500 Patricius Cassiodorus War between
and Senior, Gundobad and
Hypatius. Patrician, Clovis.
Praefect. Theodoric's
His son visit to
becomes his Rome.
_Consili- Conspiracy of
arius_. Odoin.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
501 Rufius About this Synodus
Magnus time Palmaris at
Faustus Cassiodorus Rome.
Avienus pronounces Symmachus
and his confirmed in
Flavius panegyric the
Pompeius. on Pontificate.
Theodoric,
and is
rewarded by
being
appointed
Quaestor.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
502 Flavius
Avienus
Junior and
Probus.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
503 Dexicrates
and
Volusianus.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
504 Cethegus. War of Sirmium.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
505 Theodorus War between
and Theodoric and
Sabinianus. Anastasius
(affair of
Mundo).
Battle of
Horrea Margi.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
506 Messala and
Areobinda.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
507 Flavius Clovis
(Ind.) ANASTASIUS defeats
Aug. (III) Alaric II at
and Campus
Venantius. Vogladensis.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
508 Venantius Tulum
and Celer. endeavours to
raise siege
of Arles.
Byzantine
raid on
Apulia.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
509 Importunus. Mammo invades
Burgundy.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
510 Anicius Ibbus defeats
Manlius Franks and
Severinus Burgundians.
Boethius
(_Author
of the
'Consolation'_).
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
511 Felix and Death of
Secundinus. Clovis.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
512 Paulus and
Muschianus.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
513 Probus and
Clementinus.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
514 Senator, Cassiodorus HORMISDAS.
_solus as Consul
Consul_ restores
(Cassio- harmony
dorus). between
clergy and
people of
Rome.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
515 Florentius Cassiodorus Marriage of
and receives Eutharic and
Anthemius. the Amalasuentha.
Patriciate
(?).
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
516 Petrus.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
517 Agapitus
and Flavius
Anastasius
(_nephew
of the
Emperor_).
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
518 Magnus. JUSTIN I.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
519 JUSTINUS Composition End of schism
Augustus of the between
and 'Chroni- Eastern and
Eutharicus con,' Western
Cillica. dedicated Churches.
to
Eutharic.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
520 Rusticus Composition
and of the
Vitalianus. Gothic
History
(?).
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
521 Valerius
and Flavius
Justinianus.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
522 Symmachus
(Ind.) and Boethius
(_sons of
the great
Boethius_).
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
523 Flavius Franks invade JOHN I.
Anicius Burgundy.
Maximus. Imprisonment
of Boethius.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
524 Flavius Death of
JUSTINUS Boethius.
Aug. (II)
and Opilio.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
525 Anicius Death of
Probus Symmachus.
Junior and Pope John's
Flavius Mission to
Theodorus Constantinople.
Philoxenus.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
526 Olybrius. Cassiodorus Pope John ATHALARIC. FELIX III
Master of dies in (or IV).
the prison (May
Offices. 25). Death of
Theodoric
(Aug. 30).
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
527 Vettius Death of JUSTINIAN.
Agorius Amalafrida,
Basilius Queen-dowager
Mavortius. of the Vandals.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
528 Flavius
JUSTINIANUS
Aug. (II).
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
529 Decius BONIFACE II.
Junior.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
530 Flavius
Lampadius
and
Orestes.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
531 _Post
Consulatum
Lampadii et
Orestis._
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
532 _Post Final invasion
Consulatum of Burgundy by
Lampadii et the Franks.
Orestis.
Anno II._
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
533 Flavius Cassiodorus The Vandal War JOHN III.
JUSTINIANUS Praetorian of Justinian
Aug. (III). Praefect (June, 533-
(Sept. 1), March, 534).
which
office he
holds till
he retires
from public
life.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
534 Flavius Death of AMALASUENTHA.
JUSTINIANUS Athalaric THEODAHAD.
Aug. (IV) (Oct. 2).
and Flavius Association of
Theodorus Theodahad with
Paulinus Amalasuentha.
Junior.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
535 Flavius Death of AGAPETUS.
Belisarius. Amalasuentha.
The Gothic War
begins.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
536 _Post Belisarius WITIGIS. SILVERIUS.
Consulatum takes Naples
Fl. and enters
Belisarii._ Rome.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
537 _Post Siege of Rome VIGILIUS.
(Ind.) Consulatum by Witigis.
Fl.
Belisarii
Anno II._
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
538 Flavius Collection Siege of Rome
Johannes of the raised.
(John of 'Variae.'
Cappa- Composition
docia). of the 'De
Animâ.'
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
539 Flavius Cassiodorus Mediolanum
Appion. about this taken by the
time lays Goths.
down his Belisarius
office and takes
retires to Auximum.
his
birthplace
(Scyllacium),
where he
founds the
Monastery
of
Vivaria.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
540 Flavius Ravenna ILDIBAD.
Justinus surrendered
Junior. to
Belisarius.
Captivity of
Witigis.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
541 Flavius He writes ERARIC.
Basilius Commentary BADUILA
Junior. on the (TOTILA).
Psalms as
far as
Psalm 20.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
542 Years " Totila twice
reckoned defeats the
Post Imperial
Consulatum generals, and
Basilii. retrieves the
fortune of the
Ostrogoths.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
543 " Composition
of the
'Institutiones
Divinarum et
Humanarum
Litterarum.'
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
544 " Belisarius
returns to
Italy.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
545 " Rome taken by
Totila.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
546 " Continues
and
completes
his
Commentary
on the
Psalms.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
547 " " Rome
re-occupied by
Belisarius.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
548 " " Death of
Empress
Theodora.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
549 " " Rome again
taken by
Totila.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
550 " " Death of
Germanus.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
551 " Narses
Commander of
Italian
Expedition.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
552 " Writes the Narses TEIAS.
(Ind.) 'Complexi- defeats
ones in Totila
Epistolas near
Apostolo- Tadinum.
rum,' and
compiles
the
'Historia
Tripartita'
(the
precise
date of
these
works
unknown).
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
553 " " Teias NARSES,
defeated and Governor of
slain near Italy under
Mons the Emperor.
Lactarius.
The Ostrogoths
leave Italy.
Invasion of
the Alamannic
brethren.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
554 " "
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
555 " " PELAGIUS.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
556 " "
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
557 " "
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
558 " "
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
559 " " Belisarius
defeats the
Huns under
Zabergan.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
560 " " JOHN III.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
561 "
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
562 " Disgrace of
Belisarius.
Belisarius
restored to
favour.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
563 "
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
564 "
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
565 Post JUSTIN II.
Consulatum
Basilii
XXIV.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
566 Flavius Death of
JUSTINUS Belisarius
Augustus. and of
Justinian.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
567 Years Narses LONGINUS,
(Ind.) reckoned recalled by Exarch.
Post Justin.
Consulatum Alleged
Justini. invitation to
the Lombards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
568 " The Lombards ALBOIN,
under Alboin King of the
enter Italy. Lombards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
569 " Milan taken
by the
Lombards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
570 "
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
571 " Ticinum
taken
by the
Lombards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
572 "
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
573 " Composition Assassination CLEPH, Death of
of treatise of Alboin. King of the John III.
'De Lombards.
Orthographia'
in 93rd
year of
Cassiodorus.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
574 " Death of BENEDICT I.
Cleph.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
575 " Cassiodorus
dies in
his 95th
year (?).
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
LETTERS OF CASSIODORUS.
PREFACE[192].
[Footnote 192: Translated in full.]
[Sidenote: Reason for publication: entreaties of friends.]
Learned men, who had become my friends through conversations which we
had had together, or benefits which I had bestowed upon them, sought
to persuade me to draw together into one work the various utterances
which it had been my duty to make, during my tenure of office, for the
explanation of different affairs. They desired me to do this, in order
that future generations might recognise the painful labours which I
had undergone for the public good, and the workings of my own unbribed
conscience. I then replied that their very kindness for me might turn
out to my disadvantage, since the letters which their good-will found
acceptable might to future readers seem insipid. I reminded them also
of the words of Horace, warning us of the dangers of hasty
publication.
[Sidenote: Difficulty of writing.]
'You see,' said I, 'that all require from me a speedy reply to their
petitions; and do you think that I couch those replies in words which
leave me nothing to regret hereafter? Our diction must be somewhat
rude when there is no sufficient delay to enable the speaker to choose
words which shall rightly express the precise shade of his meaning.
Speech is the common gift of all mankind: it is embellishment
(ornatus) alone which distinguishes between the learned and unlearned.
The author is told to keep his writings by him for nine years for
reflection; but I have not as many hours, hardly as many moments. As
soon as I begin the petitioner worries me with his clamours, and
hurries me too much to prevent my finishing cautiously, even if I have
so begun my task. One vexes me past endurance by his interruptions and
innuendoes; another torments me with the doleful tale of his miseries;
others surround me with the mad shouts of their seditious
contentions[193]. In such circumstances how can you expect elegance of
language, when we have scarcely opportunity to put words together in
any fashion? Even at night indescribable cares are flitting round our
couch[194], while we are harassed with fear lest the cities should
lack their supplies of food--food which the common people insist upon
more than anything else, caring more for their bellies than for the
gratification of their ears by eloquence. This thought obliges us to
wander in imagination through all the Provinces, and ever to enquire
after the execution of our orders, since it is not enough to tell our
staff what has to be done, but the diligent administrator must see
that it is done[195]. Therefore, I pray you, spare us your harmful
love. I must decline this persuasion of yours, which will bring me
more of danger than of glory.'
[Footnote 193: 'Alii furiosa contentionum seditione circumdant.' This
is probably meant to describe turbulent Goths.]
[Footnote 194: [Greek: ou chrê pannuchion eudein boulêphoron andra]
(Il. ii. 24).]
[Footnote 195: Quia non sufficit agenda militibus imperare, nisi haec
Judicis assiduitas videatur exigere.]
So I pleaded; but they plied me all the more with such arguments as
these:
[Sidenote: The Praefecture.]
'All men have known you as Praefect of the Praetorian throne, a
dignity which all other public employments wait upon like lacqueys.
For from this high office, ways and means for the army are demanded;
from this, without any regard for the difficulty of the times, the
food of the people is required; on this, a weight of judicial
responsibility is thrown, which would be by itself a heavy burden. Now
the law, which has thrown this immense load on the Praefect's office,
has, on the other hand, honoured him by putting almost all things
under his control. In truth, what interval of leisure could you snatch
from your public labours, when into your single breast flowed every
claim which could be made on behalf of the common good of all?
[Sidenote: The Quaestorship.]
'We must add, moreover, that when you were on frequent occasions
charged with the office of the Quaestorship, the leisure which you
might have enjoyed was taken from you by your own constant
thoughtfulness for the public good; and when you were thus bearing the
weight of an honour which was not the highest, your Sovereigns used to
lay upon you those duties, properly belonging to other offices, which
their own holders were unable to discharge[196]. All these duties you
discharged with absolute freedom from corruption, following your
father's example in receiving, from those who hoped for your favour,
nothing but the obligation to serve them, and bestowing on petitioners
all that they had a right to ask for without traffic or reward.
[Footnote 196: 'Addimus etiam quod frequenter Quaesturae vicibus
ingravato otii tempus adimit crebra cogitatio, et velut mediocribus
fascibus insudanti, illa tibi de aliis honoribus principes videntur
imponere, quae proprii Judices nequeunt explicare.' This is probably
the clearest account that is anywhere given of the peculiar and
somewhat undefined position held by Cassiodorus during the greater
part of the reign of Theodoric.]
[Sidenote: Intimacy with Theodoric.]
'Moreover, men know that the conversations which you were honoured by
holding with the King occupied a large portion of your days, greatly
to the public welfare[197], so that men of leisure have no right to
expect that their requirements shall be met by you, whose day was thus
occupied with continuous toil[198]. But in truth this will redound yet
more to your glory, if amid so many and such severe labours you
succeed in writing that which is worthy to be read. Besides, your work
can without wounding their self-love instruct unlettered persons who
are not prepared by any consciousness of eloquence for the service of
the Republic[199]; and the experience which you have gained by being
tossed to and fro on the waves of stormy altercation, they in their
more tranquil lot may more fortunately make their own. Again (and here
we make an appeal which your loyalty cannot resist), if you allow
posterity to be ignorant of the numerous benefits conferred by your
King, it is in vain that with benevolent eagerness he so often granted
your requests. Do not, we pray, draw back once more into silence and
obscurity those who, while you were sounding their eulogies, seemed
worthy to receive illustrious dignities. For you then professed to
describe them with true praises, and to paint their characters with
the colours of history[200]. Now if you leave it to posterity to write
the panegyric on these men, you take away as it were from those who
die an honourable death the funeral oration to which, by the customs
of our ancestors, they are entitled. Besides, in these letters you
correct immorality with a ruler's authority; you break the insolence
of the transgressor; you restore to the laws their reverence. Do you
still hesitate about publishing that which, as you know, satisfies so
many needs? Will you conceal, if we may say so, the mirror of your own
mind, in which all ages to come may behold your likeness? Often does
it happen that a man begets a son unlike himself, but his writings are
hardly ever found unequal to his character[201]. The progeny of his
own will is his truest child; what is born in the secret recesses of
his own heart is that by which posterity will know him best.
[Footnote 197: 'Regum quinetiam gloriosa colloquia pro magnâ diei
parte in bonum publicum te occupare noverunt.' It is difficult to
translate the expressive term, 'gloriosa colloquia.']
[Footnote 198: 'Ut fastidium sit otiosis exspectare quae tu continuo
labore cognosceris sustinere.' I cannot translate this literally.]
[Footnote 199: 'Rudes viros et ad Rempublicam consciâ facundiâ
praeparatos.' Surely some negative has dropped out of the latter
clause.]
[Footnote 200: 'Tu enim illos assumpsisti verâ laude describere, et
quodammodo historico colore depingere.']
[Footnote 201: 'Contingit enim dissimilem filium plerumque generari,
oratio dispar moribus vix potest inveniri.']
[Sidenote: Gothic History.]
'You have often, amid universal acclamation, pronounced the praises of
kings and queens. In twelve books you have compiled the History of the
Goths, culling the story of their triumphs[202]. Since these works
have had such favourable fortunes, and since you have thus served your
first campaign in literature, why hesitate to give these productions
of yours also to the public?'
[Footnote 202: 'Duodecim libris Gothorum historiam _defloratis
prosperitatibus_ condidisti.' By an extraordinary error this sentence
has been interpreted to mean that Cassiodorus wrote his history of the
Goths after their prosperity had faded; and some writers have
accordingly laboured, quite hopelessly, to bring down the composition
of the Gothic History to a late period in the reign of Athalaric. It
is perfectly clear from many passages that Cassiodorus uses
'deflorare' in the sense of 'picking flowers,' 'culling a nosegay.'
See Historia Tripartita, Preface (twice); De Instit. Divin.
Litterarum, cap. xxx; and De Orthographiâ, cap. ii (title). I doubt
not that careful search would discover many more instances. It is only
strange to me that Cassiodorus should, by the words 'defloratis
_prosperitatibus_,' so naïvely confess the one-sided character of his
history.]
[Sidenote: Cassiodorus consents to publish.]
So pleaded my friends, and to my shame I must own that I was
conquered, and could no longer resist so many prayers; especially when
I saw myself accused of want of affection. I have now only to crave my
readers' pardon; and if they find rashness and presumption in my
attempt, to blame my advisers rather than me, since my own judgment
agrees with that of my severest critic.
All the letters, therefore, which I have been able to find in various
public archives that had been dictated by me as Quaestor, as Magister
[Officiorum], or as Praefect, are here collected and arranged in
twelve books. By the variety of subjects touched upon, the attention
of the reader will be aroused, and it will be maintained by the
feeling that he is rapidly approaching the conclusion of the letter.
I have also wished to preserve others from those unpolished and hasty
forms of speech into which I am conscious that I have often fallen in
announcing the bestowal of dignities, a kind of document which is
often asked for in such haste that there seems scarce time for the
mere manual labour of writing it. I have therefore included in my
Sixth and Seventh Books _Formulae_ for the granting of all the
dignities of the State, hoping thus to be of some service to myself,
though at a late period of my career, and to help my successors who
may be hard pressed for time. What I have thus written concerning the
past will serve equally well for the future, since I have said nothing
about the qualities of the individual office-holder, but have made
such explanations as seemed suitable concerning the office.
[Sidenote: Reason of the title Variarum.]
As for the title of all twelve books, the index of the work, the
herald of its meaning, the expression in briefest compass of the whole
performance, I have for this chosen the name VARIAE. And this, because
it was necessary for me not always to use the same style, since I had
undertaken to address various kinds of persons. One must speak in one
way to men jaded with much reading; in another to those who skim
lightly over the surface, tasting here and there; in another (if one
would persuade them), to persons who are devoid of a taste for
letters, since it is sometimes a proof of skill to avoid the very
things which please the learned. In short, the definition given by our
ancestors is a good one: 'To speak fitly is to persuade the hearers to
accept your wishes for their own.' Nor was it at random that the
prudence of Antiquity thus defined the three modes of speaking:--
[Sidenote: The three styles of composition.]
(1) The _humble_ style, which seems to creep along the ground in the
very expression of its thought.
(2) The _middle_ style, which is neither swollen with self-importance
nor shrunk into littleness; but being placed between the two, and
enriched by a peculiar elegance, is contained within its own true
boundaries.
(3) The _supreme_ style, which by exquisite phraseology is raised to
the very highest pitch of oratory.
The object of this distinction is that the various sorts and
conditions of men may each receive their appropriate address, and that
the thoughts which proceed from the same breast may nevertheless flow
in divers channels. No man is entitled to the name of eloquent who is
not prepared to do his duty manfully with the triple strength of these
three styles, as one cause after another may arise. It must be added
hereto that we have sometimes to speak to Kings, sometimes to the
Officers of the Court, sometimes to the very humblest of the people.
To the last we may allowably pour out our words with some degree of
haste, but the other addresses should be deeply pondered before they
are delivered. Deservedly therefore is a work entitled VARIAE, which
is subject to so much diversity in its composition.
Would that, as we have received these maxims from those who have gone
before us, so our own compositions could claim the praise of having
reduced them into practice. In sooth we do with shamefacedness
promise that the Humble style shall be found in us; we think we may
without dishonesty covenant for the Middle style; but the Supreme
style, which on account of its nobility is the fitting language of a
royal Edict[203], we cannot hope that we have attained unto.
[Footnote 203: The editors waver between 'quod est in edicto' and
'quod est in edito (constitutum).']
But since we are to be read, let us abstain from further unlawful
canvassing for the votes of our readers. It is an incongruous thing
for us to be thus piling up our own discourses about ourselves: we
ought rather to wait for your judgment on our work.
BOOK I.
CONTAINING FORTY-SIX LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
THEODORIC.
1. KING THEODORIC TO EMPEROR ANASTASIUS.
[Sidenote: Persuasives to peace between Italy and Constantinople.]
'It behoves us, most clement Emperor, to seek for peace, since there
are no causes for anger between us.
'Peace by which the nations profit; Peace the fair mother of all
liberal arts, the softener of manners, the replenisher of the
generations of mankind. Peace ought certainly to be an object of
desire to every kingdom.
'Therefore, most pious of princes, it accords with your power and your
glory that we who have already profited by your affection [personally]
should seek concord with your Empire. You are the fairest ornament of
all realms; you are the healthful defence of the whole world, to which
all other rulers rightfully look up with reverence[204], because they
know that there is in you something which is unlike all others[205]:
we above all, who by Divine help learned in your Republic the art of
governing Romans with equity. Our royalty is an imitation of yours,
modelled on your good purpose, a copy of the only Empire; and in so
far as we follow you do we excel all other nations.
[Footnote 204: 'Vos totius orbis salutare praesidium, quod caeteri
dominantes jure suspiciunt quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse
cognoscunt.' 'Suspiciunt' seems to give a better sense than the other
reading, 'suscipiunt.']
[Footnote 205: 'Quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognoscunt.']
'Often have you exhorted me to love the Senate, to accept cordially
the laws of past Emperors, to join together in one all the members of
Italy. How can you separate from your august alliance one whose
character you thus try to make conformable to your own? There is
moreover that noble sentiment, love for the City of Rome, from which
two princes, both of whom govern in her name, should never be
disjoined.
'We have thought fit therefore to send A and B[206] as ambassadors to
your most serene Piety, that Peace, which has been broken, through a
variety of causes, may, by the removal of all matters of dispute, be
firmly restored between us. For we think you will not suffer that any
discord should remain between two Republics, which are declared to
have ever formed one body under their ancient princes[207], and which
ought not to be joined by a mere sentiment of love, but actively to
aid one another with all their powers. Let there be always one will,
one purpose in the Roman Kingdom. Therefore, while greeting you with
our respectful salutations, we humbly beg that you will not remove
from us the high honour of your Mildness's affection[208], which we
have a right to hope for if it were never granted to any others.
[Footnote 206: 'Illum atque illum.' I shall always render this phrase
(which shows that Cassiodorus had not preserved the names of the
ambassadors) as above.]
[Footnote 207: 'Quia pati vos non credimus, inter utrasque
Respublicas, quarum semper unum corpus sub antiquis principibus fuisse
declaratur, aliquid discordiae permanere.']
[Footnote 208: 'Pomâ meute deposcimus ne suspendatis a nobis
mansuetudinis vestrae gloriosissimam caritatem.']
'The rest of their commission will be verbally conveyed to your Piety
by the bearers of these letters[209].'
[Footnote 209: For some remarks on the date of this letter, see
Introduction, p. 23. The mention of interrupted peace, which evidently
requires not mere estrangement but an actual state of war, points to
the year 505, when Sabinian, the general of Anastasius, was defeated
by the Ostrogoths and their allies at Horrea Margi; or to 508, when
the Imperial fleet made a raid on the coast of Apulia, as probable
dates for the composition of the letter. Its place at the beginning of
the Variae does not at all imply priority in date to the letters which
follow it. It was evidently Cassiodorus' method to put in the
forefront of every book in his collection a letter to an Emperor or
King, or other great personage.
As for the tone of the letter, and the exact character of the relation
between the Courts of Ravenna and Constantinople which is indicated by
it, there is room for a wide divergence of opinion. To me it does not
seem to bear out Justinian's contention (recorded by Procopius, De
Bello Gotthico ii. 6) that Theodoric ruled Italy as the Emperor's
lieutenant. Under all the apparent deference and affectation of
humility the language seems to me to be substantially that of one
equal addressing another, older and with a somewhat more assured
position, but still an equal.]
2. KING THEODORIC TO THEON, VIR SUBLIMIS.
[Sidenote: Manufacture of purple dye.]
'We are informed by Count Stephen that the work of preparing the
purple for the sacred (_i.e._ royal) robes, which was put under your
charge, has been interrupted through reprehensible negligence on your
part. There must be neglect somewhere, or else the wool with its
milk-white hairs would long before now have imbibed the precious
quality of the adorable _murex_. If the diver in the waters of
Hydruntum[210] had sought for these murex-shells at the proper season,
that Neptunian harvest, mixed with an abundant supply of water, would
already have generated the flame-bright liquid which dyes the robes
that adorn the throne. The colour of that dye is gay[211] with too
great beauty; 'tis a blushing obscurity, an ensanguined blackness,
which distinguishes the wearer from all others, and makes it
impossible for the human race not to know who is the king. It is
marvellous that that substance after death should for so long a time
exude an amount of gore which one would hardly find flowing from the
wounds of a living creature. For even six months after they have been
separated from the delights of the sea, these shell-fish are not
offensive to the keenest nostrils, as if on purpose that that noble
blood might inspire no disgust. Once this dye is imparted to the
cloth, it remains there for ever; the tissue may be destroyed sooner
than part with it. If the murex has not changed its quality, if the
press (torcular) is still there to receive its one vintage, it must be
the fault of the labourers that the dye is not forthcoming. What are
they doing, all those crowds of sailors, those families of rustics?
And you who bear the name of Count, and were exalted high over your
fellow-citizens on purpose that you might attend to this very thing,
what sacrilegious negligence is this which you are manifesting in
reference to the sacred vesture? If you have any care for your own
safety come at once with the purple[212], which you have hitherto been
accustomed to render up every year. If not, if you think to mock us by
delay, we shall send you not a constrainer but an avenger.
[Footnote 210: Otranto.]
[Footnote 211: Vernans.]
[Footnote 212: Blatta.]
'How easy was the discovery of this great branch of manufacture! A
dog, keen with hunger, bounding along the Tyrian shore, crunched the
shells which were cast up there. The purple gore dyed his jaws with a
marvellous colour; and the men who saw it, after the sudden fashion of
inventors, conceived the idea of making therewith a noble adornment
for their kings. What Tyre is for the East, Hydron[213] is for
Italy--the great cloth-factory of Courts, not keeping its old art
(merely), but ever transmitting new improvements.'
[Footnote 213: I presume the same as Hydruntum (Otranto).]
3. KING THEODORIC TO CASSIODORUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN[214].
[Footnote 214: Father of the Author.]
[Sidenote: Praises of the father of Cassiodorus.]
Extols in high-flown language the merits of the minister who in the
early and troublous days of Theodoric's reign conciliated the wavering
affections of the suspicious Sicilians[215], governed them so justly
that not even they (addicted as they are, according to Cicero, to
grumbling) could complain; then displayed equal rectitude in the
government of his own native Province of Bruttii and Lucania (hard as
it is to be perfectly just in the government of one's own native
place); then administered the Praefecture in such a way as to earn the
thanks of all Italy, even the taxes not being felt to be burdensome
under his rule, because so justly levied; and now, finally, as a
reward for all these services, is raised to the distinguished honour
of the Patriciate.
[Footnote 215: 'In ipso quippe imperii nostri devotus exordio, cum
adhuc fluctuantibus rebus provinciarum corda vagarentur, et negligi
rudem dominum novitas ipsa pateretur.']
4. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
[Introducing Cassiodorus (Senior) on his accession to the honours of
the Patriciate.]
[Sidenote: Great deeds of the ancestors of Cassiodorus for three
generations.]
Compliments to the Senate, of which Theodoric wishes to increase the
dignity by bestowing honours on its most eminent members.
Recital of the services and good qualities of Cassiodorus[216]:
[Footnote 216: Father of Cassiodorus Senator.]
(_a_) as 'Comes Privatarum;'
(_b_) as 'Comes Sacrarum Largitionum;'
(_c_) as Governor of Provinces.
(General reflections on the importance of a governor being himself a
virtuous man).
'Having been trained thus to official life under the preceding King
[Odovacar] he came with well-earned praises to our palace.'
(_d_) His eminent career as Praetorian Praefect and modest demeanour
therein.
Services of previous members of his family. Fame seems to be always at
home among the Cassiodori. They are of noble birth, equally celebrated
among orators and warriors, healthy of body, and very tall.
His father, _Cassiodorus_[217], was 'Tribunus et Notarius' under
Valentinian III. This last was a great honour, for only men of
spotless life were associated with the Imperial 'Secretum.' A
friendship, founded on likeness, drew him to the side of Aetius, whose
labours for the State he shared.
[Footnote 217: Grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.]
_Embassy to Attila._ 'With the son of this Aetius, named Carpilio, he
was sent on no vain embassy to Attila, the mighty in arms. He looked
undaunted on the man before whom the Empire quailed. Calm in conscious
strength, he despised all those terrible wrathful faces that scowled
around him. He did not hesitate to meet the full force of the
invectives of the madman who fancied himself about to grasp the Empire
of the world. He found the King insolent; he left him pacified; and so
ably did he argue down all his slanderous pretexts for dispute that
though the Hun's interest was to quarrel with the richest Empire in
the world, he nevertheless condescended to seek its favour. The
firmness of the orator roused the fainting courage of his countrymen,
and men felt that Rome could not be pronounced defenceless while she
was armed with such ambassadors. Thus did he bring back the peace
which men had despaired of; and as earnestly as they had prayed for
his success, so thankfully did they welcome his return.'
He was offered honours and revenues, but preferred to seek the
pleasant retirement of Bruttii in the land which his exertions had
freed from the terror of the stranger.
His father, Cassiodorus[218], an 'Illustris,' defended the coasts of
Sicily and Bruttii from the Vandals, thus averting from those regions
the ruin which afterwards fell upon Rome from the same quarter.
[Footnote 218: Great-grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.]
In the East, Heliodorus, a cousin of the Cassiodori, has brilliantly
discharged the office of Praefect for eighteen years, as Theodoric
himself can testify. Thus the family, conspicuous both in the Eastern
and Western World, has two eyes with which it shines with equal
brilliancy in each Senate.
Cassiodorus is so wealthy that his herds of horses surpass those of
the King, to whom he makes presents of some of them in order to avoid
envy. 'Hence it arises that our present candidate [for patrician
honours] mounts the armies of the Goths; and having even improved upon
his education, generously administers the wealth which he received
from his parents.
'Now, Conscript Fathers, welcome and honour the new Patrician, who is
so well worthy of a high place among you.'
5. KING THEODORIC TO FLORIANUS, VIR SPECTABILIS.
[Sidenote: Interest reipublicae ut sit finis litium.]
'Lawsuits must not be dragged on for ever. There must be some
possibility of reaching a quiet haven. Wherefore, if the petitioners
have rightly informed us that the controversy as to the farm at
Mazenes has been decided in due course of law by Count Annas, and
there is no reasonable ground for appeal[219], let that sentence be
held final and irreversible. We must sometimes save a litigious man
from himself, as a good doctor will not allow a patient to take that
which is injurious to him.'
[Footnote 219: 'Nec aliqua probatur appellatione suspensa.']
6. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS.
[One of the MSS. reads _Pontifici_, but this is clearly wrong. The
language is not at all suitable to be addressed to a Pope, and there
was no Pope Agapetus till 535, nine years after the death of
Theodoric.]
[Sidenote: Mosaics ordered for Ravenna.]
'I am going to build a great Basilica of Hercules at Ravenna, for I
wish my age to match preceding ones in the beauty of its buildings,
as it does in the happiness of the lives of my subjects.
'Send me therefore skilful workers in Mosaic' [of which kind of work
we have a very good description as follows].
_(Cassiodorus on Mosaic)._
'Send us from your city some of your most skilful marble-workers, who
may join together those pieces which have been exquisitely divided,
and, connecting together their different veins of colour, may
admirably represent the natural appearance[220]. From Art proceeds
this gift, which conquers Nature. And thus the discoloured surface of
the marble is woven into the loveliest variety of pictures; the value
of the work, now as always, being increased by the minute labour which
has to be expended on the production of the Beautiful.'
[Footnote 220: 'Et venis colludentibus illigata naturalem faciem
laudabiliter mentiantur.']
7. KING THEODORIC TO FELIX, VIR CLARISSIMUS.
This letter will be best understood by a reference to the following
pedigree:
N.
|
__________________________________________
| | |
FELIX = A daughter. NEOTHERIUS PLUTIANUS
[a spendthrift]. [a minor, whose
guardian is
Venantius].
[Sidenote: The inheritance of Plutianus.]
Apparently Felix is accused by Venantius, the guardian of his young
brother-in-law Plutianus, of having, on behalf of his wife, made an
unfair division of the family property (which had been originally
given to the father of these lads by Theodoric, as a reward for his
services). In doing this he has availed himself of the spendthrift
character of Neotherius, the elder brother, who was probably already
of age.
Felix is severely blamed, and ordered to hand over what he has
fraudulently appropriated to the official, who is charged with the
execution of this mandate.
Both are summoned to the 'Comitatus' of the King, that a fair division
may there be made between them.
8. KING THEODORIC TO AMABILIS, THE COLLECTOR (EXSECUTOR).
[Sidenote: The prodigality of Neotherius.]
In reference to this same matter of the wasted property of Plutianus.
It appears from this letter that Neotherius has been not merely a
spendthrift, but has been actuated by motives of passionate hatred to
his younger brother[221]. The King enlarges on his obligation to
protect the weak, and orders the officer to see that justice is done
according to the representations of Venantius, unless the other side
have any counter plea to allege, in which case 'ad nostrum venire
deproperet comitatum.'
[Footnote 221: 'Neotherium fratrem suum, affectum germanitatis
oblitum, _bona parvuli hostili furore lacerasse_.']
9. KING THEODORIC TO EUSTORGIUS, BISHOP OF MILAN.
[Sidenote: Offences charged against Ecclesiastics.]
'You will be glad to hear that we are satisfied that the Bishop of
Augusta [Turin or Aosta] has been falsely accused of betrayal of his
country. He is therefore to be restored to his previous rank. His
accusers, as they are themselves of the clerical order, are not
punished by us, but sent to your Holiness to be dealt with according
to the ecclesiastical tradition.'
[The reflections in this letter about the impropriety of believing
readily accusations against a Bishop[222], and the course adopted of
handing over the clerical false accusers to be dealt with by their
Bishop, have an obvious bearing on the great Hildebrandic
controversy. But as Dahn ('Könige der Germanen' iii. 191) points out,
there is no abandonment by the King of the ultimate right to punish an
ecclesiastic.]
[Footnote 222: 'Nihil enim in tali honore temeraria cogitatione
praesumendum est, ubi si proposito creditur, etiam tacitus ab
excessibus excusatur. Manifesta proinde crimina in talibus vix capiunt
fidem. Quidquid autem ex invidia dicitur, veritas non putatur.']
10. KING THEODORIC TO BOETIUS[223], VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
[Footnote 223: If the MSS. are correctly represented in the printed
editions, the name of the author of the Consolation of Philosophy was
spelt Boetius in the Variae. There can be little doubt however that
Boethius is the more correct form, and this is the form given us in
the Anecdoton Holderi.]
[Sidenote: Frauds of the moneyers.]
The Horse and Foot Guards[224] seem to have complained that after
their severe labours they were not paid in solidi of full weight by
the 'Arcarius Praefectorum.'
[Footnote 224: Why are these called 'Domestici patres equitum et
peditum?']
Cassiodorus gives--
(1) Some sublime reflections in the true Cassiodorian vein on the
nature of Arithmetic, by which earth and the heavens are ruled.
(2) Some excellent practical remarks on the wickedness of clipping and
depreciating the currency.
The most interesting but most puzzling sentence in this letter is that
in which he says that 'the ancients wished that the _solidus_ should
consist of 6,000 _denarii_, in order that the golden coin like a
golden sun might represent the 6,000 years which are the appointed age
of the world.' But how can we reconcile this with any known solidus or
any known denarius? The solidus of Constantine (72 to the lb.) was
worth about twelve shillings. The reduced denarius of Diocletian was
probably worth one penny. At the very lowest (and most improbable)
computation it was worth at least a farthing, and even thus one would
only get 576 to a solidus. The earlier denarius, worth about
eightpence, clearly will not do; and the matter is made more difficult
by the fact that Cassiodorus is talking about the ancients (veteres),
whereas the solidus was a comparatively modern coin. It seems that
either Cassiodorus has some entirely wrong information as to the early
currency of Rome, or else that we have not yet got the clue to his
meaning.
This passage is quoted by Finlay ('Greece under the Romans,' p. 536,
ed. 1857), but the difficulty is not removed by his remarks.
11. KING THEODORIC TO SERVATUS, DUKE OF THE RAETIAS.
[Sidenote: Violence of the Breones.]
'It is your duty to repress all violence and injustice in the
Provinces over which you preside. Maniarius complains that his slaves
(mancipia) have been without any cause taken away from him by the
_Breones_ [a Raetian tribe dwelling near the pass of the Brenner], who
are continuing in peace the habits and maxims of war.
'If this proves to be a true complaint, see that justice is done, and
speedily.'
12. KING THEODORIC TO EUGENIUS (OR EUGENITES)[225], VIR ILLUSTRIS,
MAGISTER OFFICIORUM.
[Footnote 225: Perhaps the name really was Eugenes, -etis. See Var.
viii. 19, and Ennodii, Epist. iv. 26.]
[Sidenote: Bestowal of dignity of Magister Officiorum.]
'It is the glory of our reign to confer office on those who deserve
it.
'You are a learned man, and arrived long ago at the dignity of the
Quaestorship as a reward for your creditable exertions as an Advocate.
'One office leads to another: the tree of the fasces puts forth fresh
fasces; and we therefore have great pleasure in calling you now to the
dignity of Magister, bestowing upon you all the privileges which have
belonged to your predecessors in that office. Justify our choice by
your actions. You know, as one of our counsellors, what our standard
of righteousness is. A sort of religious holiness is required from
those who hold office under a righteous king[226].'
[Footnote 226: 'Pio principi sub quodam sacerdotio serviatur.' Cf.
Claudian, 'Nunquam libertas gratior exstat quam _sub rege pio_.']
13. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
Announces the elevation of Eugenius (or Eugenites) to the post of
Master of the Offices, and recapitulates his past services and
character in nearly the same terms as the preceding letter. He is to
go from one office to another, 'even as the sun having shone one day,
rises in order to shine again on another. Even horses are stimulated
to greater speed by the shouts of men. But man is an animal peculiarly
fond of approbation. Do you therefore stimulate the new Master to all
noble deeds.'
[Notice this sentence about the Senate: 'Whatever is the flower of the
human race, the Senate ought to possess it: and as the citadel is the
crown of the city, so should your order be the ornament of all other
ranks.']
14. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
[Sidenote: Collection of 'Tertiae.']
'We have no objection to grant the petition of the inhabitants of
Cathalia (?), that their "Tertiae" shall be collected at the same time
as the ordinary tribute. What does it matter under what name the
"possessor" pays his contribution, so long as he pays it without
deduction? Thus they will get rid of the suspected name of "Tertiae,"
and our mildness will not be worried by their importunity.'
[See Dahn ('Könige der Germanen' iii. 143), who decides that the
'Tertiae' was the pecuniary equivalent paid by the Roman possessor for
that portion of the _Sors Barbarica_ (the Gothic third of the lands
of Italy) which, for convenience sake, was left in the actual
occupation of Romans.]
15. KING THEODORIC TO FESTUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
[Sidenote: Looking after the interests of the absent.]
'We are glad to see that our good opinion of you is shared by your
neighbours, and that the Patrician Agnellus, going to Africa on our
business, has chosen you to defend his interests in his absence. No
one can give a higher proof of confidence than this. Look well after
the trust committed to you. There seems to be a peculiar temptation to
neglect the interests of the absent.'
16. KING THEODORIC TO JULIANUS, COMES PATRIMONII [probably 508].
[Sidenote: Remission of taxes. Hostile incursions.]
'It is an excellent investment to do a generous thing to our subjects.
The Apulian "Conductores" [farmers of the Royal domain] have
represented to us with tears that their crops have been burned by
hostile invaders [Byzantines?]. We therefore authorise you to deduct
at the next Indiction what shall seem the right proportion for these
losses from the amount due to us[227]. See, however, that our revenue
sustains no unnecessary loss. We are touched by the losses of the
suppliants, but we ought on the other hand to share their profits.'
[Footnote 227: 'Ut quantum eos minus vendidisse constiterit, de
reliquis primae indictionis habita moderatione detrahatis.']
17. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHIC AND ROMAN INHABITANTS OF DERTONA
(TORTONA).
[Sidenote: Fortification of camp near Dertona.]
'We have decided that the camp near you shall at once be fortified. It
is expedient to execute works of this kind in peace rather than in
war.
'The true meaning of _expeditio_ shows that the leader of a military
expedition should have an unencumbered mind.
'Do you therefore second our efforts by building good private houses,
in which you will be sheltered, while the enemy (whenever he comes)
will be in the worst possible quarters[228], and exposed to all the
severity of the weather.'
[Footnote 228: 'Durissimae mansiones.']
18. KING THEODORIC TO DOMITIANUS AND WILIAS.
[Sidenote: Statute of Limitations.]
'It is right that you, who are administering justice to the nations,
should learn and practise it yourselves. We therefore hasten to reply
to the question which you have asked [concerning the length of time
that is required to bestow a title by prescription]. If any Barbarian
usurper have taken possession of a Roman farm since the time when we,
through God's grace, crossed the streams of the Isonzo, when first the
Empire of Italy received us[229], and if he have no documents of title
[sine delegatoris cujusquam pyctacio] to show that he is the rightful
holder, then let him without delay restore the property to its former
owner. But if he shall be found to have entered upon the property
before the aforesaid time, since the principle of the thirty years'
prescription comes in, we order that the petition of the plaintiff
shall be dropped.
[Footnote 229: 'Ex quo, Deo propitio, Sonti fluenta transmisimus ubi
primum Italiae nos suscepit imperium.']
[Sidenote: Crimes of violence.]
'The assailant, as well as the murderer, of his brother, is to be
driven forth from the kingdom, that the serenity of our Commonwealth
may not be troubled with any such dark spots.'
[Theodoric crossed the Isonzo, August, 489, and as I understand this
letter, it was written somewhere about 518, and he therefore lays down
a convenient practical rule: 'No dispossession which occurred before
I crossed the Isonzo shall be enquired into; any which have happened
since, may.' But the letter is a very difficult one, and I am bound to
say that Dahn's interpretation ('Könige der Germanen' iii. 11, 12)
does not agree with mine.]
19. KING THEODORIC TO SATURNINUS AND VERBUSIUS, VIRI SUBLIMES.
[Sidenote: The rights of the Fiscus.]
'The _Fiscus_ is to have its rights, but we do not wish to oppress our
people. Let moderation be observed in all things.
'When you receive the petition of the Curiales of Adriana, if anyone
who is able to pay, stubbornly and impudently refuses to contribute to
the _Fiscus Gothorum_, you are to compel him to do so. But let off the
really poor man who is unable to contribute.'
20. KING THEODORIC TO ALBINUS AND ALBIENUS, VIRI ILLUSTRES AND
PATRICIANS.
[Sidenote: Circus quarrels. Patronage of the Greens. Rivalry between
Helladius and Theodorus.]
'Notwithstanding our greater cares for the Republic, we are willing to
provide also for the amusement of our subjects. For it is the
strongest possible proof of the success of our labours that the
multitude knows itself to be again at leisure[230].
[Footnote 230: 'Illud enim, propitiante Deo, labores nostros asserit
quod se _otiosam_ generalitas esse cognoscit.']
'The petition of the Green party in the circus informs us that they
are oppressed, and that the factions of the circus are fatal to public
tranquillity. We therefore order you to assume the patronage of the
Green party, which our father of glorious memory paid for[231]. So
let the spectators be assembled, and let them choose between Helladius
and Theodorus which is fittest to be Pantomimist of the Greens, whose
salary we will pay.'
[Footnote 231: 'Quapropter illustris magnitudo vestra praesenti
jussione commonita, patrocinium partis Prasini, quod gloriosae
recordationis pater noster impendit, dignanter assumat.' This passage
probably alludes to Theodoric's adoption by Zeno. But one reading is
'pater _vester_.']
Then follows a digression on pantomimes.
21. KING THEODORIC TO MAXIMIAN, VIR ILLUSTRIS; AND ANDREAS, VIR
SPECTABILIS.
[Sidenote: Embellishment of Rome.]
'If the people of Rome will beautify their City we will help them.
'Institute a strict audit (of which no one need be ashamed) of the
money given by us to the different workmen for the beautification of
the City. See that we are receiving money's worth for the money spent.
If there is embezzlement anywhere, cause the funds so embezzled to be
disgorged. We expect the Romans to help from their own resources in
this patriotic work, and certainly not to intercept our contributions
for the purpose.
'The wandering birds love their own nests; the beasts haste to their
own lodgings in the brake; the voluptuous fish, roaming the fields of
ocean, returns to its own well-known cavern. How much more should Rome
be loved by her children!'
22. KING THEODORIC TO MARCELLUS, VIR SPECTABILIS, ADVOCATUS FISCI.
[Sidenote: Promotion of Marcellus.]
After some rather vapid praise of the eloquence and good qualities of
Marcellus, Theodoric promotes him from the rank of a Private Advocate
to that of an _Advocatus Fisci_, and gives him some excellent counsels
about not pressing the claims of the Crown too far. 'We shall not
enquire how many causes you have gained, but how you have gained them.
Let there sometimes be a bad cause for the Fiscus, that the Sovereign
may be seen to be good.'
23. KING THEODORIC TO COELIANUS AND AGAPITUS, VIRI ILLUSTRES AND
PATRICIANS.
[Sidenote: Litigation between Senators.]
'The concord and harmony of subjects redound to the praise of their
prince.
'We desire that Festus and Symmachus (Patricians and Magnifici) should
prosecute the causes for action which they say they have against
Paulinus (Illustris and Patrician) in your Court. Let Paulinus bring
before you any counter-claim which he may assert himself to possess.
Let justice be rendered speedily. Show yourselves worthy of this high
trust. It is a matter of great moment to end lawsuits between men of
such eminence in the State as these.'
24. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHS.
[Sidenote: A call to arms for the invasion of Gaul.]
'To the Goths a hint of war rather than persuasion to the strife is
needed, since a warlike race such as ours delights to prove its
courage. In truth, he shuns no labour who hungers for the renown of
valour. Therefore with the help of God, whose blessing alone brings
prosperity, we design to send our army to the Gauls for the common
benefit of all, that you may have an opportunity of promotion, and we
the power of testing your merits; for in time of peace the courage
which we admire lies hidden, and when men have no chance of showing
what is in them, their relative merits are concealed. We have
therefore given our Sajo[232], Nandius, instructions to warn you that,
on the eighth day before the kalends of next July, you move forward to
the campaign in the name of God, sufficiently equipped, according to
your old custom, with horses, arms, and every requisite for war. Thus
will ye at the same time show that the old valour of your sires yet
dwells in your hearts, and also successfully perform your King's
command. Bring forth your young men for the discipline of Mars. Let
them see you do deeds which they may love to tell of to their
children. For an art not learned in youth is an art missing in our
riper years. The very hawk, whose food is plunder, thrusts her still
weak and tender young ones out of the nest, that they may not become
accustomed to soft repose. She strikes the lingerers with her wings;
she forces her callow young to fly, that they may prove to be such in
the future as her maternal fondness can be proud of. Do you therefore,
lofty by nature, and stimulated yet more by the love of fame, study to
leave such sons behind you as your fathers have left in leaving you.'
[Footnote 232: See for the office of the Sajo, note on ii. 13.]
[We can hardly be wrong in referring this stirring proclamation to the
year 508, when Theodoric sent troops into Gaul to save the remnants of
the Visigothic Monarchy from the grasp of Clovis. The first sentence
recalls the expression 'certaminis gaudia,' which Jordanes no doubt
borrowed from Cassiodorus. For the simile at the end of the letter,
cf. Deuteronomy xxxii. 11, 'As an eagle stirreth up her nest'.]
25. KING THEODORIC TO SABINIANUS, VIR SPECTABILIS.
[Sidenote: Repair of the walls of Rome.]
'It is important to preserve as well as to create. We are earnestly
anxious to keep the walls of Rome in good repair, and have therefore
ordered the Lucrine port[233] to furnish 25,000 tiles annually for
this purpose. See that this is done, that the cavities which have been
formed by the fall of stones may be roofed over with tiles, and so
preserved, and that thus we may deserve the thanks of ancient kings,
to whose works we have given immortal youth.'
[Footnote 233: I presume that 'portum Lucini' is an error for the
Lucrine harbour; but there is an allusion which I do not understand in
the following passage: 'Simul etiam portubus junctis, qui ad illa loca
antiquitus pertinebant, et nunc diversorum usurpatione suggeruntur
invasi?']
26. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
[Sidenote: Immunity of Church property from taxation.]
In the time of Cassiodorus the Patrician (a man of tried integrity and
pure fidelity[234]), a grant of freedom from taxation[235] was made to
the Church of Vercelli. Since that time other property has been
conveyed to the same Church, apparently by a soldier. An attempt is
made to represent this after-acquired property as also tax-free. 'No,'
says the King. 'It would be very wrong in us to recall our gift; but
it is equally wrong in you to try to stretch it to something which it
never included. Private persons must not make grants to the injury of
our treasury. Tribute belongs to the purple, not to the military
cloak[236]. Your newly acquired possessions must pay taxes along with
those of other owners.'
[Footnote 234: This is evidently the writer's father.]
[Footnote 235: 'Onera indictorum titulorum.']
[Footnote 236: 'Tributa sunt purpurae, non lacernae.']
27. KING THEODORIC TO SPECIOSUS.
[Sidenote: Circus quarrels.]
'If we are moderating under our laws the character of foreign nations,
if the Roman law is supreme over all that is in alliance with Italy,
how much more doth it become the Senate of the seat of civilisation
itself to have a surpassing reverence for law, that by the example of
their moderation the beauty of their dignities may shine forth more
eminently. For where shall we look for moderation, if violence stains
Patricians? The Green party complain that they have been truculently
assaulted by the Patrician Theodoric and the "Illustris and Consul
Importunus," and that one life has been lost in the fray. We wish the
matter to be at once brought before the Illustres Coelianus and
Agapitus and examined into by them[237].
[Footnote 237: See i. 23, from which it appears that these two men had
special jurisdiction in cases affecting Patricians.]
'As to their counter-complaints of rudeness against the mob, you must
distinguish between deliberate insolence and the licence of the
theatre. Who expects seriousness of character at the spectacles? It is
not exactly a congregation of Catos that comes together at the circus.
The place excuses some excesses. And besides, it is the _beaten_ party
which vents its rage in insulting cries. Do not let the Patricians
complain of clamour that is really the result of a victory for their
own side, which they greatly desired.'
[The mention of 'the Patrician Theodoric' is a difficulty, as we know
of no namesake of the King among the Roman nobility. Perhaps we ought
to read (with the Remensian MS.) 'Theodoro,' as we know from 'Anon.
Valesii' 68 that there was a Theodorus, son of Basilius, who perhaps
succeeded Liberius, Praef. Praetorio.]
28. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHS AND ROMANS.
[Sidenote: The walls of Rome.]
'Most worthy of Royal attention is the rebuilding of ancient cities,
an adornment in time of peace, a precaution for time of war.
'Therefore, if anyone have in his fields stones suitable for the
building of the walls, let him cheerfully and promptly produce them.
Even though he should be paid at a low rate, he will have his reward
as a member of the community, which will benefit thereby.'
29. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE LUCRISTANI (LUSTRIANI?) ON THE RIVER
SONTIUS (ISONZO).
[Sidenote: The Postal Service.]
'The post (_Cursus Publicus_) is evidently an institution of great
public utility, tending to the rapid promulgation of our decrees.
'Care must therefore be taken that the horses are not allowed to get
out of condition, lest they break down under their work, and lest the
journey, which should be rapid, become tediously slow.
'Also any lands formerly appropriated to the _mutationes_ [places for
changing horses] which have fallen into private hands must be
reclaimed for the public service, the owners being sufficiently
indemnified for their loss.'
30. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
[Sidenote: On the injury to public peace arising from the Circus
rivalries.]
The Senators are exhorted not to allow their menials to embroil
themselves with the populace, and thus bring their good name into
disgrace. Any slave accused of the murder of a free-born citizen is to
be at once given up, under penalty of a fine of 10 lbs. of gold
(£400), and the King's severe displeasure for the master who disobeys
this command.
'And do not you, oh Senators, be too severe in marking every idle word
which the mob may utter amidst the general rejoicing. If there is any
insult which requires notice, bring it before the "Praefectus
Urbis"--a far better and safer course than taking the law into your
own hands.'
[This letter, a very interesting and sensible one, is somewhat spoilt
by a characteristic Cassiodorian sentence at the end:--
'Men in old time used always to fight with their fists, whence the
word _pugna_, "a pugnis." Afterwards iron was introduced by King
Belus, and hence came _bellum_, "a Belo."']
31. KING THEODORIC TO THE ROMAN PEOPLE.
[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
Gives similar good advice to that contained in the previous letter to
the Senate.
'The Circus, in which the King spends so much money, is meant to be
for public delight, not for stirring up wrath. Instead of uttering
howls and insults like other nations [the populace of Byzantium?],
whom they have despised for doing so, let them tune their voices, so
that their applause shall sound like the notes of some vast organ,
and even the brute creation delight to hear it.
'Anyone uttering outrageous reproaches against any Senator will be
dealt with by the Praefectus Urbis.'
32. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS.
[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
'The ruler of the city ought to keep the peace, and justify my choice
of him. Your highest praise is a quiet people.
'We have issued our "oracles" to the "amplissimus ordo" (Senate) and
to the people, that the custom of insulting persons in the Circus is
to be put under some restraint; on the other hand, any Senator who
shall be provoked to kill a free-born person shall pay a fine. The
games are meant to make people happy, not to stir them up to deadly
rage. Helladius[238] is to come forth into the midst and afford the
people pleasure [as a pantomimist], and he is to receive his monthly
allowance (menstruum) with the other actors of the Green Faction. His
partisans are to be allowed to sit where they please.'
[Footnote 238: See Letter i. 20.]
[Was there not some division in the Green Faction itself concerning
the merits of Helladius and his rival Theodorus?]
33. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS.
[Sidenote: Arrangements for the Pantomime.]
'Our Serenity is not going to change the arrangements which we have
once made for the public good. We told Albinus and Albienus[239] to
choose the most fitting person they could find as Pantomimist of the
Greens. They have done so [choosing probably Helladius]. He shall have
his monthly allowance, and let there be peace.'
[Footnote 239: Ibid.]
34. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
[Sidenote: Only the surplus of corn to be exported.]
'It should be only the surplus of the crops of any Province, beyond
what is needed for the supply of its own wants, that should be
exported. Station persons in the harbours to see that foreign ships do
not take away produce to foreign shores until the Public
Providers[240] have got all that they require.'
[Footnote 240: 'Expensae publicae' perhaps = curatores annonae.]
35. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
[Sidenote: Unreasonable delays. The sucking-fish and torpedo.]
'This extraordinarily dry season having ruined the hopes of our
harvest, it is more than ever necessary that the produce should be
brought forward promptly. We are therefore exceedingly annoyed at
finding that the crops which are generally sent forward by your
Chancellor from the coasts of Calabria and Apulia in summer have not
yet arrived, though it is near autumn and the time is at hand when the
sun, entering the southern signs (which are all named from showers),
will send us storm and tempest.
'What are you waiting for? Why are your ships not spreading their
sails to the breeze? With a favourable wind and with bending oarsmen,
are you perhaps delayed by the _echeneis_ (Remora, or sucking-fish)?
or by the shell-fish of the Indian Ocean? or by the torpedo, whose
touch paralyses the hand? No; the echeneis in this case is entangling
venality; the bites of the shell-fish, insatiable avarice; the
torpedo, fraudulent pretence.
'The merchants are making delays in order that they may seem to have
fallen on adverse weather.
'Let your Magnitude put all this to rights promptly, otherwise our
famine will be imputed, not to bad seasons, but to negligence[241].'
[Footnote 241: For a fuller translation of this marvellous letter, see
Introd. p. 18.]
36. KING THEODORIC TO THERIOLUS, VIR SPECTABILIS.
[Sidenote: Guardianship of children of Benedictus.]
'We wish you to take the place of the late Benedictus in the city of
Pedon.
'As we never forget the services of the dead, we wish you to undertake
officially the guardianship of the sons of the said Benedictus.
'We always pay back to our faithful servants more than we have
received from them, and thus we do not go on the principle "equality
is equity," because we think it just to make them _more_ than an equal
recompence.'
37. KING THEODORIC TO CRISPIANUS.
[Sidenote: Justifiable homicide.]
'Murder is abominable, but it is right to take into account the
circumstances which may have provoked to homicide. If the slain man
was trying to violate the rights of wedlock, his blood be on his own
head. For even brute beasts vindicate their conjugal rights by force:
how much more man, who is so deeply dishonoured by the adulterer!
'Therefore, if it be true that the man whom you slew had wronged you
as a husband, we do not agree to the punishment of exile which has
been inflicted upon you. Nor will we uphold the action of the
_Vicarius_ or of his _Officium_, who, as you say, have impounded the
money paid by your _fidei-jussor_ (guarantor) Agnellus. Also, we will
protect you against the hostile assaults of Candax [next of kin to the
murdered man?] in future. But your allegation as to the provocation
must be fully established by legal process.'
[It may be remarked that Candac, King of the Alani in Moesia, is
mentioned in the pedigree of Jordanes ('Getica,' cap. 4).]
38. KING THEODORIC TO BAION, A SENATOR[242].
[Footnote 242: See remarks on this letter in Dahn, Könige der Germanen
iv. 147-8. Some MSS. read Coion or Goinon, as the name of the Senator
to whom it is addressed.]
[Sidenote: The young Hilarius to be allowed to enter on possession of
his property.]
'We are told that you are keeping in your own hands the administration
of the property of your young nephew [or grandson] Hilarius against
his will, and not for his good, but yours. Restore it at once. Let him
dispose of it as he likes. He seems to be quite able to enter upon the
lordship of his own. The eagle feeds her callow young with food which
she has procured for them, till their wings grow. Then, when their
flight is strong and their nails sharp, she trains them to strike
their own prey. So with our young Goths: when they are fit for
soldiership we cannot bear that they should be deemed incapable of
managing their own concerns. "To the Goths valour makes full age. And
he who is strong enough to stab his enemy to the heart should be
allowed to vindicate himself from every accusation of incapacity."'
[Notwithstanding his Roman name, Hilarius is evidently a Goth.]
39. KING THEODORIC TO FESTUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
[Sidenote: The nephews of Filagrius to be detained in Rome.]
'We are always delighted to grant just requests.
'Filagrius (Vir Spectabilis), who has been long absent from his home
on our business, seeks to return to Syracuse, but at the same time
asks that his brother's sons may be kept for their education's sake at
Rome. Do you attend to this petition, and do not let the lads go till
we send you a second order to that effect. No one ought to murmur at
being detained in Rome, which is everyone's country, the fruitful
mother of eloquence, the wide temple of all virtues. Ulysses would
very likely never have become famous if he had lingered on at home;
but Homer's noble poem most chiefly proclaims his wisdom in this fact,
that he roamed among many cities and nations.'
40. KING THEODORIC TO ASSUIN (OR ASSIUS), VIR ILLUSTRIS AND COMES.
[Sidenote: The inhabitants of Salona to be drilled.]
'War needs rehearsal and preparation. Therefore let your Illustrious
Sublimity provide the inhabitants of Salona with arms, and let them
practise themselves in the use of them; for the surest safeguard of
the Republic is an armed defender.'
The necessity of drill and practice is shown by the early combats of
bullocks, the play-huntings of puppies, the necessity of first
kindling a fire with very little sticks, and so forth.
41. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS, PRAEFECTUS URBIS.
[Sidenote: Enquiries into character of the younger Faustus.]
'The dignity of the Senate makes it necessary to be unusually careful
who is admitted into that body. Let other orders receive middling men:
the Senate must receive none but those who are of proved excellence.
'Therefore let your Illustrious Magnificence cause those enquiries to
be made concerning Faustus, the grown-up son of the Illustrious
Faustus, which the Senate hath ordered to be made concerning all
persons who are to be enrolled in its council[243]. In thus confirming
and ratifying the proceedings of the Senate we are in no degree
trenching on the accustomed authority of that sacred order.'
[Footnote 243: 'Quae circa referendos curiae priscus ordo
designavit.']
42. KING THEODORIC TO ARTEMIDORUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN [509 OR
524].
[Sidenote: Artemidorus to be Praefect of the City.]
'We are especially bound to reward merit. Everyone who does us a
service makes a very good investment. You have long had what was
formerly considered more precious than great dignity--near access to
our person. Much as we loved you, we somewhat retarded your advance in
order that you might be the more richly adorned with all virtues when
you came to honour. Your birthplace, your lineage, your merit, all
declare you worthy of the promotion which we now bestow upon you,
declaring you for this third Indiction[244] _Praefectus Urbis_. You
will thus have the function of presiding over the Senate, a far higher
office than that of ruling the Palace or arranging private houses. The
value of the object committed to a person's care increases the dignity
of the post. It is much more honourable to be caretaker of a diadem
than of a wine-cellar. Judge of our esteem for you by the preciousness
of the body over which we are thus calling you to preside.'
[Footnote 244: Either 509-510 or 524-525; more probably the former.]
43. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
[Sidenote: Promotion of Artemidorus.]
[Announcing the elevation of Artemidorus to the post of Praefectus
Urbis.]
'Artemidorus, though entitled from his relationship to the Emperor
Zeno to expect great promotion at the Court of Constantinople, has
preferred to share the fortunes and attach himself to the person of
Theodoric, who has often been refreshed after the cares of State by an
hour of his charming converse. Though he might have aspired to the
highest dignities of the Court, he has hitherto been satisfied with
the comparatively humble post of Superintendent of the Public
Spectacles [as Tribunus Voluptatum?]. Now, as Praefectus Urbis, he is
to preside over and become a member of your body. Welcome him.'
44. KING THEODORIC TO THE PEOPLE OF ROME.
[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
[On the same subject as 42 and 43, the elevation of Artemidorus to the
Urban Praefecture.]
Rebukes the commonalty sharply for their recent disturbances, which
defile with illicit seditions the blessings of peace, earned under
God's blessing by their Prince. The newly-appointed Praefectus
Urbanus, Artemidorus, long devoted to the service of Theodoric, will
attest the innocence of the good, and sharply punish the errors of the
bad, both by his own inherent prerogative and by a special commission
entrusted to him for that purpose by the King.
45. KING THEODORIC TO BOETIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
[Sidenote: The water-clock and sundial destined for the Burgundian
King.]
'It is important to oblige our royal neighbours even in trifles, for
none can tell what great matters may be aided thereby. Often what arms
cannot obtain the offices of kindness bring to pass. Thus let even our
unbending be for the benefit of the Republic. For our object in
seeking pleasure is that we may thereby discharge the serious duties
of life.
'The Lord of the Burgundians has earnestly requested that we would
send him a clock which is regulated by water flowing under a modulus,
and one which is marked by embracing the illumination of the immense
sun[245].'
[Footnote 245: An unintelligible translation doubtless, but is the
original clearer? 'Burgundionum dominus a nobis magnopere postulavit
ut horologium quod aquis sub modulo fluentibus temperatur et quod
solis immensi comprehensa illuminatione distinguitur ... ei
transmittere deberemus.' It is pretty clear that the first request of
the Burgundian King was for a clepsydra of some kind. The second must
be for some kind of sundial, but the description is very obscure.]
[I transcribe, and do not attempt to translate, the further
description of the two machines, the order of which is now changed.]
'_Primum_ sit, ubi stylus diei index, per umbram exiguam horas
consuevit ostendere. Radius itaque immobilis, et parvus, peragens quod
tam miranda magnitudo solis discurrit, et fugam solis aequiparat quod
modum semper ignorat. [This must be the sundial.] Inviderent talibus,
si astra sentirent: et meatum suum fortasse deflecterent, ne tali
ludibrio subjacerent. Ubi est illud horarum de lumine venientium
singulare miraculum, si has et umbra demonstrat? Ubi praedicabilis
indefecta roratio, si hoc et metalla peragunt, quae situ perpetuo
continentur? O artis inaestimabilis virtus quae dum se dicit ludere,
naturae praevalet secreta vulgare.
'_Secundum_ sit [the clepsydra] ubi praeter solis radios hora
dignoscitur, noctes in partes dividens: quod ut nihil deberet astris,
rationem coeli ad aquarum potius fluenta convertit, quorum motibus
ostendit, quod coelum volvitur; et audaci praesumptione concepta, ars
elementis confert quod originis conditio denegavit.'
'It will be a great gain to us that the Burgundians should daily look
upon something sent by us which will appear to them little short of
miraculous. Exert yourself therefore, oh Boetius, to get this thing
put in hand. You have thoroughly imbued yourself with Greek
philosophy[246]. You have translated Pythagoras the musician, Ptolemy
the astronomer, Nicomachus the arithmetician, Euclid the geometer,
Plato the theologian, Aristotle the logician, and have given back the
mechanician Archimedes to his own Sicilian countrymen (who now speak
Latin). You know the whole science of Mathematics, and the marvels
wrought thereby. A machine [perhaps something like a modern orrery]
has been made to exhibit the courses of the planets and the causes of
eclipses. What a wonderful art is Mechanics! The mechanician, if we
may say so, is almost Nature's comrade, opening her secrets, changing
her manifestations, sporting with miracles, feigning so beautifully,
that what we know to be an illusion is accepted by us as truth.'
[Footnote 246: Evidently 'sic enim Atheniensium scholas longe positus
introisti' does not mean that Boethius actually visited Athens, but
that he became thoroughly at home in the works of Athenian
philosophers.]
46. KING THEODORIC TO GUNDIBAD [SIC], KING OF THE BURGUNDIANS.
[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
Sends the two clocks, or rather perhaps the celestial globe and the
water-clock.
'Have therefore in your country what you have often seen in Rome. It
is right that we should send you presents, because you are connected
with us by affinity. It is said that under you "Burgundia" looks into
the most subtle things, and praises the discoveries of the ancients.
Through you she lays aside her "Gentile" (barbarous) nature, and
imitating the prudence of her King, rightly desires to possess the
inventions of sages. Let her arrange her daily actions by the
movements of God's great lights; let her nicely adjust the moments of
each hour. In mere confusion passes the order of life when this
accurate division of time is unknown. Men are like the beasts, if they
only know the passage of the hours by the pangs of hunger, and have no
greater certainty as to the flight of time than such as is afforded
them by their bellies. For certainty is undoubtedly meant to be
entwined in human actions.'
BOOK II.
CONTAINING FORTY-ONE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN THE NAME OF
THEODORIC.
I. KING THEODORIC TO ANASTASIUS, MOST PIOUS EMPEROR. A.D. 511.
[Sidenote: Consulship of Felix.]
'By excellent ordinance of the ancients the year is named from the
Consul. Let the happy year take its title from our new Consul, _Felix_
[Consul with Secundinus, A.D. 511[247]].
[Footnote 247: 'Portamque dierum tali nomine dicatus annus, tempos
introeat.' The figure here used seems borrowed from Claudian, In
Primum Cons. Stilichonis ii. 425-476.]
'It is most suitable that Rome should gather back her children to her
bosom, and in her venerable Senate should enrol a son of Gaul.
'Felix showed his excellent disposition first in this, that while
still a young man he hastened to "the native land of all the virtues"
[Rome]. Success followed his choice; we promoted him as he deserved.
While still a young man, deprived of his father's care, he showed the
rare gift of continence; he subdued avarice, the enemy of wisdom; he
despised the blandishments of vice; he trampled under foot the
vanities of pride.
'We have now determined to reward him with the Consulship. Do you who
can with indiscriminate pleasure rejoice in both the blessings of the
Republic [in the Consuls of the East and West] join your favouring
vote. He who is worthy of so high an office as the Consulship may
well be chosen by the judgment of both' [Emperor and King].
[An important letter, as showing the extent to which concurrent choice
of Consuls was vested in Rome, or rather Ravenna, and Constantinople.]
2. KING THEODORIC TO FELIX, VIR ILLUSTRIS, CONSUL ORDINARIUS, A.D. 511
(4TH OF THE INDICTION).
[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
An address on his elevation to the Consulship, touching on nearly the
same topics as the preceding.
Theodoric delights in bestowing larger favours on those whom he has
once honoured [a favourite topic with Cassiodorus].
Felix has come back from Gaul to the old fatherland[248]. Thus the
Consulship has returned to a Transalpine family, and green laurels are
seen on a brown stock.
[Footnote 248: 'Cum soli genitalis fortunâ relictâ, velut quodam
postliminio in antiquam patriam commeasses.']
Felix has shown an early maturity of character. He has made a wise use
of his father's wealth. The honour which other men often acquire by
prodigality he has acquired by saving. Cassiodorus evidently has a
little fear that the new Consul may carry his parsimony too far, and
tells him that this office of the Consulship is one in which
liberality, almost extravagance, earns praise[249]; in which it is a
kind of virtue not to love one's own possessions; and in which one
gains in good opinion all that one loses in wealth.
[Footnote 249: 'Ubi praeconium meretur effusio.']
'See the sacred City all white with your _vota_ (?). See yourself
borne upon the shoulders of all, and your name flitting through their
mouths, and manifest yourself such that you may be deemed worthy of
your race, worthy of the City, worthy of our choice, worthy of the
Consular _trabea_.'
[The letter makes one suspect a certain narrowness and coldness of
heart in the subject of its praise.]
3. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE. A.D. 511.
[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
Recommends Felix for the Consulship, going over again the topics
mentioned in the two last letters. It appears that it was the father
of Felix who emerged, after a temporary eclipse of the family
fortunes, and then showed himself 'the Cato of our times, abstaining
from vice himself, and forming the characters of others; imbued also
with all Greek philosophy, he glutted himself with the honey of the
Cecropian doctrine.'
Mention is made of the Consulship of an earlier Felix, A.D. 428, the
happy renown of which still lingered in the memories of men.
The young Felix is praised for the qualities described in the two
previous letters, and also for his power of conciliating the
friendship of older men, especially the excellent Patrician Paulinus.
4. KING THEODORIC TO ECDICIUS (OR BENEDICTUS), VIR HONESTUS.
[Sidenote: Collection of Siliquaticum.]
'We wish always to observe long-established rules in fiscal matters,
the best guarantee against extortion. Therefore, whatever dues in the
way of _Siliquaticum_ appertained to Antiochus are now transferred to
you by the present authority, and the Sajo is charged to support your
claims herein; only the contention must not be mixed up with any
private matters of your own.'
[The _Siliquaticum_ was a tax of one twenty-fourth--the _siliqua_
being the twenty-fourth of a _solidus_--payable on all sales in market
overt by buyer and seller together.]
5. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
[Sidenote: Soldiers' arrears.]
'We are always generous, and sometimes out of clemency we bestow our
gifts on persons who have no claim upon us. How much more fitting is
it then that the servants of the State should receive our gifts
promptly! Wherefore, pray let your Magnificence see to it that the
sixty soldiers who are keeping guard in the fastnesses of Aosta
receive their _annonae_ without delay. Think what a life of hardship
the soldier leads in those frontier forts for the general peace, thus,
as at the gate of the Province, shutting out the entry of the
barbarous nations. He must be ever on the alert who seeks to keep out
the Barbarians. For fear alone checks these men, whom honour will not
keep back.'
[A singular letter to write in the name of one who was himself a
Barbarian invader.]
6. KING THEODORIC TO AGAPITUS, ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
[Sidenote: Embassy to Constantinople.]
'We have decided to send you on an embassy to the East
(Constantinople). Every embassy requires a prudent man, but here there
is need of especial prudence, because you will have to dispute against
the most subtle persons--artificers of words, who think they can
foresee every possible answer to their arguments. Do your best
therefore to justify the opinion which I formed of you before full
trial of your powers.'
7. KING THEODORIC TO SURA (OR SUNA), ILLUSTRIS AND COMES.
[Sidenote: Embellishment of the City.]
'Let nothing lie useless which may redound to the beauty of the City.
Let your Illustrious Magnificence therefore cause the blocks of marble
which are everywhere lying about in ruins to be wrought up into the
walls by the hands of the workmen whom I send herewith. Only take care
to use only those stones which have really fallen from public
buildings, as we do not wish to appropriate private property, even for
the glorification of the City.'
8. KING THEODORIC TO BISHOP SEVERUS, VIR VENERABILIS.
[Sidenote: Compensation for damage done by troops on march.]
'None is more suitable than a member of the Priesthood to perform acts
of justice towards his flock.
'We therefore send your Holiness, by Montanarius, 1,500 solidi (£900),
for distribution among the Provincials, according to the amount of
damage which each one has sustained this year by the passage of our
army. See that the distribution is made systematically--not at
random--so that it may reach the right persons.'
9. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAEPOSITUS.
[Sidenote: Allowance to a retired charioteer.]
'We always enjoy being generous. Compassion is the one virtue to which
all other virtues may honourably give way. Long ago we made the
charioteer Sabinus a monthly allowance of a solidus [twelve
shillings]. Now, as we learn from Histrius [or Historius] that this
former servant of the public pleasures is afflicted with the most
melancholy poverty, we have pleasure in adding _another_ solidus to
his monthly allowance. We are never so well pleased as when the
accounts of our expenditure show these items of charitable
disbursement.'
10. KING THEODORIC TO SPECIOSUS, VIR DEVOTUS, COMITIACUS [OFFICER OF
THE COURT].
[Sidenote: The abduction of Agapita.]
'The laws guarding the sanctity of the marriage bed[250] must be
carefully upheld.
[Footnote 250: 'Illud Humani generis procreabile Sacramentum.']
'Agapita[251] has explained to us that she was tempted away from her
husband by seducers, who promised to procure his death. From the time
of her leaving his company let all revenues which came to her under
the marriage contract (invalidated by her unfaithfulness) be given up
by her wrongful detainers[252] without any delay. It is too absurd
that men who ought to be severely punished for their wrong-doing
should even seek to make a profit out of it.'
[Footnote 251: 'Foemina spectabilis.']
[Footnote 252: 'Retentatores.' So the Gepid Prince is called the
Retentator of Sirmium (Ennodius, Panegyric. Theod. 178. Ed. Migne).]
11. KING THEODORIC TO PROVINUS (PROBINUS?), ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
[Sidenote: Gift obtained from Agapita under undue influence.]
[Refers to the same business of Agapita, who seems to have been a
woman of feeble intellect as well as an unfaithful wife.] The petition
of her husband Basilius (vir Spectabilis) sets forth that, influenced
by seducers, and from the levity so natural to woman, she for no good
reason quitted her own home. Her own petition confirms this; and she
states that, while taking refuge within the precincts of the Church,
she by deed of gift bestowed on Provinus the 'Casa Areciretina,' a
most preposterous gift from a poor woman to a rich man; from one whose
reputation was gone to a chaste man; from a half-crazy creature to one
who knew fully what he was about. This gift Agapita [and Basilius] now
seek to annul. Provinus is exhorted at once to throw up a possession
which cannot possibly bring him any credit, and the loss of which has
brought the poor woman to destitution. Alienation of property should
be the act of a person having 'solidum judicium,' which this poor
creature evidently had not, or she would not have left her husband
causelessly.
'This is the second time of writing. Let there be no further delay in
complying.'
[Probably, therefore, Probinus really is one of the 'Retentatores'
referred to in Letter 10, though this letter does not distinctly
identify him with them.]
12. KING THEODORIC TO THE COUNT OF THE SILIQUATARII (CUSTOMS
OFFICERS), AND TO HIM WHO HAS THE CARE OF THE HARBOUR (OF PORTUS?).
[Sidenote: Prohibition of export of lard.]
'Italy ought to enjoy her own products, and it is monstrous that
anything which she produces should be wanting to her own children.
'Therefore let no lard be exported to foreign parts, but let it by
God's grace be all kept for consumption at home.
'Now take care not to incur the slightest blame in this matter. It is
a very serious fault even in trifles to disobey orders. Sin consists
in quality, not in quantity; and injustice cannot be measured. A
command, if it be despised in one part, is violated in the whole.'
13. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO[253] FRUINARITH.
[Footnote 253: The Sajo was an officer, not of very high rank,
apparently always of Gothic nationality, who was charged with
executing the King's mandates. Perhaps our word 'henchman' would be
the best translation of his title. His conventional attribute was
'devotio.' See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 181-186, and my 'Italy
and her Invaders' iii. 282-284.]
[Sidenote: Dishonest conduct of Venantius.]
'We are always especially touched by the prayers of petitioners who
complain that they are forced to pay unjustly. Ulpianus in his
lamentable petition informs us that on the request of Venantius he
bound himself as a guarantor (fidei jussionis vinculo) to pay over to
the public Treasury at the time of his administration 400 solidi
(£240). With the presumption of a truculent rustic Venantius despised
his own promise, and Ulpianus has therefore been burdened with payment
of the money. We therefore order that Venantius, who has been accused
of many other crimes besides this, shall be summoned before you, and
if found to be legally liable, shall be at once, and sharply,
compelled to fulfil his promise.'
14. KING THEODORIC TO SYMMACHUS, PATRICIAN.
[Sidenote: Romulus the parricide.]
'Parricide is the most terrible and unnatural of crimes. Even the cubs
of wild beasts follow their sires; the offshoot of the vine serves the
parent stem: shall man war against him who gave him being? It is for
our little ones that we lay up wealth. Shall we not earn the love of
those for whom we would willingly incur death itself? The young stork,
that harbinger of spring, gives a signal example of filial piety,
warming and feeding its aged parents in the moulting season till they
have recovered their strength, and thus repaying the good offices
received in its earlier years. So too, when the partridge, which is
wont to hatch the young of other birds, takes her adopted brood forth
into the fields, if these hear the cry of their genuine mother they
run to her, leaving the partridge forsaken.
'Wherefore, if Romulus[254] have fouled the Roman name by laying
violent hands on his father Martinus, we look to your justice (we
chose you because we knew you would not spare the cruel) to inflict on
him legitimate revenge.'
[Footnote 254: Quaere if named from the last Emperor.]
15. KING THEODORIC TO VENANTIUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS.
[Sidenote: Promotion of Venantius to Comitiva Domesticorum Vacans.]
'We always like to promote to office the sons of distinguished
fathers. We therefore bestow on you the honour of Comes Domesticorum
(Comitiva Vacans), in memory of your glorious father. He held at the
same time the Praefecture [of Italy] and the command of the army, so
that neither the Provinces lacked his ordering, nor did his wise care
for the army fail. All was mastered by his skilled and indefatigable
prudence; he inclined the manners of the Barbarians to peace, and
governed so that all were satisfied with our rule.
'You are a zealous student of literature, illustrious by birth and
eloquent by education. Go on as you have begun, and show yourself
worthy of our choice.'
16. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
[Sidenote: On the same subject.]
This letter adds a little to the information contained in the
preceding one, as to the career of Liberius, father of Venantius.
[Sidenote: Praises of Liberius.]
Liberius was a faithful servant of Odovacar, who adhered to his master
to the last. 'He awaited incorruptly the Divine judgments, nor did he
allow himself to seek a new King till he had first lost his old one.
On the overthrow of his lord he was bowed by no terror; he bore
unmoved the ruin of his Prince; nor did the revolution, at which even
the proud hearts of the Barbarians trembled[255], avail to move him
from his calm.
[Footnote 255: 'Quam etiam ferocitas gentilis expavit.']
'Prudently did he follow the common fortunes, in order that while
fixedly bearing the Divine judgments he might with the more
approbation find the Divine favour. We approved the faith of the man;
he came over in sadness to our allegiance as one who being overcome
changes his mind, not like one who has contrived [treacherously] that
he should be conquered. We made him Praefectus Praetorio. He
administered the finances admirably. By his economical management we
felt the increased returns, while you knew nothing of added tributes.
[Sidenote: Apportionment of Tertiae.]
'We especially like to remember how in the assignment of the [Gothic]
Thirds (in Tertiarum deputatione) he joined both the possessions and
the hearts of Goths and Romans alike. For whereas men are wont to come
into collision on account of their being neighbours, with these men
the common holding of their farms proved in practice a reason for
concord. Thus it has happened that while the two nations have been
living in common they have concurred in the same desires. Lo! a new
fact, and one wholly laudable. The friendship of the lords has been
joined with the division of the soil; amity has grown out of the loss
of the Provincials, and by the land a defender has been gained whose
occupation of part guarantees the quiet enjoyment of the whole. One
law includes them: one equal administration rules them: for it is
necessary that sweet affection should grow between those who always
keep the boundaries which have been allotted them.
'All this the Roman Republic owes to Liberius, who to two such
illustrious nations has imparted sentiments of mutual affection. See
to it, Conscript Fathers, that his offspring does not go unrewarded.'
17. TO THE POSSESSORS, DEFENSORS, AND CURIALS[256] OF THE CITY OF
TRIDENTUM (TRIENT).
[Footnote 256: Cf. iii. 9 for a similar heading.]
[Sidenote: Immunity from Tertiae enjoyed by lands granted by the
King.]
'We do not wish to be generous at the expense of others, and we
therefore declare that the _Sors_ which in our generosity we have
bestowed on Butilianus the Presbyter, is not to be reckoned in to the
tax calculations; but as many solidi as are comprehended in that gift,
so many are you to be relieved from, in the contribution of
"Tertiae."'
[That is to say, the land given by the Gothic King to Butilian was to
be itself, as a matter of course, free from Tertiae; but, in order
that this might not throw a heavier burden on the other owners in the
district, they were to be allowed to deduct the solidi of that portion
from the gross amount payable by them on behalf of the whole district.
Butilian's own immunity from Tertiae seems to be taken for granted as
a result of the King's gift to him. (See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen'
iii. 145.)]
18. KING THEODORIC TO BISHOP GUDILA.
[Sidenote: Ecclesiastics as Curiales.]
An interesting but rather obscure letter on the condition of
_Curiales_.
Apparently some ecclesiastics were claiming as slaves some men whom
the Curia of Sarsena (?) asserted to be fellow-curials of their own,
whom they therefore wanted to assist them in performing curial
obligations.
Cassiodorus argues that as the 'Sors nascendi' prevented the Curialis
from rising to the higher honours of the State, it certainly ought
also to prevent him from sinking into slavery[257]. 'Therefore we
advise you to look well to your facts, and see whether these men are
not justly claimed as Curials, in which case the Church should give
them up before the matter comes to trial. It does not look well for
the Bishop, who should be known as a lover of justice, to be publicly
vanquished in a suit of this kind.'
[Footnote 257: 'Quod si eos vel ad honores transire jura vetuerunt,
quam videtur esse contrarium, Curialem Reipublicae, amissâ turpiter
libertate, servire? et usque ad conditionem pervenisse postremam quem
vocavit antiquitas _Minorem Senatum_.']
[Did the alleged Curials, in such a case, wish to have their curiality
or their quasi-ecclesiastical character established? Who can say?]
19. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE GOTHS AND ROMANS, AND THOSE WHO KEEP THE
HARBOURS AND MOUNTAIN-FORTRESSES (CLUSURAS).
[Sidenote: Domestic treachery and murder.]
'We hate all crime, but domestic bloodshed and treachery most of all.
Therefore we command you to act with the utmost severity of the law
against the servants of Stephanus, who have killed their master and
left him unburied. They might have learned pity even from birds. Even
the vulture, who lives on the corpses of other creatures, protects
little birds from the attacks of the hawk. Yet men are found cruel
enough to slay him who has fed them. To the gallows with them! Let
_him_ become the food of the pious vulture, who has cruelly contrived
the death of his provider. That is the fitting sepulchre for the man
who has left his lord unburied.'
20. KING THEODORIC TO THE SAJO UNIGILIS (OR WILIGIS).
[Sidenote: Provision-ships to follow movements of Theodoric's Court.]
'Let any provision-ships [_sulcatoriæ?_] which may be now lying at
Ravenna be ordered round to Liguria (which in ordinary times supplies
the needs of Ravenna herself).
'Our presence and that of our Court (Comitatus) attracts many
spectators and petitioners to those parts, for whose maintenance an
extra effort must be made.' [See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii.
282.]
21. KING THEODORIC TO JOANNES THE APPARITOR.
[Sidenote: A concession too timidly acted upon.]
'The King has conceded to the Spectabiles Spes and Domitius a certain
tract of land which was laid waste by wide and muddy streams, and
which neither showed a pure expanse of water nor had preserved the
comeliness of solid earth, for them to reclaim and cultivate.
'The petition of the _Actores_ of Spes sets forth that the operation
is put in jeopardy by the ill-timed parsimony of Domitius, which
throws back the labourers to the point from which they set out at
first[258]. Therefore let Domitius be stirred up to finish his part of
the work, or if he thinks that too expensive, let him throw up his
share of the concession and allow his partner to work it out.'
[Footnote 258: 'Cum jam in soli faciem paulatim mollities siccata
duresceret, celatamque longâ voracitate tellurem sol insuetus
afflaret.' I cannot understand these words. I suppose there was a hard
cake of clay left when the water was drained off, which was baked by
the sun, and that there should have been further digging to work
through this stratum and get at the good soil beneath; but the wording
is not very clear.]
[We find in this letter a good motto for Theodoric's reign: 'Nos
quibus cordi est in melius cuncta mutare.']
22. KING THEODORIC TO FESTUS, VIR ILLUSTRIS AND PATRICIAN.
[Sidenote: Ecdicius to be buried by his sons.]
'The sons of Ecdicius, whom at first we had ordered to reside in the
city, are to be allowed to return to their own country in order to
bury their father. That grief is insatiable which feels that it has
been debarred from rendering the last offices to the dead. Think at
what risk of his life Priam implored the raging Achilles to give him
back the body of his son.'
[Apparently the sons of Ecdicius, not Ecdicius himself, had fallen
into disgrace with Theodoric, or incurred some suspicion of
disloyalty, which led to the rigorous order for their detention in
Rome. See Dahn iii. 279-280.]
23. KING THEODORIC TO AMPELIUS, DESPOTIUS, AND THEODULUS, SENATORS.
[Sidenote: Protection for owners of potteries.]
'It befits the discipline of our time that those who are serving the
public interests shall not be loaded with superfluous burdens. Labour
therefore diligently at the potteries (figulinae) which our Royal
authority has conceded to you. Protection is hereby promised against
the wiles of wicked men.' [What was the nature of the artifices to
which they were exposed is not very clear.]
24. KING THEODORIC TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.
[Sidenote: Arrears of taxation due from Senators.]
'We hear with sorrow, by the report of the Provincial Judges, that you
the Fathers of the State, who ought to set an example to your sons
(the ordinary citizens), have been so remiss in the payment of taxes
that on this first collection[259] nothing, or next to nothing, has
been brought in from any Senatorial house. Thus a crushing weight has
fallen on the lower orders (_tenues_, _curiales_), who have had to
make good your deficiencies and have been distraught by the violence
of the tax-gatherers.
[Footnote 259: 'Primae transmissionis tempus.']
'Now then, oh Conscript Fathers, who owe as much duty to the Republic
as we do, pay the taxes for which each one of you is liable, to the
Procurators appointed in each Province, by three instalments (trinâ
illatione). Or, if you prefer to do so--and it used to be accounted a
privilege--pay all at once into the chest of the Vicarius. And let
this following edict be published, that all the Provincials may know
that they are not to be imposed upon and that they are invited to
state their grievances[260].'
[Footnote 260: See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 153 and 112, n.
5.]
25. AN EDICT OF KING THEODORIC.
[Referred to in the preceding letter.]
[Sidenote: Evasion of taxes by the rich.]
The King detests the oppression of the unfortunate, and encourages
them to make their complaints to him. He has heard that the powerful
houses are failing to pay their share of the taxes, and that a larger
sum in consequence is being exacted from the _tenues_[261].
[Footnote 261: Here follows a sentence which I am unable to translate:
'Superbia deinde conductorum canonicos solidos non ordine traditos,
sed sub iniquo pondere imminentibus fuisse projectos nec universam
siliquam quam reddere consueverant solemniter intulisse.' I think the
meaning is, that the stewards of the Senators (conductores) arrogantly
refused to allow the money paid to the tax-collectors (canonici
solidi) to be tested, as in ordinary course it should have been, to
see if it was of full weight. The 'imminentes' are, I think, the
tax-collectors. I cannot at all understand the clause about 'universam
siliquam.']
To 'amputate' such wickedness for the future, the letter last
preceding has been addressed to the Senate; and the 'Possessores sive
curiales' are now invited to state their grievances fully and
frankly, or else ever after hold their peace and cultivate a habit of
patience.
26. KING THEODORIC TO FAUSTUS, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.
[Sidenote: Regulations for corn-traffic of Southern Italy.]
A difficult letter about the corn-merchants of Apulia and Calabria.
1. The corn which they have collected by public sale is not to be
demanded over again from them under the title of 'interpretium'
[difference of price].
2. Similarly as to the Sextarius which the merchant of each Province
imports. No one is to dare insolently to exact the prices which have
been always condemned.
3. Fines of £1,200 on the Praefect himself, and £400 on his _officium_
(subordinates), are to be levied if this order is disobeyed.
4. If the 'Siliquatarius' thinks right to withhold the monopoly (of
corn) from any merchant, he must not also exact the monopoly payment
from him.
5. As to the Aurarii [persons liable to payment of the _lustralis auri
collatio_[262]], let the old order be observed, and those only be
classed under this function whom the authority of antiquity chose to
serve thereunder.
[Footnote 262: This appears to have been a tax levied on all traders,
otherwise known as the Chrysargyron. See Cod. Theod. xiii. 1. Aurarii
is therefore equivalent to Licensed Traders.]
27. KING THEODORIC TO ALL THE JEWS LIVING IN GENOA.
[Sidenote: Rebuilding of Jewish Synagogue.]
The Jews are permitted to roof in the old walls of their synagogue,
but they are not to enlarge it beyond its old borders, nor to add any
kind of ornament, under pain of the King's sharp displeasure; and this
leave is granted on the understanding that it does not conflict with
the thirty years' 'Statute of Limitations.'