The casualness of the question must have disarmed Lieutenant-Colonel
Johnstone of the Dublin Military Police. He laughed. Then conferred. While
the confab was on, the Countess Markewicz slipped from Mr. Walsh's car to
our paling. She was, as usual, dressed in a "prepared" style. She had on
her green tweed suit with biscuits in the pockets, "so if anything
happened."
Countess Markewicz, rubbing her hands: "Excellent propaganda! Excellent
propaganda!"
The motor lorries chugged. Soldiers broke line, and climbed in. The people
screamed, jumped, waved their hands, and hurrahed for Walsh. Mr. Walsh
returned to his car. And in the path made by the heartily boohed motor
lorries, the American's machine commenced its victorious passage to the
Mansion House. In order to get through the crowd to the reception we sprang
to the rear of the motor. Clinging to the dusty mudguard, I remarked to
Miss Pankhurst that we would not look very partified. And she, pushed about
by the tattered people, said she did not mind. Long ago she had decided she
would never wear evening dresses because poor people never have them.
Last act. Turkish-rugged and velvet-portièred reception room of the Mansion
House. Assorted people shaking hands with the delegates. Delegates filled
with boyish glee at the stagey turn of events.
Frank Walsh: "Look! There's Bob Barton talking to his sister. Out there by
the portrait of Queen Victoria--see that man in a green uniform. That's
Michael Collins of the Irish Volunteers and minister of finance of the
Irish Republic. The very men they're after.
"Is this a play? Or a dream?"
[Footnote 1. British propaganda, on the contrary, states that the Irish are
not in the physical agony of extreme poverty. They are prosperous. They
made money on munitions, and their exports increased enormously during the
war.
"You could eat shell as easily as make it," was one of the first
parliamentary rebuffs received by Irishmen asking the establishment of
national munition factories at the beginning of the war, according to
Edward J. Riordan. Mr. Riordan is secretary of the National Industrial
Development Association. This is a non-political organization of which the
Countess of Desart, the Earl of Carrick, and Colonel Sir Nugent Everard are
some of the executive members. It was not until 1916 that Ireland secured
consideration of her rights to a share in the war expenditure. In that
year, an all-Ireland committee called on Lloyd George. He said: "It is fair
that Ireland, contributing as she does not only in money but in flesh and
blood, should have her fair share of expenditure.... I should be prepared
to utilize whatever opportunities we can to utilize the opportunity this
gives you to develop Ireland industrially." After persistent effort,
however, all that the all-Ireland committee was able to get was five small
munition factories. _The insignificance of these plants may be realized
from the fact that at the time the armistice was declared there were only
2,250 workers in them._
As to trade increase:--when I was in Ireland in 1919, the last export
statistics given out by the government were for 1916. In 1914 exports were
valued at $386,000,000; in 1916, at $535,000,000. But, according to the
Board of Trade, prices had doubled in that time, so that _if exports had
remained stationary, their value should have doubled to_ $772,000,000.]
[Footnote 2. That England controls this industrial situation was made clear
during the war. Then ship tonnage was scarce, and England's regular
resources of agricultural supply were cut off. So England called on Ireland
to revert to agriculture. Ireland's tillage acreage jumped from 2,300,000
in 1914 to 3,280,000 in 1918. This change in policy brought prosperity to
some of the farmers, and Ireland's bank deposits rose from $310,000,000 in
1913 to $455,000,000 in 1917. But England is reestablishing her former
agricultural trade connections. According to F.A. Smiddy, professor of
economics at University college, Cork, a return to grazing has already
commenced in Ireland, and _"prosperity" will last at most only two
post-war years._]
[Footnote 3. British taxation saps Irish capital. The 1916 imperial annual
tax took $125,000,000 put of Ireland and put back $65,000,000 into Irish
administration. Irishmen argue that the excess might better go to the
development of Ireland. Figures supplied Department of Agriculture, 1919.]