_THE PALACE AND THE GREEKS_
The preparations for the general rising now advanced very rapidly.
Enver Bey, declining further treacherous offers, which included
the promise of his promotion to General rank if he would return to
Constantinople, led his band of _fedais_ through the mountains, and
won village after village to the revolutionary cause. The story of
this young officer’s escape in disguise from Salonica, his adventures
in the wilds, and the brave work he did for Turkey, is told throughout
his country. He has become the popular hero, and is held in the highest
estimation by his comrades; for the complete absence of any jealousy
among the young officers who devoted themselves to the liberation of
their fatherland is a pleasing feature of this patriotic movement.
Niazi writes of Enver as follows: “He who in the time of sorrow and
hopelessness encouraged and fortified us with his ardent words and
serious ways, Enver Bey, whose like is seldom to be met.” Salah-ed-Din
Bey, Hassan Bey, and other officers were also wandering over Macedonia
and Albania with their bands, gaining thousands of adherents among
the land-owners and the peasantry; and at the same time others were
educating the rank and file of the army, with the result that a large
proportion of the troops garrisoning this region were ready to fight,
even against their own comrades, if called upon to do so.
Niazi Bey had practically won over the bulk of the Moslem inhabitants
of Western Albania, a wonderful achievement indeed. For one who knows
these fanatical Albanian tribesmen finds it difficult to understand
how they could listen with sympathy and patience to the gospel of
universal brotherhood, and the extension of equal rights to Christian
and Mussulman. But Niazi, with his rough, strong eloquence, his obvious
sincerity and single-mindedness, his magnetic personality, and his
commanding presence—for, like many Albanians, he is a man of great
stature and sturdy build—is evidently a born leader of men; and he was
successful not only in gaining over the Albanians, but in holding back
these eager warriors until their armed assistance should be called
for, and in making them patch up their sanguinary tribal and family
blood feuds, some of which had endured for centuries. Moreover, a
large proportion of the young officers of the Third Army Corps were
of Albanian stock, and of these several were able to influence their
countrymen in the Committee’s favour.
Niazi and his band, during their memorable twenty days’ wandering in
the hill-country, avoiding the main roads and threading in single
file the difficult mountain tracks, ran many dangers and suffered
considerable hardships. At times the pursuing Government troops were
close at their heels; sometimes, but not often, the _fedais_ came
to a village whose inhabitants were hostile. Thus, on one occasion,
when hungry, thirsty, and weary they approached a village in order
to obtain the bread and cheese and water which seem to have composed
their usual diet, the villagers, whose minds had been poisoned against
the Committee by an emissary of the Palace, came out armed to the
teeth, and dangerously excited, and threatened to fire upon the band.
The position was an awkward one, for Niazi not only had the hostile
village in front of him, but had in his rear, and not far off, a large
detachment of troops under a Bosnian officer, which had been sent to
cut him off. So the band, foodless and worn out with fatigue, had
to take to the upper slopes of the mountain for safety. Niazi is an
obstinate man. He was determined either to convert that village to
the cause or to give it a severe lesson. A few days later he talked
the villagers over to repentance of their error; they took the oath
of allegiance to the Committee, and supplied the band with two days’
rations of bread and cheese, for which they refused to accept payment.
Moreover, the Bosnian officer, on receiving the news of Shemshi Pasha’s
execution at Monastir, abandoned his pursuit of Niazi and marched with
his band to Ochrida to submit to the Committee.
On July 12 Niazi, having been summoned to Ochrida to confer with the
Committee, marched boldly into that town with his band, none daring
to interfere with him, so much had the authority of the Government
been weakened by this time. Here the members of the Committee gave him
information concerning the other bands, and instructed him to keep
in touch with them, as the time was near when an important combined
movement might be made. They told him that the Government had sent
General Osman Pasha to Monastir as Commander Extraordinary of the
Vilayet, in the place of the assassinated Shemshi Pasha, and that
the Bulgarian Executive Committee had issued instructions to all the
Bulgarian villages to the effect that the Moslem revolutionary bands
should be treated hospitably and with consideration, but that, until
further orders, armed assistance must not be given. Niazi was also
informed of the shooting, by order of the Committee, of the _imam_,
Mustapha Effendi, and other dangerous agents of the Palace.
The business completed, Niazi’s band marched out of the town, and
followed the sandy shores of the great lake of Ochrida, where they
were warmly welcomed in the villages of the Bulgarian fishing-folk.
The objective of the band was Istarova, but on the way they
carried out their mission in the villages, swearing in the people,
overthrowing the authority of the Government, establishing elective
administrative bodies, and expelling any tax-gatherers or other
servants of the Government who had oppressed the people, or were known
to be subservient to Palace influence. Threatened at one point by a
pursuing detachment of four hundred men, Niazi divided his band into
small parties and took up commanding positions on the rocky hills that
bordered the main road. But it turned out that the detachment was under
the command of Captain Ziya Bey, a young officer whose sympathies were
with the revolutionaries. Ziya Bey and some other officers came up
to Niazi’s camp, offered to join the band so soon as their services
should be needed, and undertook to withdraw the detachment from the
neighbourhood. There was another detachment, too, in pursuit of the
band at that time, but it had purposely been sent off in a wrong
direction.
It was Niazi’s intention to make Istarova, the centre of an important
district, his head-quarters for a short while. His band made a
triumphal progress through the district. The villagers were all eager
to be sworn as adherents of the Committee. In one village Niazi ordered
the execution of a particularly iniquitous tax-gatherer (who succeeded
in effecting his escape) and the man’s rams were divided among the
members of the band, who were thus enabled to enjoy a luxurious
meal for a change. Before entering Istarova, Niazi sent a letter to
the principal Government official in the place, the _kaimakan_ (or
administrator, of the _Caza_, or district of Istarova), an honourable
young man who had exercised his authority with justice, and of whom
the peasants in the district had spoken well to Niazi. It was a
characteristic letter, in which Niazi, after explaining that all the
inhabitants of the district, Moslem and Christian, had sworn to stand
by the Committee, told him that though he entertained a great esteem
for him as a just ruler of the people, at the same time he, Niazi,
regretted that the _kaimakan_ had shown negligence in one important
particular; for in that large district there was not a single school.
“The calamities of this nation,” he went on, “are mainly due to the
ignorance of the people,” and he urged him to do his best to promote
education.
On July 16 the band entered Istarova, where the men enjoyed a welcome
and much-needed rest—the villagers supplying cigars and coffee to
cheer them—and were able to sleep in unwonted security, surrounded
by their friends; for in that district of a hundred villages, with a
population of 30,000, all men were with the Committee of Union and
Progress, while any troops that might have proved troublesome had been
removed to a distance by arrangement with friendly officers. As for
Niazi, he saw to the swearing in of the people of Istarova, and the
election of the administrative body, and then he preached the gospel
of the Constitution in the Mosque, and recommended the newly appointed
administrative body to build schools, to educate the people, and to
repair their mosques, and for this purpose, on behalf of his band,
he subscribed the sum of two pounds. The _kaimakan_ himself sought
out Niazi in the night, and praised him to his face as a brave man
and a bringer of justice to the people, declared his belief in the
righteousness of the Committee’s aim, and placed himself under Niazi’s
orders. Thus did Niazi influence all the men with whom he came into
contact.
Throughout the following day Niazi remained in Istarova, which
presented a very animated appearance, for there poured into the village
thousands of peasants from all the surrounding countryside, eager to
be sworn, together with a number of soldiers who had deserted to join
Niazi, and had come in, bringing their rifles with them, from the
neighbouring garrisons and posts. There was good reason for Niazi’s
exultation in the success of the movement. Resna, Ochrida, Persepe,
Dibra, Malisa, and now Istarova had all been brought within the
revolutionary union by the efforts of the bands. He now knew that with
a word, when the time came, he would be able to summon a large armed
force to execute the Committee’s will.
And now to leave the mountains and the bands of brave _fedais_ for
a while, to return to the less wholesome atmosphere of the Yildiz
Palace, and follow the last vain efforts of the Despotism to crush the
life out of the revolutionary movement. The advisers of the Sultan
were fully aware of the significance of the reports that came to them
from Macedonia, though the newspapers, officially inspired, still
spoke lightly of “unimportant manifestations of disaffection in a
few garrisons.” There were high Government officials in the European
Vilayets who ventured to inform the Palace of the exact state of
affairs. Notable among these was the Vali of Monastir, who in the
following despatch to the Grand Vizier (dated, I think, July 17)
pointed out, as plainly as he dared, that the revolutionary movement
was too strong for the Despotism, that further repressive measures must
fail, and could only result in useless bloodshed, and that it would be
well to submit to the will of the people and grant a Constitution. The
last suggestion was, of course, put in an ambiguous way, for at that
time no one had the courage to mention the word Constitution to the
Sultan. The following is a translation—some repetitions and unimportant
details being omitted—of the despatch in question.
“It has been ordered by an Imperial _Iradé_ that Niazi Bey and his
companions should be arrested. The existence of the powerful Committee
of Union and Progress has been proved by the severity of the measures
which it adopts. It stands not alone; for, as has already been
intimated in official despatches, the officers of the army are united
in a determination to support the demands of the Committee; and the
population, likewise, is in league with the Committee. To leave aside
the question of the pursuit of Niazi, I beg to state that none will now
venture to undertake the duty of making investigations. The members
of the commission which was formed under the presidency of Shukri
Pasha to institute inquiries (the spy commission) have been obliged to
abandon their work in consequence of the secret threats which were
conveyed to them. The _ulema_ who were sent by the Government to travel
through the country and give advice to the villagers have been warned
by the Committee of Union and Progress that they would be killed if
they continued to do this, so they have returned. The lives of all
officials, my own included, are in peril. It has been shown that the
Committee has the power of executing its threats. Here, in Monastir,
when General Osman Hidayet Pasha had gathered his officers around him
to read to them the telegram which communicated the high _Iradé_ of his
Imperial Majesty the Caliph, he was shot by one of the officers, who
fired three times at him in the presence of all these people, and yet
this officer was not arrested, and it has been found impossible even to
ascertain his name. The police and judiciary officials are meditating
resignation from their posts in order to save their lives if pressure
is brought upon them to make them carry out their duties. As for me,
your servant, my ancestry having been faithful for four hundred years,
and myself having served the Government in various capacities for the
last forty-four years, I consider that for me to resign my post in
this hour of trouble would be an act of ingratitude; and therefore,
despite the perils to which I and my family are exposed, I am prepared
to discharge my duty, that is, to devise means preventing the active
co-operation of the people with the officers of the army, whose views
and aims they undoubtedly share.
“At the same time I consider it a duty and a proof of my loyalty that I
should submit to you in detail the true facts of the situation. I must
inform you that the sentiments of which I am speaking are now acquiring
a strong hold upon the private soldiers. The six battalions which were
sent to Resna now remain there inactive, and their commanders confess
their powerlessness. Should any attempt be made to pursue Niazi, the
soldiers will refuse to fire upon him and his band. I may mention in
proof of this that when General Shemshi Pasha was assassinated here,
the men of his Albanian body-guard, the _gendarmes_, and the other
soldiers present, when pursuing the criminal in accordance with the
orders given to them, discharged their rifles in the air and allowed
the assassin to escape. According to private information which I have
received it is believed that the troops who are to be despatched
from Anatolia will, on their arrival here, refuse to use their arms
against their comrades. What I have stated concerning the condition of
this region is applicable also, so I am informed, to the Vilayets of
Salonica and Kosovo.
“The urgency of this matter and the fact that this movement is daily
gaining strength and spreading with extraordinary rapidity being taken
into consideration by the Government, I submit, prompted by my loyalty,
that the time for either measures of persuasion or those of force and
severity have passed, and that, in order to obviate a still worse state
of things, other more effective measures, more consonant with the
times, should be adopted. I am awaiting your commands.”
The plan of the Palace was to crush the revolt with a great force of
troops from Anatolia; but as straightforward methods by themselves
never sufficed the Sultan’s advisers, underground devices were also
employed. The Greek element in Macedonia on previous occasions had
been found willing to join hands with the Turkish Government in the
suppression of Bulgarian rebellions, so Munir Pasha, who had for some
years been the Turkish Ambassador in Paris, was now sent to Athens to
arrange for the organisation of Greek bands to attack the Moslem and
Christian supporters of the Committee of Union and Progress. The Palace
also attempted, by offers of full pardons, gifts, and promotions, to
withdraw army officers from the revolutionary movement, and so leave
the disorganised followers of the Committee of Union and Progress an
easy prey for the forces that were to be brought against them. The
thirty-eight young officers who had been arrested in Salonica and
were imprisoned in the capital were released and pardoned. Thousands
of officers in the army and navy were astonished to find themselves
suddenly promoted, and decorations were distributed wholesale. The
Palace entertained the foolish belief that every man has his price; but
all this hypocritical benevolence was of no avail and only served to
lay bare to the world the incompetence and panic of the Camarilla in
the hour of danger.
It was decided to despatch no less than forty-eight battalions from
Anatolia to overpower the disaffected Macedonian army, and had these
Asiatic troops proved staunch there would have been a terrible shedding
of blood. Twenty-seven of these battalions were transported by sea from
Smyrna to Salonica, where they disembarked on July 16. The efforts of
Dr. Nazim Bey and other agents of the Young Turk party had already,
to a large extent, inoculated these troops with the revolutionary
doctrines before they left Asia Minor, and from the moment of their
embarkation at Smyrna the emissaries of the Committee were at
work among them, testing the officers to find out who were of the
revolutionary party and using persuasive arguments with the rank and
file. Some of the regiments on reaching Salonica refused to proceed to
Monastir and were isolated from the rest. The remaining regiments were
marched to Monastir, and with them went officers who were initiates of
the secret society, disguised as sherbet sellers, _mollahs_, and so
forth, ever winning over adherents to the cause. It soon became clear
that the bulk of the officers and men of this force were in sympathy
with the troops whom they had been sent to slaughter, and that they
would never fire upon their comrades of the Third Army Corps. These
battalions that entered Monastir were soon persuaded to take the oath
of allegiance to the Committee of Union and Progress.
The state of affairs in the third week in July may therefore be summed
up as follows: The Government still nominally ruled and administered
the three Vilayets of Monastir, Salonica, and Kosovo, but its authority
had been reduced to impotence. In the chief military centre, Monastir,
General Osman Pasha was in command, but, knowing the temper of his men,
hesitated to attempt decisive action to crush the insurrection. The
men of the Second and Third Army Corps, and of the regiments that had
been brought from Anatolia, were either adherents of the Committee or
wavering in their allegiance to the Government. It was unlikely that
more than a small proportion of the troops would be found willing to
fight the battles of the Palace. The Moslem and Bulgarian peasants,
among whom arms had been distributed by the Committee of Union and
Progress, were awaiting the word to take part in the general rising.
Ten thousand Albanian warriors were in arms, eager to fall upon the
supporters of the Despotism.
The one doubtful element of the population was the Greek. It appears
that the Palace had not only sent Munir Pasha to Athens to seek the
assistance of those intriguing subjects of King George who used to
equip the brigand bands that had been the curse of Macedonia; but
it also issued instructions to General Osman Pasha in Monastir to
persuade the Greek bands within his district, by means of what bribes
or promises I cannot say, to hunt down and capture Niazi and the other
leaders of the insurrection. It is undoubtedly the fact that the Greek
bands, assisted by hired Mussulman desperadoes, were displaying great
activity at this period, and that the Greek clergy were directing a
vigorous persecution of the Bulgarian exarchists. The Committee of
Union and Progress dealt firmly with this one disturbing element in
an otherwise peaceful and united country. For example, the Committee
carried away the Greek Bishop of Vodena as a hostage and let it be
known that he would be put to death in three days unless by that time
all the bands in that neighbourhood had been broken up.
On July 22, by which time, as I shall show, the young Turk leaders had
come boldly into the open to demand from the Sultan his abdication or a
Constitution, the Committee of Union and Progress in Monastir issued a
manifesto, of which copies were sent to the Greek Committee in Athens,
the spiritual head of the Greek community in Monastir, and to the
chiefs of the various Greek bands in the neighbourhood.
This manifesto, after stating that “the Yildiz, in opposition to the
will of the people, had attempted to bring about a diversion against
the Young Turk movement by effecting a union between the Hellenes and
the Patriarchate, and with that object had sent Munir Pasha to stir
up feeling in Greece against the Committee, and that this scheme had
been attended with some success,” proceeded as follows: “You know
that our Committee of Union and Progress, having worked in secret for
the welfare of all races and creeds in Turkey, has now come forth to
openly proclaim its aim—the winning of liberty for the nation. The
tyrannical Government has sown the seeds of sedition and has brought
about conflicts and bloodshed between the various races and creeds in
the land. We being all brothers, working together for the salvation
and happiness of the country, ask of you, our Greek fellow-countrymen,
that you no longer use differences of race and creed as an excuse for
the shedding of blood. If your real object is to obtain equality,
well-being, and liberty, be with us and seek no outside advice; be even
as our Bulgarian brothers, who by their sincerity and by their deeds
have proved their sympathy for our high aims. If you will not unite
with us, we ask of you at least to remain neutral, and we call upon you
in the name of humanity to cease this shedding of blood. We warn you
against the dangers of Hellenism. If you Greeks in the Monastir Vilayet
do not put a stop to your Hellenic agitation, your brother Greeks in
Anatolia, who are much more numerous than yourselves, will suffer as
well as yourselves. Secret negotiations between the Yildiz and the
Patriarchate will lead, not to your happiness, but to your injury and
destruction. We advise our Greek brothers not to be deceived by these
shameless artifices which the Yildiz has oftentimes practised. We ask
that the Greek bands should no longer go hither and thither shedding
blood in their mistaken racial and religious zeal. Let the Hellenes
among them return to their homes in Greece. Let them scatter. It is
also intolerable to us that these bands have low Moslems in their pay
who commit atrocities. We will find out and kill these Moslems if
they do not at once abandon the Greek bands. We call upon you to have
these Moslems sent away, else with you will be the responsibility
for the blood that will be shed, and you will be condemned by the
civilised world. With much affection we invite our Greek compatriots to
unite with us in striving for our main objects—the restoration of our
Constitution and the gaining of equality for all. We cannot doubt that
God, who has created us all, will grant success to those only who work
for humanity and civilisation.”