CHAPTER IV.

WE PREPARE TO MARCH FROM MONROE--ARRIVAL OF GOVERNOR

WOOD WITH CAVALRY AND ARTILLERY; AND OF THE FOURTEENTH

ILLINOIS--HOW MR. DUGAN SPEAKS OF THIS IN HIS BOOK--A

CHANGE OF COUNCILS--THE THIRD IOWA MOVES WEST ON A

TRAIN--CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE RIDE--FAILURE OF AN ATTEMPT

TO BURN THE CHARITON RIVER BRIDGE--A FEW DETAILS--HOW

YOUNG SOLDIERS SOMETIMES ORIGINATE FALSE ALARMS--OUR

CAMP AT CHILLICOTHE--GENERAL HURLBUT ASSUMES COMMAND OF

THE TROOPS ON THE HANNIBAL AND ST. JOSEPH RAILROAD--WE

DRAW OUR ACCOUTREMENTS AT LAST--WE LEAVE CHILLICOTHE

AND GO INTO CAMP AT BROOKFIELD.

The morning after the affair at Monroe, our regiment prepared to

march. But the arrival of additional reinforcements changed the

complexion of affairs. We were reinforced by a squadron of cavalry

and a section of light artillery under Ex-Governor Wood, of Illinois,

and by the Fourteenth Illinois Infantry, which came by rail. The

Governor had come through from Quincy with a rush, burning the houses

and confiscating the animals of guerrilla leaders, besides making

prisoners of thirty or forty noted secessionists.

An account of the arrival of these reinforcements is given by Mr.

Dugan in his book entitled "History of the Fighting Fourth Division."

After detailing the circumstances of the journey of the Fourteenth

from Monticello to Monroe, the grave "historian" goes on to say:

"When about two miles of town we left the cars and formed a line

of battle, and supported Gov. Wood (who had accompanied us with

five companies of independent cavalry from Quincy, Ill.), in a most

brilliant charge upon the rebel columns, which resulted in their

complete discomfiture. When the enemy's lines were broken by the

impetuous charge of the Governor and his compatriots, and as they

were flying in the wildest disorder, the Sixteenth sallied forth

from their hastily constructed entrenchments, and poured a most

destructive volley into the enemy's ranks, which emptied many a

saddle, and sent not a few traitors to their final account."

My comrades, who were present on this occasion, will at once remark

with what scrupulousness our author has detailed this occurrence.

The Governor's "brilliant" and "impetuous" "charge" upon the "rebel

columns," which had fled twenty hours before, reminds us strongly

of Don Quixote's charge upon the army of Alifanfaron. The first

intimation we had of the coming of the Fourteenth, was, when seeing

them march up, stack arms in column, and cook their dinners as

quietly as Sancho Panza at the saddlebags.

The old Governor seemed well pleased with the situation, and withal

very affable to the boys. When we complained of having suffered on

account of rations, he told us, with a shrewd wink, that it was

good enough for us; we had no business to take prisoners with whom

to divide our rations. Judging from his retinue of butternuts, his

preaching did not at all harmonize with his practice.

The councils were now changed--why, we did not know. Our regiment

went aboard a train of cars, and about two o'clock in the afternoon

moved westward toward our former camp at Utica. About four o'clock,

we reached Salt River Bridge, which the rebels had burned. Here we

left this train, and with much trouble and fatigue got our baggage

across the bridge and on board another train which was waiting to

receive us.

On this train we were crammed so closely together that it was

impossible to lie down. Jolted and jammed by the motion of the cars,

we passed the night somehow, and most of us got some sleep. Annoyed

by these inconveniences, we little thought of the dangers of this

nocturnal ride. The removal of a single rail by a mischievous citizen

would have precipitated many of us into eternity.

Daylight found us at Macon city, where the train had halted for some

reason to pass the latter part of the night. We were exceedingly

hungry, having eaten nothing since yesterday's breakfast. Colonel

Williams, knowing the difficulties of restraining men, and especially

hungry men, in a town, posted guards and would allow no one to

leave the train. He, however, took some of the officers with him

and breakfasted at a hotel--an act which created, and justly, great

indignation. An officer that will not share with brave men their

hardships, as they share with him the perils from which he reaps

glory, deserves universal execration.

About ten o'clock we reached Chariton Bridge, and Company F was

detached to guard it. An incident had occurred here, a couple of

hours previous to our arrival, not a little exciting. A party of a

dozen men of the Second Iowa had come from the west to guard this

bridge. Arriving early in the morning, they had gone into a log

house close by to get breakfast, when a party of rebels suddenly

appeared and began preparations to set the bridge on fire. The Iowa

boys sprung to their guns and rushed upon them. The rebels fled in

confusion; but Lieutenant McKinney, the commander of the guard,

attacked their leader, a young school teacher and law student, by

the name of Marmaduke. He fell upon his knees and begged for mercy.

But the lieutenant told him a bridge burner had no claims to mercy,

and shot him through the head with his revolver. His dead body lay

upon the railroad embankment near where Company F encamped. We buried

him decently, giving him a soldier's grave. Subsequently some Union

people of Callao came in behalf of his friends and disinterred the

body and took it away.

The situation of Company F was not at all enviable. As soon as we

had got off the train with our few effects it moved on. Since the

previous morning, we had had nothing to eat, and for several days

our rations had been scant. Our hunger was intense, a few rations of

flour and bacon had been left for us; but we had no cooking utensils

except a few mess pans which we had procured, no one knew how. We

kindled a fire, kneaded some dough in these mess pans, wrapped it

around sticks, and baked it in the blaze. We had scarcely had time

to commence cooking dinner in this way, when half the company were

ordered on picket. This, we thought, was seeing service. During the

eight days we were here we were on guard half the time and suffered

all these inconveniences. Contrary to the endeavors of our officers,

none of our camp equipage was sent to us,--another circumstance which

tended to increase our affection for Colonel Williams.

Having left Company F at Chariton Bridge, the train proceeded five

miles further to Brush Creek Bridge, which the rebels had burned.

Here the regiment halted till the following night, when having

repaired the bridge, Colonel Williams left Company C to guard it,

and sent Company E back to Chariton Bridge to reinforce Company F.

He then proceeded with the remainder of the regiment to Chillicothe,

where he arrived the following forenoon. A detail was immediately

made to go to Utica to bring hither our tents, baggage, and camp

equipage. The whole mass was thrown together without respect of

companies, and brought to Chillicothe. A regimental camp was

established, which the officers united in naming Camp Williams.

The regiment was now disposed as follows: In the regimental camp at

Chillicothe, Companies A, B, H, I and K; at Grand River Bridge, four

miles west of Chillicothe, Companies D and G; at Brush Creek Bridge,

forty miles east of Chillicothe, Company C; at Chariton Bridge,

forty-five miles east of Chillicothe, Companies E and F.

These detached companies were continually threatened more or less

seriously by the enemy. They were expected to protect the bridges and

the railroad track in their vicinity. Reports frequently came in to

them from the surrounding country, that the rebels were organizing

to attack them. But their instructions did not allow them to send out

scouting parties to ascertain the truth of these reports. Indeed,

the military knowledge we had expected on the part of our Colonel,

he had as yet failed to exhibit. He did not even recommend these

detached companies to construct stockades, nor were they provided

with tools to do so, should it become necessary. None of these

companies constructed works except Company F. We built of logs and

sawdust a small square work around an old steam saw-mill, and named

it Fort Brown after its projector, Lieut. Brown. Company A, which was

subsequently detailed to guard Medicine Creek Bridge, built a small

work near it of earth and logs.

On the evening of July 20th, Companies E and F, after having passed

a week of almost constant fasting and watching, sleeping what little

they were allowed to sleep in the open air, harassed by day by

continual reports of the enemy approaching in force, and by night

by clouds of famished mosquitoes, were, to their great joy taken

aboard a train of cars, and expected to be conveyed immediately to

Chillicothe. Imagine, then, the surprise and rage of Company F, at

being awakened about midnight and ordered to get off at another

railroad bridge in a timbered swamp. Company C was served in the same

way. Company F relieved them at Locust Creek; but instead of being

taken through to Chillicothe, they were left at Medicine Creek. The

following day, however, these companies were relieved, the former by

Company H, and the latter by Company A, and joined the regiment at

Chillicothe. Subsequently Company D was recalled from Grand River

Bridge; but no companies were relieved after this, till the regiment

changed camp to Brookfield.

The time spent in guarding these bridges was a period of constant,

and sometimes harassing watchfulness. We were constantly on the

lookout for the enemy. We had an unusual number of reports of

enormous forces advancing against us, and night was prolific of false

alarms. For in those days when the enemy were "bushwhackers," and

videttes did not go to sleep on post, it was not hard for one of

them, straining his eyes in the darkness, to convert an approaching

horse or cow into a man; and, as dumb beasts do not understand the

meaning of the word _halt_, it is readily converted into an enemy.

It was easy for him to hear "the tramp of armed feet" in the rustle

of the wind among the leaves or in the walking of a few swine. And

in the "wee sma' hours," when the mind in spite of all its efforts

to keep awake, is in a half-waking, half-sleeping state; when

imagination plays such tricks with reason as to weave a thousand airy

images, and make us think they are real, it would require no great

effort amid these noises, for the sentinel to see in the darkness

forms of assassins moving from tree to tree, or lines of skirmishers

approaching through the gloom. And, seeing this, of course he must

fire, and the report of his piece would alarm the neighboring

sentinels, and they, too, would see images and fire. Thus the camp

would be alarmed, and the men would be compelled to stand in ranks

until the matter could be thoroughly investigated.

Our regimental camp at Chillicothe was situated on the north side

of the railroad, and within the limits of the town. The ground was

an excellent greensward, and the camp was systematically laid out.

Our duty was camp guard, picket guard and drill. The camp guard

generally required the heaviest detail. A strong line of sentinels

extended around the camp, and no persons could pass them except in

squads under a non-commissioned officer for water, without a written

pass from the regimental commander. And, under Colonel Williams,

it was a serious thing to disobey orders; and breaking guard was

a risk which very few were willing to run. Whatever may be said

against the Colonel, the discipline we attained under him while at

Chillicothe, was highly creditable to him. It was in consequence of

this discipline that our regiment had a good name among the citizens

of Missouri, such as volunteer troops seldom gain among strangers

or enemies. Their streets were not trodden by drunken soldiers;

their property was safe; they no longer looked upon us as outlaws

and monsters. They began to have confidence in us, and to take a

more unprejudiced view of our cause. And who knows that our conduct

did not make many friends of enemies? But it was doubtless the

confinement to which we were thus subjected in our hot, close tents,

that increased our sick lists so greatly. The restraint imposed upon

us was excessive and unreasonable.

At Chillicothe our camp guard was managed according to the

regulations, and the men learned the duties of the sentinel. But

the manner in which our outpost duty was done was horrible. As if

to invite a surprise or a raid through our camp, Colonel Williams

never had out pickets in the daytime. Nor did he ever send out a

scouting party to ascertain the movements which were going on around

him. Did he rely on Providence alone, or on accidental reports from

citizens? Or did he unbosom his camp to his foes and trust to their

magnanimity? In the night--did the Colonel think the enemy so foolish

as to attack him in the night in the summer season when there was

so much daylight to operate in? Or was he afraid of wolves? In the

night before "tattoo," the officer of the day would string around the

town a short distance from camp, twenty men, two in a place, without

an officer, or even a non-commissioned officer over them. These men

were not relieved till morning, when they would come in, according

to instructions, of their own accord. If there was any military

knowledge displayed in this arrangement, we were never able to see it.

Is it surprising then, that the rebels should have organized a

company of cavalry within nine miles of us? Colonel Williams heard of

this when it was too late, and sent a detachment of men in the night

to look after them. This detachment was provided with ammunition at

the rate of ten rounds to seven men, or 1-3/7 rounds to the man! But

the foolish fellows got wind of our coming and ran off.

In this connection, Colonel Williams' attempt at fortifying deserves

mention. He commenced throwing up a small work around the Union

Hotel, where he had his headquarters, the flanks of it resting on the

railroad, which here runs in a moderate cut. What it was intended

for we can guess: to be garrisoned by a small force when we should

leave. What it was good for, no one but Colonel Williams could tell.

Charley Kostman constructed it; as far as his part was concerned,

it was good. It was evidently intended for about a hundred men.

Was it intended to resist artillery? Why, then, was the parapet so

weak? Was it intended to contain artillery? Why, then, were there no

embrasures? Was it intended to protect infantry? The houses of the

town on all sides of it could be filled with sharpshooters who would

render it untenable. Was it intended for any thing? A party of men

could run up the railroad track and get into it easily. It was in all

respects a humbug; unless it be that it enabled the Colonel to sleep

more soundly than before it was built. And there it doubtless stands

to this time--a sublime monument to the genius of him who was chosen

colonel of the Third Iowa, because he was a _military_ man.

If Colonel Williams wanted to put up a small work against infantry,

why did he not cut timber and make a stockade? If he wanted to make a

fort which would resist artillery, why did he not select an eligible

spot, and make one which would answer the purpose? No: he had a

grander and sublimer object. It was to put the Union Hotel in a state

of defense. And for this purpose he kept heavy details working, day

after day, digging the baked earth in the hot sun,--which was an

outrage, and so we regarded it.

In the meantime, Brigadier General Hurlbut arrived at Quincy,

Illinois, and assumed command of the forces on the Hannibal and St.

Joseph railroad. Of this general we knew nothing, except that we

had understood he was without military experience,--a circumstance

not calculated to give us much confidence in him, especially when

we thought of the disasters of Big Bethel and Bull Run. On assuming

command, he issued a proclamation to the citizens of Missouri, which

was about what they would have expected from a Federal general. He

adopted General Pope's plan of making the citizens responsible for

damages done the railroad in their vicinity. This was correct; for

hitherto citizens had been mainly instrumental in these depredations.

He also issued an order announcing the daily routine for the troops.

By this order we were compelled to drill in the schools of the

soldier, company and battalion,--in all, seven hours a day.

Few of my comrades have pleasant recollections of these long drills

of Chillicothe. The heat was intense and relaxing, and the health

of the regiment extremely bad. At one time, more than half of some

of the companies were on the sick list, and few of us were entirely

well. And yet the water we obtained from the wells of citizens was

excellent, and our camp was a model of order and cleanliness.

On our battalion drills, Colonel Williams generally commanded. He

taught us to execute several movements after the manner of Scott,

and once or twice confessed that it was hard for him to get used to

Hardee. He paid particular attention to instructing the battalion to

form lines of battle rapidly and in various ways. As a drill-master

he was rigid even to severity. It must be allowed, that it was one

of Colonel Williams' first objects of desire to see the regiment well

drilled.

It was not till the 4th of August that we drew our accoutrements.

Let us look back: up to this time, we had been in an insurrectionary

district, filled with irregular forces of the enemy. From Calloway

county, which Harris held with two or three thousand men, a two days

ride would have brought an enemy to our camp. I can not see any

excuse for this criminal carelessness. We ought to have been supplied

with accoutrements and ammunition, or kept at home. If Colonel

Williams had cartridges, he ought to have issued a supply to his

men. If he did not have any, he ought to have seized powder and lead

from the citizens, of which they had plenty. Singular good fortune,

that we were not all captured! Were the gods propitious, or were our

enemies too chivalrous to assail us, defenseless as we were?

Thus, with hard crackers and hard discipline; with constant drills

and heavy fatigues; with full guard houses and frequent courts

martial; in heat, dust, sickness and discomfort, we passed an irksome

month at Chillicothe.

On the 7th of August we packed our baggage, struck tents at the tap

of the drum, got aboard a train of cars and proceeded to Brookfield,

the midway station between Hannibal and St. Joseph. We passed the

first night without anything to eat, which naturally gave us pleasant

feelings towards certain officers who looked out for their own

comfort by supping at the hotel. The following day we established our

regimental camp on a beautiful hill on the prairie, about a half

mile east of the town and near the railroad track. We were compelled

to dig wells to procure water. Our duties were much the same as at

Chillicothe, except that we did no nocturnal picketing, a squadron

of the Second Illinois Cavalry, and Colonel Morgan's regiment of

Missouri Cavalry, which was organizing at this place, doing this duty

in our stead.

The only incident worthy of note during our stay at Brookfield was,

that the feeling against Colonel Williams was on one occasion so

aggravated by his conduct and that of Surgeon Edwards, that it broke

out in an act of open mutiny. It was quieted, however, without any

serious consequences. Let us draw the veil of forgetfulness over

an occurrence so unfortunate, and, when viewed at a distance by

those unacquainted with the circumstances, so discreditable to our

regiment.

Recollections with the Third Iowa Regiment · 第 4 / 28 章