THE SECOND FOREIGN WAR
The events which caused the second foreign war began to come into evidence
immediately after the close of the first; and for the sake of clearness
and brevity they have been left for consideration to the same chapter,
although they happened while Taoukwang was emperor. After the departure of
Sir Henry Pottinger, who was succeeded by Sir John Davis, and the arrival
of the representatives of the other European powers, who hastened to claim
the same rights and privileges as had been accorded to England, the main
task to be accomplished was to practically assert the rights that had been
theoretically secured, and to place the relations of the two nations on
what may be called a working basis. The consulates were duly appointed,
the necessary land for the foreign settlements was acquired, and the war
indemnity being honorably discharged, Chusan was restored to the Chinese.
With regard to the last matter there was some maneuvering of a not
altogether creditable nature, and although the Chinese paid the last
installment punctually to date, Chusan and Kulangsu were not evacuated for
some months after the stipulated time. It was said that our hesitation in
the former case was largely due to the fear that France would seize it;
but this has been permanently removed by the expressed assertion of our
prior right to occupy it. A far more gratifying subject is suggested by
the harmony of the relations which were established in Chusan between the
garrison under Sir Colin Campbell and the islanders, who expressed deep
regret at the departure of the English troops. The first members of the
consular staff in China were as follows: Mr. G. T. Lay was consul at
Canton, Captain George Balfour at Shanghai (where, however, he was soon
succeeded by Sir Rutherford Alcock), Mr. Henry Gribble at Ainoy, and Mr.
Robert Thorn at Ningpo. Among the interpreters were the future Sir Thomas
Wade and Sir Harry Parkes. Various difficulties presented themselves with
regard to the foreign settlements, and the island of Kulangsu at Amoy had
to be evacuated because its name was not mentioned in the treaty. At
Canton also an attempt was made to extend the boundaries of the foreign
settlement by taking advantage of a great conflagration, but in this
attempt the Europeans were baffled by the superior quickness of the
Chinese, who constructed their new houses in a single night. These
incidents showed that the sharpness was not all on one side, and that if
the Chinese were backward in conceding what might be legitimately
demanded, the Europeans were not averse to snatching an advantage if they
saw the chance.
The turbulence of the Canton populace, over whom the officials possessed
but a nominal control, was a constant cause of disagreement and trouble.
In the spring of 1846 a riot was got up by the mob on the excuse that a
vane erected on the top of the flagstaff over the American Consulate
interfered with the Fung Shui, or spirits of earth and air; and although
it was removed to allay the excitement of the superstitious, the
disturbance continued, and several personal encounters took place, in one
of which a Chinese was killed. The Chinese mandarins, incited by the mob,
demanded the surrender of the man who fired the shot; and that they should
have made such a demand, after they had formally accepted and recognized
the jurisdiction of consular courts, furnished strong evidence that they
had not mastered the lessons of the late war or reconciled themselves to
the provisions of the Treaty of Nankin. The fortunate arrival of Keying to
"amicably regulate the commerce with foreign countries" smoothed over this
difficulty, and the excitement of the Canton mob was allayed without any
surrender. It was almost at this precise moment, too, that Taoukwang made
the memorable admission that the Christian religion might be tolerated as
one inculcating the principles of virtue. But the two pressing and
practical difficulties in the foreign question were the opening of the
gates of Canton and the right of foreigners to proceed beyond the limits
of their factories and compounds. The Chinese wished for many reasons,
perhaps even for the safety of the foreigners, to confine them to their
settlements, and it might be plausibly argued that the treaty supported
this construction. Of course such confinement was intolerable, and English
merchants and others would not be prevented from making boating or
shooting excursions in the neighborhood of the settlements. The Chinese
authorities opposed these excursions, and before long a collision occurred
with serious consequences. In March, 1847, a small party of Englishmen
proceeded in a boat to Fatshan, a manufacturing town near Canton which has
been called the Chinese Birmingham. On reaching the place symptoms of
hostility were at once manifested, and the Europeans withdrew for safety
to the yamen of the chief magistrate, who happened unfortunately to be
away. By this time the populace had got very excited, and the Englishmen
were with difficulty escorted in safety to their boat. The Chinese,
however, pelted them with stones, notwithstanding the efforts of the chief
officer, who had by this time returned and taken the foreigners under his
protection. It was due to his great heroism that they escaped with their
lives and without any serious injury.
The incident, unpleasant in itself, might have been explained away and
closed without untoward consequences if Sir John Davis had not seized, as
he thought, a good opportunity of procuring greater liberty and security
for Englishmen at Canton. He refused to see in this affair an accident,
but denounced it as an outrage, and proclaimed "that he would exact and
require from the Chinese government that British subjects should be as
free from molestation and insult in China as they would be in England."
This demand was both unreasonable and unjust. It was impossible that the
hated foreigner, or "foreign devil," as he was called, could wander about
the country in absolute security when the treaty wrung from the emperor as
the result of an arduous war confined him to five ports, and limited the
emperor's capacity to extend protection to those places. But Sir John
Davis determined to take this occasion of forcing events, so that he might
compel the Chinese to afford greater liberty to his countrymen, and thus
hasten the arrival of the day for the opening of the gates of Canton. On
the 1st of April all the available troops at Hongkong were warned for
immediate service, and on the following day the two regiments in garrison
left in three steamers and escorted by one man-of-war to attack Canton.
They landed at the Bogue forts, seized the batteries without opposition
and spiked the guns. The Chinese troops, whether surprised or acting under
orders from Keying, made no attempt at resistance. Not a shot was fired,
not a man was injured among the assailants. The forts near Canton, the
very batteries on the island opposite the city, were captured without a
blow, and on the 3d of April, 1847, Canton again lay at the mercy of an
English force. Sir John Davis then published another notice, stating that
"he felt that the moderation and justice of all his former dealings with
the government of China lend a perfect sanction to measures which he has
been reluctantly compelled to adopt after a long course of misinterpreted
forbearance," and made certain demands of the Chinese authorities which
may be epitomized as follows: The City of Canton to be opened at two
years' date from April 6, 1847; Englishman to be at liberty to roam for
exercise or amusement in the neighborhood of the city on the one condition
that they returned the same day; and some minor conditions, to which no
exception could be taken. After brief consideration, and notwithstanding
the clamor of the Cantonese to be led against the foreigners, Keying
agreed to the English demands, although he delivered a side-thrust at the
high-handed proceedings of the English officer when he said, "If a mutual
tranquillity is to subsist between the Chinese and foreigners, the common
feelings of mankind, as well as the just principles of Heaven, must be
considered and conformed with."
Keying, by the terms of his convention with Sir John Davis, had agreed
that the gates of Canton were to be opened on April 6, 1849, but the
nearer that day approached the more doubtful did it appear whether the
promise would be complied with, and whether, in the event of refusal, it
would be wise to have recourse to compulsion. The officials on both sides
were unfeignedly anxious for a pacific solution, but trade was greatly
depressed in consequence of the threatening demeanor of the Canton
populace. There was scarcely any doubt that the Chinese authorities did
not possess the power to compel obedience on the part of the Cantonese to
an order to admit Europeans into their city, and on the question being
referred to Taoukwang he made an oracular reply which was interpreted as
favoring the popular will. "That," he said, "to which the hearts of the
people incline is that on which the decree of Heaven rests. Now the people
of Kwantung are unanimous and determined that they will not have
foreigners enter the city; and how can I post up everywhere my imperial
order and force an opposite course on the people?" The English government
was disposed to show great forbearance and refrained from opposing
Taoukwang's views. But although the matter was allowed to drop, the right
acquired by the convention with Keying was not surrendered; and, as
Taoukwang had never formally ratified the promise of that minister, it was
considered that there had been no distinct breach of faith on the part of
the Chinese government. The Chinese continued to cling tenaciously to
their rights, and to contest inch by inch every concession demanded by the
Europeans, and sometimes they were within their written warrant in doing
so. Such a case happened at Foochow shortly after the accession of
Hienfung, when an attempt was made to prevent foreigners residing in that
town, and after a long correspondence it was discovered that the Chinese
were so far right, as the treaty specified as the place of foreign
residence the _kiangkan_ or mart at the mouth of the river, and not
the _ching_ or town itself. It was at this critical moment that the
Chinese were attracted in large numbers by the discovery of gold in
California and Australia to emigrate from China, and they showed
themselves well capable by their trade organization and close union of
obtaining full justice for themselves and an ample recognition of all
their rights in foreign countries. The effect of this emigration on
Chinese public opinion was much less than might have been expected, and
the settlement of the foreign question was in no way simplified or
expedited by their influence.
The position of affairs at Canton could not, by the greatest stretch of
language, be pronounced satisfactory. The populace was unequivocally
hostile; the officials had the greatest difficulty in making their
authority respected, and the English government was divided between the
desire to enforce the stipulation as to the opening of the Canton gates,
and the fear lest insistence might result in a fresh and serious rupture.
Sir George Bonham, who succeeded Sir John Davis, gave counsels of
moderation, and when he found that some practical propositions which he
made for improved intercourse were rejected he became more convinced that
the question must wait for solution for a more convenient and promising
occasion.
In 1852 Sir George Bonham returned to England on leave, and his place was
taken by Dr. John Bowring, who had officiated for a short period as consul
at Canton. His instructions were of a simple and positive character. They
were "to avoid all irritating discussions with the authorities of China."
He was also directed to avoid pushing arguments on doubtful points in a
manner that would fetter the free action of the government; but he was, at
the same time, to recollect that it was his duty to carefully watch over
and insist upon the performance by the Chinese authorities of their
engagements. The proper fulfillment of the latter duty necessarily
involved some infringement of the former recommendation; and while the
paramount consideration with the Foreign Office was to keep things quiet,
it was natural that the official on the spot should think a great deal, if
not altogether, of how best to obtain compliance to the fullest extent
with the pledges given in the treaty and the subsequent conventions. Dr.
Bowring was not an official to be deterred from expressing his opinions by
fear of headquarters. He sent home his view of the situation, expressed in
very clear and intelligible language. "The Pottinger treaties," he said,
"inflicted a deep wound upon the pride, but by no means altered the
policy, of the Chinese government.... Their purpose is now, as it ever
was, not to invite, not to facilitate, but to impede and resist the access
of foreigners. It must, then, ever be borne in mind, in considering the
state of our relations with these regions, that the two governments have
objects at heart which are diametrically opposed, except in so far that
both earnestly desire to avoid all hostile action, and to make its own
policy, as far as possible, subordinate to that desire." At this point a
Liberal administration gave place to a Conservative; but Lord Malmesbury
reiterated in stronger language the instructions of Lord Granville. "All
irritating discussions with the Chinese should be avoided, and the
existing good understanding must in no way be imperiled." One of Dr.
Bowring's first acts was to write a letter to the viceroy expressing a
desire for an interview, with the object of suggesting a settlement of
pending difficulties; but the viceroy made his excuses. The meeting did
not take place, and the whole question remained dormant for two years, by
which time not only had Sir John Bowring been knighted and confirmed in
the post of governor, but the viceroy had been superseded by the
subsequently notorious Commissioner Yeh. Up to this point all Sir John
Bowring's suggestions with regard to the settlement of the questions
pending with the Chinese had been received with the official reply that he
was to abstain from all action, and that he was not to press himself on
the Canton authorities. But, in the beginning of 1854, his instructions
were so far modified that Lord Clarendon wrote admitting the desirability
of "free and unrestricted intercourse with the Chinese officials," and of
"admission into some of the cities of China, especially Canton."
Encouraged by these admissions in favor of the views he had been advancing
for some time, Sir John Bowring wrote an official letter to Commissioner
Yeh inviting him to an early interview, but stating that the interview
must be held within the city of Canton at the viceroy's yamen. It will be
noted that what Sir John asked fell short of what Keying had promised. The
opening of the gates of Canton was to have been to all Englishmen, but the
English government would at this point have been satisfied if its
representative had been granted admission for the purpose of direct
negotiation with the Chinese authorities. To the plain question put to him
Yeh returned an evasive answer. All his time was taken up with the
military affairs of the province, and he absolutely ignored the proposal
for holding an interview within the city. The matter had gone too far to
be put on one side in this manner, and Sir John Bowring sent his secretary
to overcome, if possible, the repugnance of Commissioner Yeh to the
interview, and in any case to gain some information as to his objections.
As the secretary could only see mandarins of very inferior rank he
returned to Hongkong without acquiring any very definite information, but
he learned enough to say that Yeh denied that Keying's arrangement
possessed any validity. The Chinese case was that it had been allowed to
drop on both sides, and the utmost concession Yeh would make was to agree
to an interview at the Jinsin Packhouse outside the city walls. This
proposition was declared to be inadmissible, when Yeh ironically remarked
that he must consequently assume that "Sir John Bowring did not wish for
an interview." It was hoped to overcome Chinese finesse with counter
finesse, and Sir John Bowring hastened to Shanghai with the object of
establishing direct relations with the viceroy of the Two Kiang. After
complaining of the want of courtesy evinced by Yeh throughout his
correspondence, he expressed the wish to negotiate with any of the other
high officials of the empire. The reply of Eleang, who held this post, and
who was believed to be well disposed to Europeans, did not advance
matters. He had no authority, he said, in the matter, and could not
interfere in what was not his concern. Commissioner Yeh was the official
appointed by the emperor to conduct relations with the foreigners, and no
other official could assume his functions. Sir John Bowring therefore
returned to Hongkong without having effected anything by his visit to
Shanghai, but at this moment the advance of the rebels to the neighborhood
of Canton seemed likely to effect a diversion that might have important
consequences. In a state of apprehension as to the safety of the town, Yeh
applied to Sir John Bowring for assistance against the rebels, but this
could not be granted, and Sir John Bowring only proceeded to Canton to
superintend the preparations made for the defense of the English
settlement at that place. All the consuls issued a joint proclamation
declaring their intention to remain neutral. The prompt suppression of the
rebellion, so far as any danger to Canton went, restored the confidence of
the Chinese authorities, and they reverted to their old position on the
question of the opening of the gates of Canton.
In June, 1855, Sir John Bowring returned to the subject of official
interviews, and made an explicit demand for the reception if not of
himself, then at least of the consul at Canton. Yeh took his time before
he made any reply, and when he did send one it was to the effect that
there was no precedent for an interview with a consul, and that as Sir
John had refused to meet him outside the city there was an end of the
matter. Mr. Harry Parkes succeeded Mr. Alcock as consul at Canton, and no
inconsiderable amount of tact was required to carry on relations with
officials who refused to show themselves. But the evil day of open
collision could not be averted, and the antagonism caused by clashing
views and interests at last broke forth on a point which would have been
promptly settled, had there been direct intercourse between the English
and Chinese officials.
On October 8, 1856, Mr. Parkes reported to Sir John Bowring at Hongkong
the particulars of an affair which had occurred on a British-owned lorcha
at Canton. The lorcha "Arrow," employed in the iron trade between Canton
and the mouth of the river, commanded by an English captain, and flying
the English flag, had been boarded by a party of mandarins and their
followers while at anchor near the Dutch Folly. The lorcha--a Portuguese
name for a fast sailing boat--had been duly registered in the office at
Hongkong, and although not entitled at that precise moment to British
protection, through the careless neglect to renew the license, this fact
was only discovered subsequently, and was not put forward by the Chinese
in justification of their action. The gravity of the affair was increased
by the fact that the English flag was conspicuously displayed, and that,
notwithstanding the remonstrances of the master, it was ostentatiously
hauled down. The crew were carried off prisoners with the exception of two
men, left at their own request to take charge of the vessel. Mr. Parkes at
once sent a letter to Yeh on the subject of this "very grave insult,"
requesting that the captured crew of the "Arrow" should be returned to
that vessel without delay, and that any charges made against them should
be then examined into at the English consulate. In his reply Commissioner
Yeh justified and upheld the act of his subordinates. Of the twelve men
seized, he returned nine, but with regard to the three whom he detained,
he declared one to be a criminal, and the others important witnesses. Not
merely would he not release them, but he proceeded to justify their
apprehension, while he did not condescend to so much as notice the points
of the insult to the English flag, and of his having violated treaty
obligations. Yeh did not attempt to offer any excuse for the proceedings
taken in his name. He asserted certain things as facts which, in his
opinion, it was sufficient for him to accept that they should pass
current. But the evidence on which they were based was not sufficient to
obtain credence in the laxest court of justice; but even if it had been
conclusive it would not have justified the removal of the crew from the
"Arrow" when the British flag was flying conspicuously at her mast. What,
in brief, was the Chinese case? It was that one of the crew had been
recognized by a man passing in a boat as one of a band of pirates who had
attacked, ill-used, and plundered him several weeks before. He had
forthwith gone to the Taotai of Canton, presented a demand for redress,
and that officer had at once given the order for the arrest of the
offender, with the result described. There is no necessity to impugn the
veracity of the Chinaman's story, but it did not justify the breach of
"the ex-territorial rights of preliminary consular investigation before
trial" granted to all under the protection of the English flag. The plea
of delay did not possess any force either, for the man could have been
arrested just as well by the English consul as by the mandarins, but it
would have involved a damaging admission of European authority in the
matter of a Chinese subject, and the mandarins thought there was no
necessity to curtail their claim to jurisdiction. Commissioner Yeh did not
attempt any excuses, and he even declared that "the 'Arrow' is not a
foreign lorcha, and, therefore," he said, "there is no use to enter into
any discussion about her."
The question of the nationality of the "Arrow" was complicated by the fact
that its registry had expired ten days before its seizure. The master
explained that this omission was due to the vessel having been at sea, and
that it was to have been rectified as soon as he returned to Hongkong. As
Lord Clarendon pointed out, this fact was not merely unknown to the
Chinese, but it was also "a matter of British regulation which would not
justify seizure by the Chinese. No British lorcha would be safe if her
crew were liable to seizure on these grounds." The history of the lorcha
"Arrow" was officially proved to be as follows: "The 'Arrow' was
heretofore employed in trading on the coast, and while so employed was
taken by pirates. By them she was fitted out and employed on the Canton
River during the disturbances between the imperialists and the insurgents.
While on this service she was captured by the braves of one of the
loyalist associations organized by the mandarins for the support of the
government. By this association she was publicly sold, and was purchased
by a Chin-chew Hong, a respectable firm at Canton, which also laid out a
considerable sum in repairing her and otherwise fitting her out. She
arrived at Hongkong about the month of June, 1855, at which time a treaty
was on foot (which ended in a bargain) between Fong Aming, Messrs. T. Burd
& Co.'s comprador, and Lei-yeong-heen, one of the partners in the Chin-
chew Hong, for the purchase of the lorcha by the former. Shortly after the
arrival of the vessel at Hongkong she was claimed by one Quantai, of
Macao, who asserted that she had been his property before she was seized
by the pirates. Of course, the then owner disputed his claim; upon which
he commenced a suit in the Vice-Admiralty Court. After a short time, by
consent of the parties, the question was referred to arbitration, but the
arbitrators could not agree and an umpire was appointed, who awarded that
the ownership of the lorcha should continue undisturbed. The ownership of
the vessel was then transferred to Fong Aming, and in his name she is
registered. These are the simple facts connected with the purchase of the
lorcha by a resident of the colony at Hongkong and her registry as a
British vessel, and it is from these facts that the Imperial Commissioner
Yeh has arrived at an erroneous conclusion as to the ownership of the
boat." As the first step toward obtaining the necessary reparation, a
junk, which was supposed to be an imperial war vessel, was seized as a
hostage, and Mr. Parkes addressed another letter to Yeh reminding him that
"the matter which has compelled this menace still remains unsettled."
Had there been that convenient mode of communication between the governor
of Hongkong and the Chinese officials at Canton which was provided for by
the Nankin Treaty and the Keying Convention, the "Arrow" complication
would, in all probability, never have arisen, and it is also scarcely less
certain that it would not have produced such serious consequences as it
did but for the arrogance of Yeh. He even attempted to deny that the
"Arrow" carried the English flag, but this was so clearly proved to be a
fact by both English and Chinese witnesses that it ceased to hold a place
in the Chinese case. As it was clear that Commissioner Yeh would not give
way, and as delay would only encourage him, the admiral on the station,
Sir Michael Seymour, received instructions to attack the four forts of the
Barrier, and he captured them without loss. Thus, after an interval of
fourteen years, was the first blow struck in what may be called the third
act of Anglo-Chinese relations, but it would be a mistake to suppose that
the "Arrow" case was the sole cause of this appeal to arms. A blue book,
bearing the significant title of "Insults to Foreigners," gives a list and
narrative of the many outrages and indignities inflicted on Europeans
between 1842 and 1856. The evidence contained therein justifies the
statement that the position of Europeans in China had again become most
unsafe and intolerable. Those who persist in regarding the "Arrow" affair
as the only cause of the war may delude themselves into believing that the
Chinese were not the most blameworthy parties in the quarrel; but no one
who seeks the truth and reads all the evidence will doubt that if there
had been no "Arrow" case there would still have been a rupture between the
two countries. The Chinese officials, headed by Yeh, had fully persuaded
themselves that, as the English had put up with so much, and had
acquiesced in the continued closing of the gates of Canton, they were not
likely to make the "Arrow" affair a casus belli. Even the capture of the
Barrier forts did not bring home to their minds the gravity of the
situation.
After dismantling these forts, Sir Michael Seymour proceeded up the river,
capturing the fort in Macao Passage, and arriving before Canton on the
same day. An ultimatum was at once addressed to Yeh, stating that unless
he at once complied with all the English demands the admiral would
"proceed with the destruction of all the defenses and public buildings of
this city and of the government vessels in the river." This threat brought
no satisfactory answer, and the Canton forts were seized, their guns
spiked and the men-of-war placed with their broadsides opposite the city.
Then Yeh, far from being cowed, uttered louder defiance than ever. He
incited the population to make a stubborn resistance; he placed a reward
of thirty dollars on the head of every Englishman slain or captured, and
he publicly proclaimed that there was no alternative but war. He seems to
have been driven to these extremities by a fear for his own personal
safety and official position. He had no warrant from his imperial master
to commit China to such a dangerous course as another war with the
English, and he knew that the only way to vindicate his proceedings was to
obtain some success gratifying to national vanity. While Yeh was counting
on the support of the people, the English admiral began the bombardment of
the city, directing his fire principally against Yeh's yamen and a part of
the wall, which was breached in two days. After some resistance the breach
was carried; a gate was occupied, and Sir Michael Seymour and Mr. Parkes
proceeded to the yamen of the viceroy, but as it was thought dangerous to
occupy so large a city with so small a force the positions seized were
abandoned, although still commanded by the fire of the fleet. After a few
days' rest active operations were resumed against the French Folly fort
and a large fleet of war junks which had collected up the river. After a
warm engagement the vessels were destroyed and the fort captured.
Undaunted by these successive reverses, Yeh still breathed nothing but
defiance, and refused to make the least concession. There remained no
alternative but to prosecute hostilities with renewed vigor. On the 12th
and 13th of November, Sir Michael attacked the Bogue forts on both sides
of the river and captured them with little loss. These forts mounted 400
guns, but only contained 1,000 men.
Notwithstanding these continuous reverses, the Chinese remained defiant
and energetic. As soon as the English admiral left Canton to attack the
Bogue forts the Chinese hastened to re-occupy all their positions and to
repair the breaches. They succeeded in setting fire to and thus destroying
the whole foreign settlement, and they carried off several Europeans, all
of whom were put to death and some of them tortured. The heads of these
Europeans treacherously seized and barbarously murdered were paraded
throughout the villages of Kwangtung, in order to stimulate recruiting and
to raise national enthusiasm to a high pitch. Notwithstanding their
reverses whenever it became a question of open fighting, the Chinese, by
their obstinacy and numbers, at last succeeded in convincing Sir Michael
Seymour that his force was too small to achieve any decisive result, and
he accordingly withdrew from his positions in front of the city, and sent
home a request for a force of 5,000 troops. Meantime the Chinese were much
encouraged by the lull in hostilities, and for the time being Yeh himself
was not dissatisfied with the result. The Cantonese saw in the destruction
of the foreign settlement and the withdrawal of the English fleet some
promise of future victory, and at all events sufficient reason for the
continued confidence of the patriot Yeh. Curiously enough, there was peace
and ostensible goodwill along the coast and at the other treaty ports,
while war and national animosity were in the ascendant at Canton. The
governor-generals of the Two Kiang and Fuhkien declared over and over
again that they wished to abide by the Treaty of Nankin, and they threw
upon Yeh the responsibility of his acts. Even Hienfung refrained from
showing any unequivocal support of his truculent lieutenant, although
there is no doubt that he was impressed by the reports of many victories
over the English barbarians with which Yeh supplied him. As long as Yeh
was able to keep the quarrel a local one, and to thus shield the central
government from any sense of personal danger, he enjoyed the good wishes,
if not the active support, of his sovereign. But, unfortunately for the
success of his schemes, only the most energetic support of the Pekin
government in money and men could have enabled him to hold his own; and as
he did nothing but report victories in order to gain a hearing for his
policy, he could not grumble when he was not sent the material aid of
which he stood most in need. His unreasonable action had done much to
unite all foreign nations against China. French, American and Spanish
subjects had been the victims of Chinese ignorance and cruelty, as well as
English, and they all saw that the success of Yeh's policy would render
their position untenable.
On the receipt of Sir Michael Seymour's request for a force of 5,000 men,
it was at once perceived in London that the question of our relations with
China had again entered a most important and critical phase. It was at
once decided to send the force for which the admiral asked; and, while
1,500 men were sent from England and a regiment from the Mauritius, the
remainder was to be drawn from the Madras army. At the same time it was
considered necessary to send an embassador of high rank to acquaint the
Pekin authorities that, while such acts as those of Yeh would not be
tolerated, there was no desire to press too harshly on a country which was
only gradually shaking off its exclusive prejudices. Lord Elgin was
selected for the difficult mission, and his instructions contained the
following five categorical demands, the fourth of which was the most
important in its consequences:
Those instructions were conveyed in two dispatches of the same date, April
20, 1857. We quote the following as the more important passages: "The
demands which you are instructed to make will be (1), for reparation of
injuries to British subjects, and, if the French officers should co-
operate with you, for those to French subjects also; (2) for the complete
execution at Canton, as well as at the other ports, of the stipulations of
the several treaties; (3) compensation to British subjects and persons
entitled to British protection for losses incurred in consequence of the
late disturbances; (4) the assent of the Chinese government to the
residence at Pekin, or to the occasional visit to that capital, at the
option of the British government, of a minister duly accredited by the
queen to the emperor of China, and the recognition of the right of the
British plenipotentiary and chief superintendent of trade to communicate
directly in writing with the high officers at the Chinese capital, and to
send his communications by messengers of his own selection, such
arrangements affording the best means of insuring the due execution of the
existing treaties, and of preventing future misunderstandings; (5) a
revision of the treaties with China with a view to obtaining increased
facilities for commerce, such as access to cities on the great rivers as
well as to Chapoo and to other ports on the coast, and also permission for
Chinese vessels to resort to Hongkong for purposes of trade from all ports
of the Chinese empire without distinction." These were the demands
formulated by the English government for the consent of China, and seven
proposals were made as to how they were to be obtained should coercion
become necessary. It was also stated that "it is not the intention of her
Majesty's government to undertake any land operations in the interior of
the country."
An event of superior, and, indeed, supreme importance occurred to arrest
the movement of the expedition to Canton. When Lord Elgin reached
Singapore, on June 3, 1857, he found a letter waiting for him from Lord
Canning, then Governor-general of India, informing him of the outbreak of
the Indian Mutiny, and imploring him to send all his troops to Calcutta in
order to avert the overthrow of our authority in the valley of the Ganges,
where, "for a length of 750 miles, there were barely 1,000 European
soldiers." To such an urgent appeal there could only be one answer, and
the men who were to have chastised Commissioner Yeh followed Havelock to
Cawnpore and Lucknow. But while Lord Elgin sent his main force to
Calcutta, he himself proceeded to Hongkong, where he arrived in the first
week of July, and found that hostilities had proceeded to a still more
advanced stage than when Sir Michael Seymour wrote for re-enforcements.
The Chinese had become so confident during the winter that that officer
felt bound to resume offensive measures against them, and having been
joined by a few more men-of-war, and having also armed some merchant ships
of light draught, he attacked a main portion of the Chinese fleet
occupying a very strong position in Escape Creek. The attack was intrusted
to Commodore Elliott, who, with five gunboats and the galleys of the
larger men-of-war, carried out with complete success and little loss the
orders of his superior officer. Twenty-seven armed junks were destroyed,
and the thirteen that escaped were burned the next day. It was then
determined to follow up this success by attacking the headquarters of
Yeh's army at Fatshan, the place already referred to as being some
distance from Canton. By road it is six and by water twelve miles from
that city. The remainder of the Chinese fleet was drawn up in Fatshan
Channel, and the Chinese had made such extensive preparations for its
defense, both on land and on the river, that they were convinced of the
impregnability of its position.
The Chinese position was unusually strong, and had been selected with
considerable judgment. An island named after the hyacinth lies in
midstream two miles from the entrance to the Fatshan Channel, which joins
the main course of the Sikiang a few miles above the town of that name.
The island is flat and presents no special advantages for defense, but it
enabled the Chinese to draw up a line of junks across the two channels of
the river, and to place on it a battery of six guns, thus connecting their
two squadrons. The seventy-two junks were drawn up with their sterns
facing down stream, and their largest gun bearing on any assailant
proceeding up it. On the left bank of the river an elevated and
precipitous hill had been occupied in force and crowned with a battery of
nineteen guns, and other batteries had been erected at different points
along the river. There seems no reason to question the accuracy of the
estimate that more than 300 pieces of artillery and 10,000 men were
holding this position, which had been admirably chosen and carefully
strengthened. The force which Sir Michael Seymour had available to attack
this formidable position slightly exceeded 2,000 men, conveyed to the
attack in six gunboats and a large flotilla of boats. The English advance
was soon known to the Chinese, who began firing from their junks and
batteries as soon as they came within range. Three hundred marines were
landed to attack the battery on the hill, which was found not to be so
strong as it appeared; for on the most precipitous side the Chinese,
believing it to be unscalable, had placed no guns, and those in position
could not be moved to bear on the assailants in that quarter. The marines
gained the top with scarcely any loss, and as they charged over the side
the Chinese retired with little loss, owing to the ill-directed fire of
the marines.
Meantime the sailors had attacked the Chinese position on the river. The
tide was at low water, and the Chinese had barred the channel with a row
of sunken junks, leaving a narrow passage known only to themselves. The
leading English boat struck on the hidden barrier, but the passage being
discovered the other vessels got through. Those boats which ran aground
were gradually floated, one after the other, by the rising tide, and at
last the flotilla, with little damage, reached the line of stakes which
the Chinese had placed to mark the range of the guns in their junks. At
once the fire from the seventy-two junks and the battery on Hyacinth
Island became so furious and well-directed that it was a matter of
astonishment how the English boats passed through it. They reached and
pierced the line of junks, of which one after another was given to the
flames. Much of the success of the attack was due to the heroic example of
Commodore Harry Keppel, who led the advance party of 500 cutlasses, and
who gave the Chinese no time to rest or rally. Having broken the line of
junks, he took up the pursuit in his seven boats, having determined that
the only proof of success could be the capture of Fatshan, and after four
miles' hard rowing he came in sight of the elaborate defenses drawn up by
the Chinese for the security of that place. At the short range of a
quarter of a mile the fire of the Chinese guns was tremendous and
destructive. Keppel's own boat was reduced to a sinking state, and had to
be abandoned. Some of his principal officers were killed, three of his
boats ran aground, and things looked black for the small English force. At
this critical moment, the Chinese, thinking that they had checked the
English attack, and hearing of the magnitude of their reverse down stream,
thought their best course would be to retire. Then the few English boats
resumed the attack, and hung on to the retreating junks like bull-dogs.
Many junks were given to the flames, and five were carried off under the
teeth of the Fatshan populace; but Keppel's force was too small to hold
that town and put it to the ransom, so the worn-out, but still
enthusiastic force, retired to join the main body under Sir Michael
Seymour, who was satisfied that he had achieved all that was necessary or
prudent with his squadron. In these encounters thirteen men were killed
and forty wounded, of whom several succumbed to their wounds, for it was
noticed that the Chinese shot inflicted cruel injuries. The destruction of
the Chinese fleet on the Canton River could not be considered heavily
purchased at the cost, and the extent of the trepidation caused by
Commodore Keppel's intrepidity could not be accurately measured.
Lord Elgin reached Hongkong very soon after this event, and, although he
brought no soldiers with him, he found English opinion at Hongkong very
pronounced in favor of an attack on Canton with a view of re-opening that
city to trade. But the necessary force was not available, and Lord Elgin
refused to commit himself to this risky course. Sir Michael Seymour said
the attack would require 5,000 troops, and General Ashburnham thought it
could be done with 4,000 men if all were effective, while the whole
Hongkong garrison numbered only 1,500, and of these one-sixth were
invalided. Lord Elgin decided to go to Calcutta, and ascertain when Lord
Canning would be able to spare him the troops necessary to bring China to
reason. He returned to Hongkong on September 20, and he found matters very
much as he had left them, and all the English force was capable of was to
blockade the river. To supplement the weakness of the garrison a coolie
corps of 750 Chinese was organized, and proved very efficient, and toward
the end of November troops, chiefly marines, began at last to arrive from
England. A fleet of useful gunboats of small draught, under Captain
Sherard Osborn, arrived for the purpose of operating against the junks in
shallow creeks and rivers. At the same time, too, came the French
embassador, Baron Gros, charged with a similar mission to Lord Elgin, and
bent on proving once for all that the pretensions of China to superiority
over other nations were absurd and untenable.
On December 12 Lord Elgin sent Yeh a note apprising him of his arrival as
plenipotentiary from Queen Victoria, and pointing out the repeated insults
and injuries inflicted on Englishmen, culminating in the outrage to their
flag and the repeated refusal to grant any reparation for their wrongs.
But Lord Elgin went on to say that even at this eleventh hour there was
time to stay the progress of hostilities by making prompt redress. The
terms were plain and simple, and the English demands were confined to two
points--the complete execution at Canton of all treaty engagements,
including the free admission of British subjects to the city, and
compensation to British subjects and persons entitled to British
protection for losses incurred in consequence of the late disturbances. To
this categorical demand Yeh made a long reply, going over the ground of
controversy, reasserting what he wished to believe were the facts, and
curtly concluding that the trade might continue on the old conditions, and
that each side should pay its own losses. Mr. Wade said that his language
might bear the construction that the English consul, Mr. Harry Parkes,
should pay all the cost himself. If Commissioner Yeh was a humorist he
chose a bad time for indulging his proclivities, and, a sufficient force
being available, orders were at once given to attack Canton. On December
15 Honan was occupied, and ten days were passed in bringing up the troops
and the necessary stores, when, all being in readiness, an ultimatum was
sent to Yeh that if he would not give way within forty-eight hours the
attack would commence. At the same time every effort was made to warn the
unoffending townspeople, so that they might remove to a place of safety.
The attacking force numbered about 5,000 English, 1,000 French, and 750 of
the Chinese coolie corps, and it was agreed that the most vulnerable point
in the Chinese position was Lin's fort, on the eastern side of the city.
When the attack began, on December 28, this fort was captured in half an
hour, and the Chinese retired to the northern hills, which they had made
their chief position in 1842. The destruction of Lin's fort by the
accidental explosion of the magazine somewhat neutralized the advantage of
its capture. On the following day the order was given to assault the city
by escalade, and three separate parties advanced on the eastern wall. The
Chinese kept up a good fire until the troops were within a short distance,
but before the ladders were placed against the wall they abandoned their
defenses and fled. The English troops reformed on the wide rampart of the
wall and pursued the Chinese to the north gate, where, being joined by
some Manchu troops, the latter turned and charged up to the bayonets of an
English regiment. But they were repulsed and driven out of the city, and
simultaneously with this success the fort on Magazine Hill, commanding
both the city and the Chinese position on the northern hills, was captured
without loss. In less than two hours the great city of Canton was in the
possession of the allies, and the Chinese resistance was far less vigorous
and worse directed than on any occasion of equal importance. Still, the
English loss was fourteen killed and eighty-three wounded, while the
French casualties numbered thirty-four. The Chinese had, however, to
abandon their positions north of the city, and their elaborate
fortifications were blown up.
Although all regular resistance had been overcome, the greater part of the
city remained in possession of the Chinese and of Yeh in person. That
official, although in the lowest straits, had lost neither his fortitude
nor his ferocity. He made not the least sign of surrender, and his last
act of authority was to order the execution of 400 citizens, whom he
denounced as traitors to their country. From his yamen in the interior of
the city, when he found that the English hesitated to advance beyond the
walls, he incited the populace to fresh efforts of hostility, and, in
order to check their increasing audacity, it was resolved to send a force
into the city to effect the capture of Yeh. On January 5, 1858, three
detachments were sent into the native city, and they advanced at once upon
the official residences of Yeh and Pihkwei, the governor. The Chinese were
quite unprepared for this move, and being taken unawares they offered
scarcely any resistance. The yamen was occupied and the treasury captured,
while Pihkwei was made prisoner in his own house. The French at the same
time attacked and occupied the Tartar city--a vast stone-built suburb
which had been long allowed to fall into decay, and which, instead of
being occupied, as was believed, by 7,000 Manchu warriors, was the
residence of bats and nauseous creatures. But the great object of the
attack was unattained, for Yeh still remained at large, and no one seemed
to know where he ought to be sought, for all the official buildings had
been searched in vain. But Mr. Parkes, by indefatigable inquiry, at last
gained a clew from a poor scholar whom he found poring over an ancient
classic at the library, undisturbed in the midst of the turmoil. From him
he learned that Yeh would probably be found in a yamen situated in the
southwest quarter of the city. Mr. Parkes hastened thither with Captain
(afterward Admiral) Cooper Key and a party of sailors. They arrived just
in time, for all the preparations for flight had been made, and Captain
Key caught Yeh with his own hand as he was escaping over the wall. One of
his assistants came forward with praiseworthy devotion and declared
himself to be Yeh, in the hope of saving his superior; but the deception
was at once detected by Mr. Parkes, who assured Yeh that no harm would be
done him. The capture of Yeh completed the effect of the occupation of
Canton, and the disappearance of the most fanatical opponent of the
foreigners insured the tranquillity of the Canton region, which had been
the main seat of disorder, during the remainder of the war. The government
of Canton was then intrusted to Pihkwei and a commission of one Frenchman
and two Englishmen, and the Chinese admitted it had never been better
governed. Yeh himself was sent to Calcutta, where he died two years later,
and, considering the abundant evidence of his cruel treatment of
defenseless prisoners, he had every reason to consider his punishment
lenient.
Having thus settled the difficulty at Canton, it remained for Lord Elgin
to carry out the other part of his task, and place diplomatic relations
between England and China on a satisfactory basis by obtaining the right
of direct communication with Pekin. A letter dated February 11, 1858, was
sent to the senior Secretary of State at Pekin describing what had
occurred in the south, and summarizing what would be required from the
Chinese government. The English and French plenipotentiaries also notified
that they would proceed to Shanghai for the purpose of conducting further
negotiations. This letter was duly forwarded to Pekin by the Governor of
Kiangsu, and when Lord Elgin reached Shanghai on March 30 he found the
reply of Yu-ching, the chief adviser of Hienfung, waiting for him.
Yuching's letter was extremely unsatisfactory. It was arrogant in its
terms and impracticable as to its proposals. Lord Elgin was told that "no
imperial commissioner ever conducts business at Shanghai," and that it
behooved the English minister to wait at Canton until the arrival of a new
imperial commissioner from Pekin. The only concession the Chinese made was
to dismiss Yeh from his posts, and as he was a prisoner in the hands of
the English this did not mean much. Lord Elgin's reply to this
communication was to announce his intention of proceeding to the Peiho,
and there negotiating direct with the imperial government. Lord Elgin
reached the Gulf of Pechihli about the middle of April, and he again
addressed Yuching in the hope of an amicable settlement, and requested
that the emperor would appoint some official to act as his
plenipotentiary. Three minor officials were appointed, more out of
curiosity than from a desire to promote business, but on Lord Elgin
discovering that they were of inferior rank and that their powers were
inadequate, he declined to see them. But Yuching refused to appoint any
others; stating curtly that their powers were ample for the adjustment of
affairs, and then Lord Elgin announced that he would proceed up the Peiho
to Tientsin. Some delay was caused by the non-arrival of the fleet, which
was not assembled in the Gulf of Pechihli, through different causes of
delay, until the end of May, or about three weeks after Lord Elgin
announced his intention of forcing his way up to Tientsin. There is no
doubt that Sir Michael Seymour was in no sense to blame for this delay,
but unfortunately it aroused considerable irritation in the mind of Lord
Elgin, who sent home a dispatch, without informing his colleague, stating
that the delay was "a most grievous disappointment," and attributing it to
the supineness of the admiral.
On May 19 the allied fleet proceeded to the mouth of the river, and
summoned the commandant to surrender the Taku forts on the following
morning. No reply being received, the attack commenced, and after the
bombardment had gone on at short range for an hour and a quarter the
Chinese gunners were driven from their batteries, and the troops landed,
occupying the whole line of forts and intrenched camps. An attempt to
injure our fleet by fire-ships miscarried, and considering that the
Chinese had some of their best troops present, including a portion of the
Imperial Guard, their resistance was not as great as might have been
expected. Their general committed suicide, and the Chinese lost the best
part of their artillery, which had been removed from Pekin and Tientsin
for the defense of the entrance to the Peiho. The fleet proceeded up the
river to Tientsin, and Lord Elgin took up his quarters in that city. The
Chinese government was brought to reason by this striking success, and,
with his capital menaced, the emperor hastened to delegate full powers to
two high commissioners, Kweiliang and Hwashana, both Manchus and
dignitaries of the highest birth and rank. Their powers were superior to
those granted to Keying at the time of the old war, and they were
commanded with affectionate earnestness to show the foreigners that they
were competent and willing to grant anything not injurious to China.
Nothing could be more satisfactory than the proposals of the new Chinese
representatives, and they were anxious to settle everything with the least
possible delay. At this point there reappeared upon the scene a man whose
previous experience and high position entitled him to some consideration.
Less than a week after his first interview with the imperial
representatives, Lord Elgin received a letter from Keying, who, it was
soon found, had come on a self-appointed mission to induce the English by
artifice and plausible representation to withdraw their fleet from the
river. His zeal was increased by the knowledge that the penalty of failure
would be death, and as his reputation had been very great among Europeans
there is no saying but that he might have succeeded had there not been
discovered in Yeh's yamen at Canton some of his papers, which showed that
he had played a double part throughout, and that at heart he was bitterly
anti-foreign. When he found that the English possessed this information he
hastened back to Pekin, where he was at once summoned before the Board of
Punishment for immediate judgment, and, being found guilty, it was ordered
that as he had acted "with stupidity and precipitancy" he should be
strangled forthwith. As an act of extreme grace the emperor allowed him to
put an end to his existence in consideration of his being a member of the
imperial family.
After the departure of Keying, negotiations proceeded very satisfactorily
with Kweiliang and Hwashana, and all the points were practically agreed
upon, excepting the right to have a resident minister at Pekin. This claim
was opposed on several grounds. It was not merely something that had never
been heard of, but it would probably be attended with peril to the envoy
as well as to the Chinese government. Then the commissioners wanted to
know if he would wear the Chinese dress, if all the powers would have only
one minister, and if he would make the kotow? Finding such arguments fail
they asked that the visit of an English embassador to Pekin should be
postponed till a more favorable occasion. They made the admission that
"there is properly no objection to the permanent residence at Pekin of a
plenipotentiary minister of her Britannic Majesty," and they even spoke of
sending a return mission to London; but they deprecated the proposal as
novel and as specially risky at this moment in consequence of the
formidable Taeping Rebellion. These representations did not fail to
produce their effect, for it was not to the interest of Europeans
generally that the emperor's authority should be subverted on the morrow
of his signing a treaty with us. In consequence of these feelings, and
with a wish to reciprocate the generally conciliatory attitude of the
Chinese officials, Kweiliang and Hwashana were informed that the right
would be waived for the present, except that it would be necessary for the
English minister to visit Pekin twelve months later, on the occasion of
exchanging the ratifications of the treaty; and so the matter was left
pending the arrival of that occasion. While the Treaty of Tientsin
provided for the conclusion of a peace that promised to be enduring, and
arranged for the future diplomatic relations of the two countries,
commissioners were duly appointed to meet at Shanghai and draw up a
tariff. But at Tientsin the great crux in the commercial relations between
us and the Chinese had been settled by the legalization of opium. It was
agreed that opium might be imported into China on payment of thirty taels,
or about fifty dollars, per chest. Experience had shown that leaving the
most largely imported article into China contraband had been both futile
and inconvenient, while the Chinese government was a direct loser by not
enjoying a legitimate source of revenue. How general the view had become
that the evils of the use of opium were exaggerated, and, even admitting
them, that there was no better way of diminishing their effect than by
legalizing the import of opium, can be judged by the ready acquiescence of
the Chinese commissioners; and here, from many other matured opinions, we
may quote the final and deliberate conviction of Sir Henry Pottinger:
"I take this opportunity to advert to one important topic on which I have
hitherto considered it right to preserve a rigid silence--I allude to the
trade in opium; and I now unhesitatingly declare in this public manner
that after the most unbiased and careful observations I have become
convinced during my stay in China that the alleged demoralizing and
debasing evils of opium have been and are vastly exaggerated. Like all
other indulgences, excesses in its use are bad and reprehensible; but I
have neither myself seen such vicious consequences as are frequently
ascribed to it, nor have I been able to obtain authentic proofs or
information of their existence. The great, and perhaps I might say sole,
objection to the trade, looking at it morally and abstractedly, that I
have discovered, is that it is at present contraband and prohibited by the
laws of China, and therefore to be regretted and disavowed; but I have
striven--and I hope with some prospect of eventual success--to bring about
its legalization; and were that point once effected, I am of opinion that
its most objectionable feature would be altogether removed. Even as it now
exists it appears to me to be unattended with a hundredth part of the
debasement and misery which may be seen in our native country from the
lamentable abuse of ardent spirits, and those who so sweepingly condemn
the opium trade on that principle need not, I think, leave the shores of
England to find a far greater and more besetting evil."
The ink on the Tientsin treaty was scarcely dry before reasons began to be
furnished against the sincerity of the emperor and his desire for peace.
Before the fleet left the Peiho workmen were already engaged repairing and
re-arming the Taku forts, and the morrow of Lord Elgin's departure from
Hongkong witnessed the revival of disturbances round Canton, where the new
imperial commissioner Hwang, instead of seeking to restore harmony, had
devoted himself to inciting the population to patriotic deeds in emulation
of Commissioner Yeh. It was found necessary to take strenuous measures
against the turbulent patriots of Kwantung, and to break up their main
force in their strong and well-chosen position at Shektsin, which was
accomplished by a vigorous attack both on land and water. The suspicion
that the Chinese were not absolutely straightforward in their latest
dealings with us was confirmed by the discovery at Shektsin of secret
imperial edicts, breathing defiance to the foreigners and inciting the
people to resistance. These and other facts warned the European
authorities on the spot that there was no certainty that the Treaty of
Tientsin would be ratified, or that a British envoy would be admitted into
the capital for even the temporary business of a diplomatic ceremony.
While people in Europe were assuming that the Chinese question might be
dismissed for twenty years, the English consuls and commanders in the
treaty ports were preparing themselves for a fresh and more vigorous
demonstration of Chinese hostility and animosity. The matter that was to
prove the sincerity and good faith of the Chinese government was the
reception at Pekin of the English officer intrusted with the duty of
exchanging the ratified copies of the treaty. If he were allowed to
proceed to Pekin there would be reason for accepting the assurances of the
emperor that a permanent arrangement should be effected later on, when it
would not injure his dignity or authority.
Mr. Frederick Bruce, who had been secretary to his brother, Lord Elgin,
and who had previously served at Hongkong, was appointed her Majesty's
representative for the purpose of exchanging the ratifications of the
treaty. He was instructed to inform the Chinese officials that, while the
British government would not renounce the right of having a permanent
resident minister at Pekin, they were prepared to waive it for a time by
allowing diplomatic intercourse to be carried on at Shanghai. But no
deviation was to be permitted from the arrangement that the ratifications
were to be exchanged at Pekin, and Lord Malmesbury warned the new envoy
that "all the arts at which the Chinese are such adepts will be put in
practice to dissuade you from repairing to the capital." Mr. Bruce
received his instructions on March 1, 1859, and the exchange of
ratifications had to be effected before June 26. Mr. Bruce reached
Hongkong in April, and he found the air full of unsatisfactory rumors; and
when he reached Shanghai the uncertainty was intensified by the presence
of Kweiliang and Hwashana, who seemed to think that everything might be
settled without a journey to Pekin. They endeavored to get up a discussion
on some unsettled details of minor importance, in the hope that the period
for the ratification of the treaty might be allowed to expire. Mr. Bruce
announced his imminent departure for the Peiho to Kweiliang, and expressed
the hope that arrangements would be made for his safe conveyance to and
appropriate accommodation at Pekin. Neither Mr. Bruce's instructions nor
his own opinion justified any delay in proceeding to the north, and the
fleet sent on in advance under the command of Admiral Hope reached the
mouth of the Peiho on June 17, three days before Mr. Bruce. The admiral on
arrival sent a notification to the Chinese officers in command of the
forts that the English envoy was coming. But the reception given to the
officers who conveyed this intimation was distinctly unfavorable and even
hostile. The two boats sent ashore found that the entrance to the river
was effectually barred by a row of iron stakes and by an inner boom, and
that a large and excited crowd forbade them to land. A vague promise was
given that an opening would be made in the obstructions to admit the
passage of the English ships; but on the boats repeating their visit on
the succeeding day they found that the small passages had been more
effectually secured, and that there could no longer be any doubt that the
Chinese did not intend to admit the English envoy. It was therefore
determined to make a demonstration with the fleet, and if necessary to
resort to force, which it was never doubted would be attended with little
risk and crowned With complete success.
On June 25 the attack on the Taku forts began with the removal of the iron
stakes forming the outer barrier by the steamer "Opossum," and this part
of the operations was performed without a shot being fired. When,
however, the eleven ships forming the English fleet reached the inner boom
all the Chinese forts and batteries began to fire with an accuracy which
showed that the guns had been trained to bear on this precise spot. The
result of this unexpectedly vigorous bombardment was soon shown in the
damaged condition of our ships. Two gunboats were sunk, all the vessels
were more or less damaged, and when, after three hours' cannonade, it was
sought to retrieve the doubtful fortune of the day by a land attack, the
result only went to accentuate the ill results of the naval engagement. In
this disastrous affair more than 300 men were killed and wounded, which,
added to the loss of three gunboats, represented a very serious disaster.
But the worst of it was that it convinced the emperor and his advisers
that they could hold their own against Europeans, and that it placed the
extreme party once more in the ascendant at Pekin. Sankolinsin, the Mongol
prince who had checked the advance of the Taepings, became master of the
situation, and declared that there was nothing to fear from an enemy who
had been repulsed by the raw levies of the province while he held the flat
country between the Peiho and Pekin with the flower of the Banner army.
Mr. Bruce returned to Shanghai, the fleet to Hongkong, and the matter
remained suspended until fresh instructions and troops could be received
from Europe.
After some hesitation and delay, a plan of joint action was agreed upon in
November, 1859, between France and England, and it was hoped that the
whole expeditionary force would have reached its destination by April,
1860. Pending its arrival Mr. Bruce was instructed to present an ultimatum
with thirty days' grace demanding an immediate apology, the payment of a
large indemnity amounting to $12,000,000 to both England and France, and
the ratification of the Treaty of Tientsin. The minister, Pang Wanching,
replied, categorically refusing all these requests; and, as neither
indemnity nor apology was offered, there remained no alternative but the
inevitable and supreme appeal to arms.
The troops which were to form the expedition were mainly drawn from India,
and Sir Hope Grant, who had not merely distinguished himself during the
Mutiny, but who had served in the first English war with China during the
operations round Canton, was appointed to the command of the army; while
Admiral Hope, strongly re-enforced in ships, retained the command of the
naval forces. A force of five batteries of artillery, six regiments of
infantry, two squadrons of cavalry, together with a body of horse and foot
from the native army of India, amounting in all to about 10,000 men, was
placed at the general's disposal in addition to the troops already in
China. The French government agreed to send another army of about two-
thirds this strength to co-operate on the Peiho, and General Montauban was
named for the command. The collection of this large expedition brought
into prominence the necessity of employing as embassador a diplomatist of
higher rank than Mr. Bruce; and accordingly, in February Lord Elgin and
Baron Gros were commissioned to again proceed to China for the purpose of
securing the ratification of their own treaty. Sir Hope Grant reached
Hongkong in March, 1860, and by his recommendation a stronger native
contingent (one Sikh regiment, four Punjab regiments, two Bombay
regiments, one Madras regiment of foot, and two irregular regiments of
Sikh cavalry, known as Fane's and Probyn's Horse; Sir John Michel and Sir
Robert Napier commanding divisions under Sir Hope Grant) was added,
raising the English force in the field to more than 13,000 men. A lease
was obtained in perpetuity, through the skillful negotiation of Mr.
Parkes, of Kowlun and Stonecutter Island, where, from their salubrious
position, it was proposed to place the troops on their arrival from India
or England. Chusan was occupied the following month without opposition by
an English brigade of 2,000 men.
The summer had commenced before the whole of the expedition assembled at
Hongkong, whence it was moved northward to Shanghai about a year after the
failure of the attack on the forts on the Peiho. A further delay was
caused by the tardiness of the French, and July had begun before the
expedition reached the Gulf of Pechihli. Then opposite opinions led to
different suggestions, and while the English advocated proceeding to
attack Pehtang, General Montauban drew up another plan of action. But the
exigencies of the alliance compelled the English, who were ready, to wait
for the French, who were not, in order that the assault might be made
simultaneously. Before that time arrived the French commander had been
brought round to the view that the proper plan of campaign was that
suggested by the English commander; viz., to attack and capture Pehtang,
whence the Taku forts might be taken in the rear. It is somewhat
remarkable to observe that no one suggested a second time endeavoring to
carry by a front attack these forts, which had in the interval since
Admiral Hope's failure been rendered more formidable.
At Pehtang the Chinese had made few preparations for defense, and nothing
of the same formidable character as at Taku. The forts on both sides of
the river were neither extensive nor well-armed. The garrison consisted
largely of Tartar cavalry, more useful for watching the movements of the
foreigners than for working artillery when exposed to the fire of the new
Armstrong guns of the English. The attacking force landed in boats and by
wading, Sir Hope Grant setting his men the example. No engagement took
place on the night of disembarkation. When morning broke, a suspicious
silence in the enemy's quarters strengthened the belief that Pehtang would
not be defended. While the garrison had resolved not to resist an attack,
they had contemplated causing their enemy as much loss as if he had been
obliged to carry the place by storm by placing shells in the magazine
which would be exploded by the moving of some gunlocks put in a spot where
they could not fail to be trodden upon. This plot, which was thoroughly in
accordance with the practices of Chinese warfare, was fortunately divulged
by a native more humane than patriotic, and Pehtang was captured and
occupied without the loss of a single man. This success at the
commencement enabled the whole of the expedition to land without further
delay or difficulty. Three days after the capture of Pehtang,
reconnoitering parties were sent out to ascertain what the Chinese were
doing, and whether they had made any preparations to oppose an advance
toward Taku or Tientsin. Four miles from Pehtang they came in sight of a
strongly intrenched camp, where several thousand men opened fire upon the
reconnoitering parties with their gingalls, and several men were wounded.
The object being only to find out what the Celestial army was doing, and
where it was, the Europeans withdrew on discovering the proximity of so
strong a force. The great difficulty was to discover a way of getting from
Pehtang on to some of the main roads leading to the Peiho; for the whole
of the surrounding country had been under water, and was more or less
impassable. In fact, the region round Pehtang consisted of nothing but
mud, while the one road, an elevated causeway, was blocked by the
fortified camp just mentioned as having been discovered by the
reconnoitering party. A subsequent reconnaissance, conducted by Colonel
(now Lord) Wolseley, revealed the presence of a cart-track which might
prove available for the march of troops. This track was turned to
advantage for the purpose of taking the Chinese position in flank, and to
Sir Robert Napier's division was assigned this, as it proved, difficult
operation. When the maneuver of out-flanking had been satisfactorily
accomplished, the attack was commenced in front. Here the Chinese stood to
their position, but only for a brief time, as the fire from eighteen guns,
including some forty-pounders, soon silenced their gingalls, and they
precipitately abandoned their intrenchments. While the engagement in front
had reached this favorable termination Sir Robert Napier had been engaged
on the right hand with a strong body of Tartar cavalry, which attacked
with considerable valor, and with what seemed a possibility of success,
until the guns opening upon them and the Sikh cavalry charging them
dispelled their momentary dream of victory. The prize of this battle was
the village of Sinho with its line of earthworks, one mile north of the
Peiho, and about seven miles in the rear of the Taku forts.
The next day was occupied in examining the Chinese position and in
discovering, what was more difficult than its capture, how it might be
approached. It was found that the village, which formed a fortified square
protected by batteries, could be best approached by the river bank, and
the only obstacle in this quarter was that represented by the fire of the
guns of two junks, supported by a battery on the opposite side of the
river. These, however, were soon silenced by the superior fire directed
upon them, and the guns were spiked by Captain Willis and a few sailors,
who crossed the river for the purpose. The flank of the advance being thus
protected, the attack on Tangku itself began with a cannonade from thirty-
six pieces of the best artillery of that age. The Chinese fire was soon
rendered innocuous, and their walls and forts were battered down. Even
then, however, the garrison gave no signs of retreat, and it was not until
the Armstrongs had been dragged within a very short distance of the walls,
and the foot-soldiers had absolutely effected an entrance, that the
garrison thought of their personal safety and turned in flight.
Some days before the battle and capture of Tangku, Lord Elgin received
several communications from Hang, the Governor-general of Pechihli,
requesting a cessation of hostilities, and announcing the approach of two
imperial commissioners appointed for the express purpose of ratifying the
Treaty of Tientsin. But Lord Elgin very wisely perceived that it would be
impossible to negotiate on fair terms unless the Taku forts were in his
possession. The capture of Tangku placed the allied forces in the rear of
the northern forts on the Peiho; and those forts once occupied, the others
on the southern side would be practically untenable and obliged to
surrender at discretion. Several days were passed in preliminary
observations and skirmishing. On the one side, the whole of the Tartar
cavalry was removed to the southern bank; on the other, a bridge of boats
was thrown across the Peiho, and the approach to the northern fort
carefully examined up to 600 yards from the wall. At this point the views
of the allied generals again clashed. General Montauban wished to attack
the southern forts. Sir Hope Grant was determined to begin by carrying the
northern. The attack on the chief northern fort commenced on the morning
of August 21 with a heavy cannonade; the Chinese, anticipating the plans
of the English, were the first to fire. The Chinese fought their guns with
extraordinary courage. A shell exploded their principal magazine, which
blew up with a terrible report; but as soon as the smoke cleared off they
recommenced their fire with fresh ardor. Although even this fort had not
been constructed with the same strength in the rear as they all presented
in the front, the resistance was most vigorous. A premature attempt to
throw a pontoon across the ditch was defeated with the loss of sixteen
men. The coolie corps here came to the front, and, rushing into the water,
held up the pontoons while the French and some English troops dashed
across. But all their efforts to scale the wall were baffled, and it
seemed as if they had only gone to self-destruction. While the battle was
thus doubtfully contested, Major Anson, who had shown the greatest
intrepidity on several occasions, succeeded in cutting the ropes that held
up a drawbridge, and an entrance was soon effected within the body of the
works. The Chinese still resisted nobly, and it was computed that out of a
garrison of 500 men but 100 escaped. The English loss was 22 killed, and
179, including 21 officers, were wounded. To these figures must be added
the French loss.
There still remained four more forts on the northern side of the river,
and it seemed as if these would offer further resistance, as the garrisons
uttered threats of defiance to a summons to surrender. But appearances
were deceptive, and for the good reason that all of these forts were only
protected in the rear by a slight wall. The French rushed impetuously to
the attack, only to find that the garrison had given up the defense, while
a large number had actually retired. Two thousand prisoners were made, and
the fall of the forts on the northern bank was followed by an immediate
summons to those on the southern to surrender; and as they were commanded
by the guns in the former they yielded with as good a grace as they could
muster. The following day formal occupation was made, and the spoil
included more than 600 cannon of various sizes and degrees of efficiency.
On that day also the fleet, which had during these operations been riding
at anchor off the mouth of the river, proceeded across the bar, removed
the different obstacles that had been intended to hinder its approach, and
Admiral Hope anchored in security off those very forts which had repulsed
him in the previous year, and which would in all probability have
continued to defy any direct attack from the sea. Let it not be said,
therefore, that Sir Hope Grant's capture of the Taku forts reflected in
any way on the courage or capacity of Admiral Hope for the failure in
1859.
By this decisive success the road to Tientsin was opened both by land and
by the river. The fleet of gunboats, which had participated as far as they
could without incurring any undue danger in the attack on the forts, were
ordered up the Peiho; and the English embassador, escorted by a strong
naval and military force, proceeded to Tientsin, where it would be
possible, without any loss of dignity, to resume negotiations with the
Pekin government. The advanced gunboats arrived at Tientsin on August 23,
and three days later the greater portion of the expedition had entered
that city. No resistance was attempted, although several batteries and
intrenched camps were passed on the way. Precautions were at once taken to
make the position of the troops as secure as possible in the midst of a
very large and presumably hostile population. The people showed, according
to the ideas of Europe, an extraordinary want of patriotic fervor, and
were soon engaged, on the most amicable terms, in conducting a brisk trade
with the invaders of their country; but there was never any doubt that on
the first sign of a reverse they would have turned upon the foreign
troops, and completed by all the means in their power their discomfiture.
Several communications passed between the opposite camps during these
days; and when Hang announced the withdrawal of all Chinese troops from
Tientsin he expressed a wish that the English embassador would not bring
many vessels of war with him. But such requests were made more with the
desire to save appearances than from any hope that they would be granted.
The reality of their fears, and of their consequent desire to negotiate,
was shown by the appointment of Kweiliang, who had arranged the Treaty of
Tientsin, as high commissioner to provide for the necessary ceremonies in
connection with its ratification. Kweiliang apparently possessed powers of
the most extensive character; and he hastened to inform Lord Elgin, who
had taken up his residence in a beautiful yamen in Tientsin, that he had
received the emperor's authority to discuss and decide everything. In
response to this notification the reply was sent that the three conditions
of peace were an apology for the attack on the English flag at Peiho, the
payment of an indemnity, including the costs of the war, and, thirdly, the
ratification and execution of the Treaty of Tientsin, including, of
course, the reception at Pekin of the representative of the Queen of
England on honorable terms adequate to the dignity of that great
sovereign. To none of these was Kweiliang himself disposed to raise any
objection. Only in connection with the details of the last named point was
there likely that any difference of opinion would arise; and that
difference of opinion speedily revealed itself when it became known that
the English insisted on the advance of their army to the town of Tungchow,
only twelve miles distant from the walls of Pekin. To the Chinese
ministers this simple precaution seemed like exacting the extreme rights
of the conqueror, before, too, the act of conquest had been consummated;
for already fresh troops were arriving from Mongolia and Manchuria, and
the valor of Sankolinsin was beginning to revive. That the Chinese
government had under the hard taskmaster, necessity, made great progress
in its views on foreign matters was not to be denied, but somehow or other
its movements always lagged behind the requirements of the hour, and the
demands of the English were again ahead of what it was disposed to yield.
If the Chinese government had promptly accepted the inevitable, and if
Kweiliang had negotiated with as much celerity as he pretended to be his
desire, peace might have been concluded and the Chinese saved some further
ignominy. But it soon became clear that all the Chinese were thinking
about was to gain time, and as the months available for active campaigning
were rapidly disappearing, it was imperative that not the least delay
should be sanctioned. On September 8, Lord Elgin and Sir Hope Grant left
Tientsin with an advance force of about 1,500 men; and, marching by the
highroad, reached the pretty village of Hosiwu, half-way between that town
and the capital. A few days later this force was increased by the
remainder of one division, while to Sir Robert Napier was left the task of
guarding with the other Tientsin and the communications with the sea. At
Hosiwu negotiations were resumed by Tsai, Prince of I, a nephew of the
emperor, who declared that he had received authority to conclude all
arrangements; but he was curtly informed that no treaty could be concluded
save at Tung-chow, and the army resumed its advance beyond Hosiwu. The
march was continued without molestation to a point beyond the village of
Matow, but when Sir Hope Grant approached a place called Chan-chia-wan he
found himself in presence of a large army. This was the first sign of any
resolve to offer military opposition to the invaders since the capture of
the Taku forts, and it came to a great extent in the manner of a surprise,
for by a special agreement with Mr. Parkes the settlement of the
difficulty was to be concluded at Chan-chia-wan in an amicable manner.
Instead, however, of the emperor's delegates, the English commander found
Sankolinsin and the latest troops drawn from Pekin and beyond the wall in
battle array, and occupying the very ground which had been assigned for
the English encampment.
The day before the English commander perceived that he was in face of a
strong force Mr. Parkes and some other officers and civilians had been
sent ahead with an escort of Sikh cavalry to arrange the final
preliminaries with the imperial commissioners at Tungchow, both as to
where the camp was to be pitched and also as to the interview between the
respective plenipotentiaries of the opposing powers. This party proceeded
to Tungchow without encountering any opposition or perceiving any
exceptional military precautions. Troops were indeed observed at several
points, and officers in command of pickets demanded the nature of their
business and where they were going, but the reply "To the Commissioners"
at once satisfied all inquiries and opened every barrier. The one incident
that happened was of happy augury for a satisfactory issue if the result
went to prove the fallaciousness of human expectations. A change had in
the meanwhile come over the minds of the imperial commissioners, whether
in accordance with the working of a deep and long-arranged policy, or from
the confidence created by the sight of the numerous warriors drawn from
the cradle of the Manchu race for the defense of the capital and dynasty,
can never be ascertained with any degree of certainty, Their tone suddenly
assumed greater boldness and arrogance. To some of the Englishmen it
appeared "almost offensive," and it was only after five hours' discussion
between Mr. Parkes and the commissioners at Tungchow that some sign was
given of a more yielding disposition. The final arrangements were hastily
concluded in the evening of September 17 for the arrival of the troops at
the proposed camping ground on the morrow, and for the interview that was
to follow as soon after as possible. While Mr. Parkes and some of his
companions were to ride forward in the morning to apprise Sir Hope Grant
of what had been agreed upon, and to point out the site for his camp, the
others were to remain in Tungchow with the greater part of the Sikh
escort.
On their return toward the advancing English army in the early morning of
the following day, Mr. Parkes and his party met with frequent signs of
military movement in the country between Tungchow and Chan-chia-wan. Large
bodies of infantry and gingall-men were seen marching from all quarters to
the town. At Chan-chia-wan itself still more emphatic tokens were visible
of a coming battle. Cavalry were drawn up in dense bodies, but under
shelter. In a nullah one regiment of a thousand sabers was stationed with
the men standing at their horses' heads ready for instant action. At
another point a number of men were busily engaged in constructing a
battery and in placing twelve guns in position. When the Englishmen gained
the plain they found the proposed site of the English camp in the actual
possession of a Chinese army, and a strong force of Tartar cavalry, alone
reckoned to number six or seven thousand men, scouring the plain. To all
inquiries as to what these warlike arrangements betokened no reply was
made by the soldiers, and when the whereabout of the responsible general
was asked there came the stereotyped answer that "he was many li away." To
the most obtuse mind these arrangements could convey but one meaning. They
indicated that the Chinese government had resolved to make another
endeavor to avert the concessions demanded from them by the English and
their allies, and to appeal once more to the God of Battles ere they
accepted the inevitable. When the whole truth flashed across the mind of
Mr. Parkes, the army of Sir Hope Grant might be, and indeed was, marching
into the trap prepared for it, with such military precautions perhaps as a
wise general never neglected, but still wholly unprepared for the
extensive and well-arranged opposition planned for its reception by a
numerous army established in a strong position of its own choosing. It
became, therefore, of the greatest importance to communicate the actual
state of affairs to him, and to place at his disposal the invaluable
information which the Englishmen returning from Tungchow had in their
possession. But Mr. Parkes had still more to do. It was his duty to bring
before the Chinese imperial commissioners at the earliest possible moment
the knowledge of this flagrant breach of the convention he had concluded
the day before, to demand its meaning, and to point out the grave
consequences that must ensue from such treacherous hostility; and in that
supreme moment, as he had done on the many other critical occasions of his
career in China--at Canton and Taku in particular--the one thought in the
mind of Mr. Parkes was how best to perform his duty. He did not forget
also that, while he was almost in a place of safety near the limits of the
Chinese pickets, and not far distant from the advancing columns of Sir
Hope Grant, there were other Englishmen in his rear possibly in imminent
peril of their lives amid the Celestials at Tungchow.
Mr. Parkes rode back, therefore, to that town, and with him went one
English dragoon, named Phipps, and one Sikh sowar carrying a flag of truce
on his spear-point. We must leave them for the moment to follow the
movements of the others. To Mr. Loch was intrusted the task of
communicating with Sir Hope Grant; while the remainder of the party were
to remain stationary, in order to show the Chinese that they did not
suspect anything, and that they were full of confidence. Mr. Loch,
accompanied by two Sikhs, rode at a hard canter away from the Chinese
lines. He passed through one body of Tartar cavalry without opposition,
and reached the advanced guard of the English force in safety. To tell his
news was but the work of a minute. It confirmed the suspicions which
General Grant had begun to feel at the movements of some bodies of cavalry
on the flank of his line of march. Mr. Loch had performed his share of the
arrangement. He had warned Sir Hope Grant. But to the chivalrous mind duty
is but half-performed if aid is withheld from those engaged in fulfilling
theirs. What he had done had proved unexpectedly easy; it remained for him
to assist those whose share was more arduous and perilous. So Mr. Loch
rode back to the Chinese lines, Captain Brabazon insisting on following
him, again accompanied by two Sikhs but not the same who had ridden with
him before.
Sir Hope Grant had given him the assurance that unless absolutely forced
to engage he would postpone the action for two hours. This small party of
four men rode without hesitation, and at a rapid pace, through the
skirmishers of the Chinese army. The rapidity of their movements
disconcerted the Chinese, who allowed them to pass without opposition and
almost without notice. They rode through the Streets of Chan-chia-wan
without meeting with any molestation, although they were crowded with the
mustering men of the imperial army. They gained Tungchow without let or
hinderance, after having passed through probably not less than 30,000 men
about to do battle with the long hated and now feared foreigners. It may
have been, as suggested, that they owed their safety to a belief that they
were the bearers of their army's surrender! Arrived at Tungchow, Mr. Loch
found the Sikh escort at the temple outside the gates unaware of any
danger--all the Englishmen being absent in the town, where they were
shopping--and a letter left by Mr. Parkes warning them on return to
prepare for instant flight, and saying that he was off in search of Prince
Tsai. In that search he was at last successful. He found the high
commissioner, he asked the meaning of the change that had taken place, and
was told in curt and defiant tones that "there could be no peace, there
must be war."
The last chance of averting hostilities was thus shown to be in vain.
Prince Tsai indorsed the action of Sankolinsin. Mr. Parkes had only the
personal satisfaction of knowing that he had done everything he could to
prove that the English did not wish to press their military superiority
over an antagonist whose knowledge of war was slight and out of date. He
had done this at the greatest personal peril. It only remained to secure
his own safety and that of his companions. By this time the whole party of
Englishmen had re-assembled in the temple; and Mr. Loch, anxious for Mr.
Parkes, had gone into the city and met him galloping away from the yamen
of the commissioner. There was no longer reason for delay. Not an
Englishman had yet been touched, but between this small band and safety
lay the road back through the ranks of Sankolinsin's warriors. From
Tungchow to the advanced post of Sir Hope Grant's army was a ten mile
ride; and most of the two hours' grace had already expired. Could it be
done? By this time most of the Chinese troops had reached Chan-chia-wan,
where they had been drawn up in battle array among the maize-fields and in
the nullahs as already described. From Tungchow to that place the country
was almost deserted; and the fugitives proceeded unmolested along the road
till they reached that town. The streets were crowded partly with armed
citizens and peasants, but chiefly with panic-stricken householders; and
by this time the horses were blown, and some of them almost exhausted.
Through this crowd the seven Englishmen and twenty Sikhs walked their
horses, and met not the least opposition. They reached the eastern side
without insult or injury, passed through the gates, and descending the
declivity found themselves in the rear of the whole Chinese army. The
dangers through which they had passed were as nothing compared with those
they had now to encounter. A shell burst in the air at this moment,
followed by the discharge of the batteries on both sides. The battle had
begun. The promised two hours had expired. The fugitives were some ten
minutes too late.
The position of this small band in the midst of an Asiatic army actually
engaged in mortal combat with their kinsmen may be better imagined than
described. They were riding down the road which passed through the center
of the Chinese position, and the banks on each side of them were lined
with matchlock-men, among whom the shells of the English guns were already
bursting. Parties of cavalry were not wanting here, but out in the plain
where the Tartar horsemen swarmed in thousands the greatest danger of all
awaited them. Their movements were slow, painfully slow, and the progress
was delayed by the necessity of waiting for those who were the worst
mounted; but they were "all in the same boat, and, like Englishmen, would
sink or swim together." In the accumulation of difficulties that stared
them in the face not the least seemed to be that they were advancing in
the teeth of their own countrymen's fire, which was growing fiercer every
minute. In this critical moment men turned to Mr. Parkes, and Captain
Barbazon expressed the belief of those present in a cool brave man in
arduous extremity when he cried out, "I vote Parkes decides what is to be
done." To follow the main road seemed to be certain destruction and death
without the power of resisting; for even assuming that some of them could
have cut their way through the Tartar cavalry, and escaped from the
English shell, they could hardly have avoided being shot down by the long
lines of matchlock-men who were ready to fire on them the instant they saw
their backs. There was only one possible avenue of escape, and that was to
gain the right flank of the army, and endeavor to make their way by a
detour round to the English lines. Assuredly this was not a very promising
mode of escape, but it seemed to have the greatest chances of success. But
when the Chinese, who had up to this regarded their movements without
interfering, saw this change in their course, they at once took measures
to stop it. A military mandarin said if they persisted in their attempt
they would be treated as enemies and fired upon; but that he was willing
to respect their flag of truce, and that if they would accompany him to
the general's presence he would obtain a safe conduct for them. The offer
was accepted, partly no doubt because it could not be refused, but still
also on its own merits. Safe conducts during the heat of battle, even with
civilized European peoples, are, however, not such easy things either to
grant or to carry out. Mr. Parkes accepted his offer, therefore, and he,
Mr. Loch, and the Sikh trooper Nalsing, bearing a flag of truce, rode off
with the mandarin in search of the general, while the five other Europeans
and the Sikh escort remained on the road awaiting their return. They
proceeded to the left, where it was understood that Sankolinsin commanded
in person. They met with some adventures even on this short journey.
Coming suddenly upon a large body of infantry, they were almost pulled
from their horses, and would have been killed but for the mandarin rushing
between them and shouting to the men "not to fire." A short distance
beyond this they halted, when the approach of Sankolinsin was announced by
loud shouts of his name from the soldiery. Mr. Parkes at once addressed
him, saying that they had come under a flag of truce, and that they wished
to regain their army. The Chinese commander replied to his remarks on the
usages of war in true Tartar fashion--with laughter and abuse. The
soldiers pressed round the unfortunate Englishmen and placed their
matchlocks against their bodies. Escape was hopeless, and death seemed
inevitable. But insult was more the object of the Mongol general than
their death. They were dragged before him and forced to press the ground
with their heads at the feet of Sankolinsin. They were subjected to
numerous other indignities, and at last, when it became evident that the
battle was going against the Chinese, they were placed in one of the
country carts and sent off to Pekin. While Mr. Parkes and Mr. Loch were
thus ill-used, their comrades waiting on the road had fared no better.
Shortly after their departure the Chinese soldiers began to hustle and
jeer at the Englishmen and their native escort. As the firing increased
and some of the Chinese were hit they grew more violent. When the news was
received of what had happened to Mr. Parkes, and of how Sankolinsin had
laughed to scorn their claim to protection, the soldiers could no longer
be restrained. The Englishmen and the natives were dragged from their
horses, cruelly bound, and hurried to the rear, whence they followed at no
great distance their companions in misfortune. While the greater portion
of these events had been in progress, Colonel Walker, Mr. Thompson, and
the men of the King's Dragoon Guards, had been steadily pacing up and down
on the embankment as arranged, in order to show the Chinese that they
suspected no treachery and had no fears. They continued doing this until a
French officer joined them; but on his getting into a dispute with some of
the Chinese about his mule, he drew his pistol and fired at them. He was
immediately killed. There was then no longer the least hope of restraining
the Chinese, so the whole of the party spurred their horses and escaped to
the English army under a heavy but ineffectual fire from matchlocks and
gingalls. Their flight was the signal for the commencement of the battle,
although at that very moment, had they only known it, the chief party of
Englishmen had gained the road east of Chan-chia-wan, and, if the battle
had only been delayed a quarter of an hour, they might all have escaped.
But the two hours of grace were up, and Sir Hope Grant saw no further use
in delay. General Montauban was still more impatient, and the men were
eager to engage. They had to win their camping-ground that night, and the
day was already far advanced. The French occupied the right wing, that is
the position opposite the spot where we have seen Sankolinsin commanding
in person, and a squadron of Fane's Horse had been lent them to supply
their want of cavalry. The battle began with the fire of their batteries,
which galled the Chinese so much that the Tartar cavalry were ordered up
to charge the guns, and right gallantly they did so. A battery was almost
in their hands, its officers had to use their revolvers, when the Sikhs
and a few French dragoons, led by Colonel Foley, the English commissioner
with the French force, gallantly charged them in turn, and compelled them
to withdraw. Neither side derived much advantage from this portion of the
contest, but the repulse of the Tartar cavalry enabled the French guns to
renew their fire with great effect on the line of Chinese infantry. While
the French were thus engaged on the right, the English troops had begun a
vigorous attack on both the center and their left. The Chinese appeared in
such dense masses, and maintained so vigorous, but fortunately so ill-
directed, a fire, that the English force made but little progress at
either point. The action might have been indefinitely prolonged and left
undecided, had not Sir Hope Grant suddenly resolved to re-enforce his left
with a portion of his center, and to assail the enemy's right vigorously.
This latter part of the battle began with a charge of some squadrons of
Probyn's Horse against the bodies of mounted Tartars moving in the plain,
whom they, with their gallant leader at their head, routed in the sight of
the two armies. This overthrow of their chosen fighting-men greatly
discouraged the rest of the Chinese soldiers, and when the infantry
advanced with the Sikhs in front they slowly began to give ground. But
even then there were none of the usual symptoms of a decisive victory. The
French were so exhausted by their efforts that they had been compelled to
halt, and General Montauban was obliged to curb his natural impetuosity,
and to admit that he could take no part in the final attack on Chan-chia-
wan. Sir Hope Grant, however, pressed on and occupied the town. He did not
call in his men until they had seized without resistance a large camp
about one mile west of the town, where they captured several guns. Thus
ended the battle of Chan-chia-wan with the defeat and retreat of the
strong army which Sankolinsin had raised in order to drive the barbarians
into the sea.
Although the battle was won, Sir Hope Grant, measuring the resistance with
the eye of an experienced soldier, came to the conclusion that his force
was not sufficiently strong to overawe so obstinate a foe; and accordingly
ordered Sir Robert Napier to join him with as many troops as he could
spare from the Tientsin garrison. Having thus provided for the arrival of
re-enforcements at an early date, he was willing to resume his onward
march for Tungchow, where it was hoped some tidings would be obtained of
the missing officers and men. Two days intervened before any decisive move
was made, but Mr. Wade was sent under a flag of truce into Tungchow to
collect information. But he failed to learn anything more about Mr. Parkes
than that he had quitted the town in safety after his final interview with
Prince Tsai. Lord Elgin now hastened up from Hosiwu to join the military
headquarters, and on September 21, the French having been joined by
another brigade, offensive operations were recommenced. The delay had
encouraged the Chinese to make another stand, and they had collected in
considerable force for the defense of the Palikao bridge, which affords
the means of crossing the Peiho west of Tungchow. Here again the battle
commenced with a cavalry charge which, despite an accident that might have
had more serious results, was completely successful. This achievement was
followed up by the attack on several fortified positions which were not
defended with any great amount of resolution, and while these matters were
in progress on the side where the English were engaged, the French had
carried the bridge with its twenty-five guns in position in very gallant
style. The capture of this bridge and the dispersion of the troops,
including the Imperial Guard, which had been intrusted with its defense,
completed the discomfiture of the Chinese. Pekin itself lay almost at the
mercy of the invader, and, unless diplomacy could succeed better than
arms, nothing would prevent the hated foreigners violating its privacy not
merely with their presence, but in the most unpalatable guise of armed
victors.
The day after the battle at the Palikao bridge came a letter from Prince
Kung the emperor's next brother, stating that Prince Tsai and his
colleagues had not managed matters satisfactorily, and that he had been
appointed with plenipotentiary powers for the discussion and decision of
the peace question. But the prince went on to request a temporary
suspension of hostilities--a demand with which no general or embassador
could have complied so long as officers were detained who had been seized
in violation of the usages of war. Lord Elgin replied in the clearest
terms that there could be no negotiations for peace until these prisoners
were restored, and that if they were not sent back in safety the
consequences would be most serious for the Chinese government. But even at
this supreme moment of doubt and danger, the subtlety of Chinese diplomacy
would have free play. Prince Kung was young in years and experience, but
his finesse would have done credit to a gray-haired statesman.
Unfortunately for him, the question had got beyond the stage for
discussion: the English embassador had stated the one condition on which
negotiations would be renewed, and until that had been complied with there
was no need to give ear to the threats, promises and entreaties even of
Prince Kung. As the prince gave no sign of yielding this point during the
week's delay in bringing up the second division from Tientsin, Lord Elgin
requested Sir Hope Grant to resume his march on Pekin, from which the
advanced guard of the allied forces was distant little more than ten
miles. The cavalry had reconnoitered almost up to the gates, and had
returned with the report that the walls were strong and in good condition.
The danger to a small army of attempting to occupy a great city of the
size and population of Pekin is almost obvious; and, moreover, the
consistent policy of the English authorities had been to cause the Chinese
people as little injury and suffering as possible. Should an attack on the
city become unavoidable, it was decided that the point attacked should be
the Tartar quarter, including the palace, which occupied the northern half
of the city. By this time it had become known that Parkes and Loch were
living, that they were confined in the Kaou Meaou Temple, near the Tehshun
Gate, and that latterly they had been fairly well treated.
In execution of the plan of attack that had been agreed upon, the allied
forces marched round Pekin to the northwest corner of the walls, having as
their object the Summer Palace of the emperor at Yuen Min Yuen, not quite
four miles distant from the city.
On the approach of the foreign army, Hienfung fled in terror from his
palace, and sought shelter at Jehol, the hunting residence of the emperors
beyond the Wall. His flight was most precipitate; and the treasures of the
Summer Palace were left at the mercy of the Western spoilers. The French
soldiers had made the most of the start they had obtained, and left
comparatively little for their English comrades, who, moreover, were
restrained by the bonds of a stricter discipline. But the amount of prize
property that remained was still considerable, and, by agreement between
the two generals, it was divided in equal shares between the armies. The
capture and occupation of the Summer Palace completed the European
triumph, and obliged Prince Kung to promptly acquiesce in Lord Elgin's
demand for the immediate surrender of the prisoners, if he wished to avoid
the far greater calamity of a foreign occupation of the Tartar quarter of
Pekin and the appropriation of its vaster collection of treasures.
On October 6 Mr. Parkes wrote from his place of confinement that the
French and English detained were to be returned on the 8th of the month,
and that the imperial commanders had been ordered at the same time to
retire for a considerable distance from Pekin. These promises were carried
out. Prince Kung was at last resolved to make all the concessions
requisite to insure the speedy conclusion of peace. The restoration of
these captives removed what was thought to be the one obstacle to Lord
Elgin's discussing the terms on which the invading force would retire and
to the respective governments resuming diplomatic relations. It was
fortunate for China that the exact fate of the other prisoners was
unknown, and that Lord Elgin felt able, in consequence of the more
friendly proceedings of Prince Kung, to overlook the earlier treatment of
those now returned to him, for the narrative of Mr. Parkes and his fellow
prisoners was one that tended to heighten the feeling of indignation at
the original breach of faith. To say that they were barbarously ill-used
is to employ a phrase conveying a very inadequate idea of the numerous
indignities and the cruel personal treatment to which they were subjected.
Under these great trials neither of these intrepid Englishmen wavered in
their refusal to furnish any information or to make any concession
compromising their country. Mr. Loch's part was in one sense the more
easy, as his ignorance of the language prevented his replying, but in
bodily suffering he had to pay a proportionately greater penalty. The
incidents of their imprisonment afford the most creditable testimony to
the superiority which the pride of race as well as "the equal mind in
arduous circumstance" gives weak humanity over physical suffering. They
are never likely to pass out of the public memory; and those who remember
the daring and the chivalry which had inspired Mr. Parkes and Mr. Loch on
the day when Prince Tsai's treachery and Sankolinsin's mastery were
revealed, will not be disposed to consider it exaggerated praise to say
that, for an adventure so honorably conceived and so nobly carried out,
where the risk was never reckoned and where the penalty was so patiently
borne, the pages of history may be searched almost in vain for an event
that, in the dramatic elements of courage and suffering, presents such a
complete and consistent record of human gallantry and devotion as the
capture and subsequent captivity of these English gentlemen and their Sikh
companion.
The further conditions as preliminary to the ratification of the Treaty of
Tientsin were gradually, if reluctantly, complied with. On October 13 the
northeast gate was handed over to the allied troops, but not before Sir
Hope Grant had threatened to open fire on the walls. At the same time
Prince Kung returned eight sowars of Fane's Horse and one Frenchman, all
the survivors, besides those already surrendered, of the small band which
had ridden from Tungchow nearly a month before. The Chinese prince stated
in explanation that "a certain number were missing after the fight, or
have died of their wounds or of sickness." But the narrative of the Sikhs
was decisive as to the fate of the five Englishmen and their own comrades.
They had been brutally bound with ropes which, although drawn as tight as
human force could draw them, were tightened still more by cold water being
poured upon the bands, and they had been maltreated in every form by a
cruel enemy, and provided only with food of the most loathsome kind. Some
of the prisoners were placed in cages. Lieutenant Anderson, a gallant
young officer for whom future renown had been predicted, became delirious
and died on the ninth day of his confinement. Mr. De Normann died a week
later. What fate befell Captain Barbazon and his French companion, the
Abbe de Luc, is uncertain, but the evidence on the subject inclines us to
accept as accurate the statement that the Chinese commander in the fight
at Palikao, enraged at his defeat, caused them to be executed on the
bridge. The soldier Phipps endured for a longer time than Mr. Bowlby the
taunts and ill-usage of their jailers, but they at last shared the same
fate, dying from the effects of their ill-treatment. The bodies of all the
Englishmen, with the exception of Captain Barbazon, were restored, and of
most of the Sikhs also. The Chinese officials were more barbarous in their
cruelty than even the worst scum among their malefactors; for the
prisoners in the jails, far from adding to the tortures of the unfortunate
Europeans, did everything in their power to mitigate their sufferings,
alleviate their pains, and supply their wants.
The details of these cruel deeds raised a feeling of great horror in men's
minds, and, although the desire to arrange the question of peace without
delay was uppermost with Lord Elgin, still it was felt that some grave
step was necessary to express the abhorrence with which England regarded
this cruel and senseless outrage, and to bring home to the Chinese people
and government the fact that Englishmen could not be murdered with
impunity. Lord Elgin refused to hold any further intercourse with the
Chinese government until this great crime had been purged by some signal
punishment. Sir Hope Grant and he had little difficulty in arriving at the
decision that the best mode of expiation was to destroy the Summer Palace.
The French commander refused to participate in the act which carried a
permanent lesson of political necessity to the heart of the Pekin
government, and which did more than any other incident of the campaign to
show Hienfung that the hour had gone by for trifling. On October 18 the
threat was carried into execution. The Summer Palace was destroyed by
fire, and the sum of $500,000 was demanded and obtained from the Chinese
as some compensation for the families of the murdered men. The palace of
Yuen Min Yuen had been the scene of some of the worst sufferings of the
English prisoners. From its apartments the high mandarins and the
immediate courtiers of the emperor had gloated over and enjoyed the
spectacle of their foreign prisoners' agony. The whole of Pekin witnessed
in return the destruction wrought to the sovereign's abode by the
indignant English, and the clouds of smoke hung for days like a vast black
pall over the city.
That act of severe but just vengeance consummated, the negotiations for
the ratification of the treaty were resumed. The Hall of Ceremonies was
selected as the place in which the ratifying act should be performed,
while, as some punishment for the hostile part he had played, the palace
of Prince Tsai was appropriated as the temporary official residence of
Lord Elgin and Baron Gros. The formal act of ratification was performed in
this building on October 24. Lord Elgin proceeded in a chair of state,
accompanied by his suite, and also by Sir Hope Grant with an escort of 100
officers and 500 troops, through the streets from the Anting Gate to the
Hall of Ceremonies. Prince Kung, attended by a large body of civil and
military mandarins, was there in readiness to produce the imperial edict
authorizing him to attach the emperor's seal to the treaty, and to accept
the responsibility for his country of conforming with its terms and
carrying out its stipulations. Some further delay was caused by the
necessity of waiting until the edict should be received from the emperor
at Jehol authorizing the publication of the treaty, not the least
important point in connection with its conclusion if the millions of China
were to understand and perform what their rulers had promised for them.
That closing act was successfully achieved, and more rapidly than had been
expected. The Pekinese beheld English troops and officers in residence in
their midst for the first time, and when the army was withdrawn and the
plenipotentiary, Lord Elgin, transferred to his brother, Mr. Frederick
Bruce, the charge of affairs in China as Resident Minister, the ice had
been broken in the relations between the officials of the two countries,
and the greatest, if not the last, barrier of Chinese exclusiveness had
been removed. The last of the allied troops turned their backs upon Pekin
on November 9, and the greater portion of the expedition departed for
India and Europe just before the cold weather set in. A few days later the
rivers were frozen and navigation had become impossible, which showed how
narrow was the margin left for the completion of the operations of war.
The object which the more far-seeing of the English residents had from the
first hour of difficulty stated to be necessary for satisfactory
relations--direct intercourse with the Pekin government--was thus obtained
after a keen and bitter struggle of thirty years. Although vanquished, the
Chinese may be said to have come out of this war with an increased
military reputation. The war closed with a treaty enforcing all the
concessions made by its predecessor. The right to station an embassador in
Pekin signified that the greatest barrier of all had been broken down; the
old school of politicians were put completely out of court, and a young
and intelligent prince, closely connected with the emperor, assumed the
personal charge of the foreign relations of the country. As one who had
seen with his own eyes the misfortunes of his countrymen, Prince Kung was
the more disposed to adhere to what he had promised to perform. Under his
direction the ratified Treaty of Tientsin became a bond of union instead
of an element of discord between the cabinets of London and Pekin; and a
termination was put, by an arrangement carried at the point of the sword,
to the constant friction and recrimination which had been the prevailing
characteristics of the intercourse for a whole generation. The Chinese had
been subjected to a long and bitter lesson. They had at last learned the
virtue of submitting to necessity; but although they have profited to some
extent both in peace and war by their experience, it requires some
assurance to declare that they have even now accepted the inevitable. That
remains the problem of the future; but in 1860 Prince Kung came to the
sensible conclusion that for that period, and until China had recovered
from her internal confusion, there was nothing to be gained and much to be
lost by protracted resistance to the peoples of the West. Whatever could
be retained by tact and finesse were to form part of the natural rights of
China; but the privileges only to be asserted in face of Armstrong guns
and rifles were to be abandoned with as good a grace as the injured
feeling of a nation can ever display.