_Schoenbrunn_, situated a mile from Vienna, across the little river of

that name. Constant thus describes it: "Built in 1754 by the

Empress Marie Therese, Schoenbrunn had an admirable position; its

architecture, if defective and irregular, was yet of a majestic,

imposing type. To reach it one has to cross the bridge across the

little river Vienna. Four stone sphinxes ornament this bridge, which

is very large and well built. Facing the bridge there is a handsome

gate opening on to a large courtyard, spacious enough for seven or

eight thousand men to manoeuvre in. The courtyard is in the form

of a quadrangle surrounded by covered galleries and ornamented with

two large basins, in which are marble statues. On both sides of

the gateway are two huge obelisks of pink stone surmounted by gilt

eagles.

"In German, Schoenbrunn means 'fair spring,' and the name is derived

from a fresh and sparkling spring which is situated in the park. It

wells forth from a little mound on which a tiny grotto has been built,

carved within so as to resemble stalactites. Inside the grotto is a

recumbent naiad holding a horn, from which the water falls down into a

marble basin. In summer this little nook is deliciously cool.

"The interior of the palace merits nothing but praise. The furniture

is sumptuous, and in taste both original and distinguished. The

Emperor's bedroom (the only place in the whole edifice where there was

a chimney) was upholstered in Chinese lacquer-wood of great antiquity,

yet the painting and gilding were still quite fresh. The study

adjoining was decorated in a like way. All these apartments, except

the bedroom, were heated in winter by immense stoves, which sadly

spoilt the effect of the other furniture. Between the study and the

bedroom there was a strange apparatus called a 'flying chair,' a sort

of mechanical seat, which had been constructed for the Empress Marie

Therese, and which served to transport her from one floor to another,

so that she was not obliged to go up and down the staircase like every

one else. The machine was worked in the same way as at theatres, by

cords, pulleys, and a counter-weight." The Emperor drank a glassful

from the beautiful spring, Schoen Brunn, every morning. Napoleon found

the people of Vienna less favourable to the French than in 1805; and

Count Rapp told him "the people were everywhere tired of us and of our

victories." "He did not like these sort of reflections."

_May 12th._--On May 13th is dated the _seventh_ bulletin of the

army of Germany, but none of the Bulletins 2 to 6 are in the

_Correspondence_. It states that on the 10th he is before Vienna; the

Archduke Maximilian refuses to surrender; on the 11th, at 9 P.M., the

bombardment commences, and by daybreak the city capitulated, and the

Archduke fled. In his proclamation Napoleon blamed him and the

house of Austria for the bombardment. "While fleeing from the city,

their adieux to the inhabitants have been murder and arson; like

Medea, they have with their own hands slain their children." The

Viennese had sworn to emulate their ancestors in 1683, and the heroes

of Saragossa. But Alison (than whom none can do the "big bow-wow"

style better) has a thoughtful comment on what really occurred. "All

history demonstrates that there is one stage of civilisation when the

inhabitants of a metropolis are capable of such a sacrifice in defence

of their country, and only one; and that when passed, it is never

recovered. The event has proved that the Russians, in 1812, were in

the state of progress when such a heroic act was possible, but

that the inhabitants of Vienna and Paris had passed it. Most

certainly the citizens of London would never have buried themselves

under the ruins of the Bank, the Treasury, or Leadenhall Street

before capitulating to Napoleon." 1870 and the siege of Paris modify

this judgment; but the Prussian bombardment came only at the last,

and barely reached the centre of the city.

No. 5.

_Ebersdorf._--Written five days after the murderous battle of Essling.

Montgaillard, whose temper and judgment, as Alison remarks, are not

equal to his talents, cannot resist a covert sneer (writing under the

Bourbons) at Napoleon's generalship on this occasion, although he adds

a veneer by reminding us that Caesar was defeated at Dyrrachium,

Turenne at Marienthal, Eugene at Denain, Frederick the Great at Kolin.

The crossing of the river was one which none but a victorious army,

with another[76] about to join it, could afford to risk, but which

having effected, the French had to make the best of. As Napoleon said

in his tenth bulletin, "The passage of a river like the Danube, in

front of an enemy knowing perfectly the localities, and having the

inhabitants on its side, is one of the greatest operations of war

which it is possible to conceive." The Danube hereabouts is a thousand

yards broad, and thirty feet deep. But the rising of its water

fourteen feet in three days was what no one had expected. At Ebersdorf

the first branch of the Danube was 500 yards across to an islet,

thence 340 yards across the main current to Lobau, the vast island

three miles broad and nearly three miles long, separated from the

farther bank by another 150 yards of Danube. Bertrand had made

excellent bridges, but on the 22nd the main one was carried away by a

floating mill.

_Eugene ... has completely performed the task._--At the commencement

of the campaign the Viceroy was taken unprepared. The Archduke John,

exactly his own age (twenty-seven), was burning with hatred of France.

Eugene had the impudence, with far inferior forces, to attack him at

Sacile on April 16th, but was repulsed with a loss (including

prisoners) of 6000 men. It is now necessary to retire, and the

Archduke follows him leisurely, almost within sight of Verona. By the

end of April the news of Eckmuehl has reached both armies, and by May

1st the Austrians are in full retreat. As usual, Napoleon has already

divined their altered plan of campaign, and writes from Braunau on

this very day, "I doubt not that the enemy may have retired before

you; it is necessary to pursue him with activity, whilst coming to

join me as soon as possible _via_ Carinthia. The junction with my army

will probably take place beyond Bruck. It is probable I shall be at

Vienna by the 10th to the 15th of May." It is the successful

performance of this task of joining him and of driving back the enemy

to which Napoleon alludes in the letter. The Viceroy had been reproved

for fighting at Sacile without his cavalry, for his precipitous

retreat on Verona; and only two days earlier the Emperor had told him

that if affairs went worse he was to send for the King of Naples

(Murat) to take command. "I am no longer grieved at the blunders you

have committed, but because you do not write to me, and give me no

chance of advising you, and even of regulating my own affairs here

conformably." On May 8th Eugene defeats the Austrians on the Piave,

and the Archduke John loses nearly 10,000 men and 15 cannon. Harassed

in their retreat, they regain their own territory on May 14th--the day

after the capitulation of Vienna. Henceforward Eugene with part of the

army, and Macdonald with the rest, force their way past all

difficulties, so that when the junction with the Grand Army occurs at

Bruck, Napoleon sends (May 27th) the following proclamation: "Soldiers

of the army of Italy, you have gloriously attained the goal that I

marked out for you.... Surprised by a perfidious enemy before your

columns were united, you had to retreat to the Adige. But when you

received the order to advance, you were on the memorable fields of

Arcola, and there you swore on the manes of our heroes to triumph. You

have kept your word at the battle of the Piave, at the combats of

San-Daniel, Tarvis, and Goritz; you have taken by assault the forts of

Malborghetto, of Prediel, and made the enemy's divisions, entrenched

in Prewald and Laybach, surrender. You had not then passed the Drave,

and already 25,000 prisoners, 60 cannon, and 10 flags signalised your

valour." This is the proclamation alluded to in this letter to

Josephine.

No. 6.

_May 29th._--The date is wrong; it should be May 19th or 24th,

probably the latter. It sets at rest the vexed question how the Danube

bridge was broken, and seems to confirm Marbot's version of a floating

mill on fire, purposely sent down by an Austrian officer of Jaegers,

who won the rare order of Maria Theresa thereby--for performing _more_

than his duty. Bertrand gained his Emperor's lifelong admiration by

his expedients at this time. Everything had to be utilised--anchors

for the boat bridges were made by filling fishermen's baskets with

bullets; and a naval contingent of 1200 bluejackets from Antwerp

proved invaluable.

No. 7.

_I have ordered the two princes to re-enter France._--After so

critical a battle as the battle of Essling the Emperor's first

thoughts were concerning his succession--had he been killed or

captured. He was therefore seriously annoyed that the heir-apparent

and his younger brother had both been taken out of the country without

his permission. He therefore writes the Queen of Holland on May 28th

from Ebersdorf: "My daughter, I am seriously annoyed that you have

left France without my permission, and especially that you have taken

my nephews out of it. Since you are at Baden stay there, but an hour

after receiving the present letter send my two nephews back to

Strasburg to be near the Empress--they ought never to go out of

France. It is the first time I have had reason to be annoyed with

you, but you should not dispose of my nephews without my permission,

you should realise what a bad effect it will have. Since the waters at

Baden are doing you good you can stay there a few days, but, I repeat,

lose not a moment in sending my nephews back to Strasburg. If the

Empress is going to the waters at Plombieres they may accompany her

there, but they must never pass the bridge of Strasburg.--Your

affectionate father, Napoleon." This letter passed through the hands

of Josephine at Strasburg, who was so unhappy at not having heard from

her husband that she opened it, and writes to Hortense on June 1st

when forwarding the letter: "I advise you to write to him immediately

that you have anticipated his intentions, and that your children are

with me: that you have only had them a few days in order to see them,

and to give them a change of air. The page who is announced in

Meneval's letter has not yet arrived. I hope he will bring me a letter

from the Emperor, and that at least he will not be as vexed with me

for your being at Baden. Your children have arrived in excellent

health."

_The Duke of Montebello, who died this morning._--The same day he

writes to La Marechale as follows:--

"_Ma Cousine_,--The Marshal died this morning of the wounds that he

received on the field of honour. My sorrow equals yours. I lose the

most distinguished general in my whole army, my comrade-in-arms for

sixteen years, he whom I looked upon as my best friend. His family and

children will always have a special claim on my protection. It is to

give you this assurance that I wished to write you this letter, for I

feel that nothing can alleviate the righteous sorrow that you will

experience." The following year he bestowed the highest honour on the

Marechale that she could receive.

_Thus everything ends._--The fourteenth bulletin says that the end was

caused by a pernicious fever, and in spite of Dr. Franck, one of the

best physicians in Europe. "Thus ends one of the most distinguished

soldiers France ever possessed."[77] He had received thirteen wounds.

The death of Lannes, and the whole of the Essling period, is best

told by Marbot. The loss of Lannes was a more serious one to Napoleon

than the whole 20,000 men lost in this battle. The master himself has

told us that "in war men are nothing, a man is everything." They could

be replaced: Lannes never. Like Kleber and Desaix, he stood on a

higher platform than the older Marshals--except Massena, who had

serious drawbacks, and who was the only one of Napoleon's best

generals that Wellington met in the Peninsula. Lannes had always the

ear of the Emperor, and always told him facts, not flattery. His life

had been specially crowded the last few weeks. Rebuked by Napoleon for

tardiness in supporting Massena at Ebersberg, his life was saved by

Napoleon himself when he was thrown from his horse into the flooded

Danube; and finally, on the field of Essling, he had under his orders

Bessieres, the man who had a dozen years before prevented his

engagement to Caroline Bonaparte by tittle-tattling to Napoleon.

No. 9.

_Eugene won a battle._--The remnant of the Archduke John's army,

together with Hungarian levies, in all 31,000 men, hold the

entrenched camp and banks of the Raab. Eugene defeats it, with a

loss of 6000 men, of whom 3700 were prisoners. Napoleon, in

commemoration of the anniversary of Marengo (and Friedland) calls it

the little granddaughter of Marengo.

No. 11.

The curtain of the war's final act was rung up in the twenty-fourth

bulletin. "At length there exists no longer the Danube for the French

army; General Count Bertrand has completed works which excite

astonishment and inspire admiration. For 800 yards over the most rapid

river in the world he has, in a fortnight, constructed a bridge of

sixteen arches where three carriages can pass abreast."

_Wagram_ is, according to Pelet, the masterpiece of _tactical_

battles, while the five days' campaign (Thann to Ratisbon) was one

long _strategic_ battle. Nevertheless, respecting Wagram, had the

Archduke John, with his 40,000 men, turned up, as the Archduke had

more right to expect than Wellington had to expect Blucher, Waterloo

might have been antedated six years.

_Lasalle_ was a prime favourite of Napoleon, for his sure eye and

active bearing. His capture of Stettin with two regiments of hussars

was specially noteworthy. Like Lannes he had a strong premonition of

his death. Marbot tells a story of how Napoleon gave him 200,000

francs to get married with. A week later the Emperor asked, "When is

the wedding?" "As soon as I have got some money to furnish with,

sire." "Why, I gave you 200,000 francs to furnish with last week! What

have you done with them?" "Paid my debts with half, and lost the other

half at cards." Such an admission would have ruined any other general.

The Emperor laughed, and merely giving a sharp tug at Lasalle's

moustache, ordered Duroc to give him another 200,000.

_I am sunburnt_, and, as he writes Cambaceres the same day, tired out,

having been sixty out of the previous seventy-two hours in the

saddle.

No. 12.

_Wolkersdorf._--On July 8th he writes General Clarke: "I have the

headquarters lately occupied by the craven Francis II., who contented

himself with watching the whole affair from the top of a tower, ten

miles from the scene of battle." On this day also he dictated his

twenty-fifth bulletin, of which the last portion is so skilfully

utilised in the last scene of Act V. in L'Aiglon. One concluding

sentence is all that can here be quoted: "Such is the recital of the

battle of Wagram, a decisive and ever illustrious battle, where three

to four hundred thousand men, twelve to fifteen hundred guns, fought

for great stakes on a field of battle, studied, meditated on, and

fortified by the enemy for many months."

_A surfeit of bile._--His usual source of relief after extra work or

worry. In this case both. Bernadotte had behaved so badly at Wagram,

that Napoleon sent him to Paris with the stern rebuke, "A bungler like

you is no good to me." But as usual his anger against an old comrade

is short-lived, and he gives General Clarke permission to send

Bernadotte to command at Antwerp against the English.

No. 16.

_My affairs follow my wishes._--In Austria, possibly, but not

elsewhere. Prussia was seething with conspiracy, Russia with

ill-concealed hatred, the English had just landed in Belgium, and

Wellesley had just won Talavera. Soult was apparently no longer

trustworthy, Bernadotte a conceited boaster, who had to be publicly

snubbed (see The Order of the Day, August 5th, No. 15,614). Clarke and

Cambaceres are so slow that Napoleon writes them (August 10th) "not to

let the English come and take you in bed." Fouche shows more energy

than every one else put together, calls out National Guards, and sends

them off to meet the northern invasion. The Minister of the Interior,

M. Cretet, had just died, and the Emperor had wisely put Fouche, the

most competent man available, into his place for the time being.

No. 17.

_August 21st._--The list of birthday honours (August 15th) had been a

fairly long one, Berthier becoming Prince of Wagram, Massena of

Essling, Davoust of Eckmuehl. Marshals Oudinot and Macdonald, Generals

Clarke, Reynier, Gaudin and Champagny, as also M. Maret, became Dukes.

Marmont had already, says Savary, been made delirious with the joy of

possessing a baton.

No. 18.

_Comedians._--Napoleon found relaxation more after his own heart in

conversing with the savants of Germany, including the great mechanic

Maeelzel, with whose automaton chess-player he played a game. Constant

gives a highly-coloured picture of the sequel: "The automaton was

seated before a chess-board, and the Emperor, taking a chair opposite

the figure, said laughingly, 'Now, my friend, we'll have a game.' The

automaton, bowing, made signs for the Emperor to begin. After two or

three moves the Emperor made a wrong one on purpose; the automaton

bowed and replaced the piece on the board. His Majesty cheated again,

when the automaton bowed again, but this time took the pawn. 'Quite

right,' said his Majesty, as he promptly cheated for the third time.

The automaton then shook its head, and with one sweep of its hand

knocked all the chessmen down."

_Women ... not having been presented._--One woman, however, the

mistress of Lord Paget, was quite willing to be presented at a late

hour and to murder him at the same time--at least so says Constant.

No. 19.

_All this is very suspicious._--For perfectly natural reasons Caesar's

wife was now above suspicion, but Caesar himself was not so. Madame

Walewski had been more than a month at Schoenbrunn, and on May 4th,

1810, Napoleon has a second son born, who fifty years later helped to

edit his father's _Correspondence_.

No. 20.

_Krems._--He left here to review Davoust's corps on the field of

Austerlitz. Afterwards all the generals dined with him, and the

Emperor said, "This is the second time I come upon the field of

Austerlitz; shall I come to it a third time?" "Sire," replied one,

"from what we see every day none dare wager that you will not!" It was

this suppressed hatred that probably determined the Emperor to

dismantle the fortifications of Vienna, an act that intensified the

hatred of the Viennese more than his allowing the poor people to help

themselves to wood for the winter in the imperial forests had

mollified them.

_My health has never been better._--His reason for this remark is

found in his letter to Cambaceres of the same date, "They have spread

in Paris the rumour that I was ill, I know not why; I was never

better." The reason of the rumour was that Corvisart had been sent for

to Vienna, as there had been an outbreak of dysentery among the

troops. This was kept a profound secret from France, and Napoleon even

allowed Josephine to think that Corvisart had attended him (see Letter

22).

No. 23.

_October 14th._--Two days before, Stabs, the young Tugendbundist and

an admirer of Joan of Arc, had attempted to assassinate Napoleon on

parade with a carving-knife. The Emperor's letter to Fouche of the

12th October gives the most succinct account:--

"A youth of seventeen, son of a Lutheran minister of Erfurt, sought to

approach me on parade to-day. He was arrested by the officers, and as

the little man's agitation had been noticed, suspicion was aroused; he

was searched, and a dagger found upon him. I had him brought before

me, and the little wretch, who seemed to me fairly well educated, told

me that he wished to assassinate me to deliver Austria from the

presence of the French. I could distinguish in him neither religious

nor political fanaticism. He did not appear to know exactly who or

what Brutus was. The fever of excitement he was in prevented our

knowing more. He will be examined when he has cooled down and fasted.

It is possible that it will come to nothing. He will be arraigned

before a military commission.

"I wished to inform you of this circumstance in order that it may not

be made out more important than it appears to be. I hope it will not

leak out; if it does, we shall have to represent the fellow as a

madman. If it is not spoken of at all, keep it to yourself. The whole

affair made no disturbance at the parade; I myself saw nothing of it.

"_P.S._--I repeat once more, and you understand clearly, that there is

to be no discussion of this occurrence."

Count Rapp saved the Emperor's life on this occasion, and he, Savary,

and Constant, all give detailed accounts. Their narratives are a

remarkable object-lesson of the carelessness of the average

contemporary spectator in recording dates. Savary gives vaguely the

end of September, Constant October 13th, and Count Rapp October 23rd.

In the present case the date of this otherwise trivial incident is

important, for careless historians assert that it influenced Napoleon

in concluding peace. In any case it would have taken twenty such

occurrences to affect Napoleon one hairbreadth, and in the present

instance his letter of October 10th to the Russian Emperor proves that

the Peace was already settled--all but the signing.

No. 24.

_Stuttgard._--General Rapp describes this journey as follows: "Peace

was ratified. We left Nymphenburg and arrived at Stuttgard. Napoleon

was received in a style of magnificence, and was lodged in the palace

together with his suite. The King was laying out a spacious garden,

and men who had been condemned to the galleys were employed to labour

in it. The Emperor asked the King who the men were who worked in

chains; he replied that they were for the most part rebels who had

been taken in his new possessions. We set out on the following day. On

the way Napoleon alluded to the unfortunate wretches whom he had seen

at Stuttgard. 'The King of Wuertemberg,' said he, 'is a very harsh man;

but he is very faithful. Of all the sovereigns in Europe he possesses

the greatest share of understanding.'

"We stopped for an hour at Rastadt, where the Princess of Baden and

Princess Stephanie had arrived for the purpose of paying their

respects to the Emperor. The Grand Duke and Duchess accompanied him as

far as Strasburg. On his arrival in that city he received despatches

which again excited his displeasure against the Faubourg St. Germain.

We proceeded to Fontainebleau; no preparations had been made for the

Emperor's reception; there was not even a guard on duty."

This was on October 26th, at 10 A.M. Meneval asserts that Napoleon's

subsequent bad temper was feigned. In any case, the meeting--that

moment so impatiently awaited--was a very bad _quart d'heure_ for

Josephine, accentuated doubtless by Fouche's report of bad conduct on

the part of the ladies of St. Germain.

FOOTNOTES

[70] This Archduke was the "international man" at this juncture. Louis

Bonaparte speaks of a society at Saragossa, of which the object

was to make the Archduke Charles king of Spain.

[71] These Adelphes or Philadelphes were the socialists or educated

anarchists of that day. They wished for the _statu quo_ before

Napoleon became supreme ruler. They had members in his army,

and it seems quite probable that Bernadotte gave them passive

support. General Oudet was their recognised head, and he died

under suspicious circumstances after Wagram. The society was,

unlike the Carbonari, anti-Catholic.

[72] Pelet, vol. i. 127.

[73] Pelet, vol. i. 282.

[74] "Gaily asking his staff to breakfast with him" (Pelet).

[75] Lejeune says "some hours afterwards."

[76] Eugene's.

[77] "What a loss for France and for me," groaned Napoleon, as he left

his dead friend.

SERIES M

No. 1.

Napoleon's Letters to Josephine, 1796-1812 For the First Time Collected and Translated, with Notes Social, Historical, and Chronological, from Contemporary Sources · 第 19 / 22 段