind, but may be reached by ordinary talents
and a slight application. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can work a
table or a chair equally well; but no one poet can write verses with
such spirit and elegance as Mr. Pope.
We are told, that, when Demosthenes was to plead, all ingenious men
flocked to Athens from the most remote parts of Greece, as to the most
celebrated spectacle of the world. At London, you may see men sauntering
in the court of requests, while the most important debate is carrying on
in the two Houses; and many do not think themselves sufficiently
compensated for the losing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of our
most celebrated speakers. When old Cibber is to act, the curiosity of
several is more excited, than when our prime minister is to defend
himself from a motion for his removal or impeachment.
Even a person, unacquainted with the noble remains of ancient orators,
may judge, from a few strokes, that the style or species of their
eloquence was infinitely more sublime than that which modern orators
aspire to. How absurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm
speakers, to make use of an _Apostrophe_, like that noble one of
Demosthenes, so much celebrated by Quintilian and Longinus, when,
justifying the unsuccessful battle of Chæronea, he breaks out, 'No, my
fellow-citizens. No: you have not erred. I swear by the _manes_ of those
heroes, who fought for the same cause in the plains of Marathon and
Platæa.' Who could now endure such a bold and poetical figure as that
which Cicero employs, after describing, in the most tragical terms, the
crucifixion of a Roman citizen? 'Should I paint the horrors of this
scene, not to Roman citizens, not to the allies of our state, not to
those who have ever heard of the Roman name, not even to men, but to
brute creatures; or, to go further, should I lift up my voice in the
most desolate solitude, to the rocks and mountains, yet should I surely
see those rude and inanimate parts of nature moved with horror and
indignation at the recital of so enormous an action.' With what a blaze
of eloquence must such a sentence be surrounded to give it grace, or
cause it to make any impression on the hearers! And what noble art and
sublime talents are requisite to arrive, by just degrees, at a sentiment
so bold and excessive! To inflame the audience, so as to make them
accompany the speaker in such violent passions, and such elevated
conceptions; and to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, the artifice
by which all this is effectuated! Should this sentiment even appear to
us excessive, as perhaps justly it may, it will at least serve to give
an idea of the style of ancient eloquence, where such swelling
expressions were not rejected as wholly monstrous and gigantic.
Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expression, was the vehemence
of action, observed in the ancient orators. The _supplosio pedis_, or
stamping with the foot, was one of the most usual and moderate gestures
which they made use of; though that is now esteemed too violent, either
for the senate, bar, or pulpit, and is only admitted into the theatre
to accompany the most violent passions which are there represented.
One is somewhat at a loss to what cause we may ascribe so sensible a
decline of eloquence in latter ages. The genius of mankind, at all
times, is perhaps equal: the moderns have applied themselves, with great
industry and success, to all the other arts and sciences: and a learned
nation possesses a popular government; a circumstance which seems
requisite for the full display of these noble talents: but
notwithstanding all these advantages, our progress in eloquence is very
inconsiderable, in comparison of the advances which we have made in all
other parts of learning.
Shall we assert, that the strains of ancient eloquence are unsuitable to
our age, and ought not to be imitated by modern orators? Whatever
reasons may be made use of to prove this, I am persuaded they will be
found, upon examination, to be unsound and unsatisfactory.