In two other familiar fields very considerable differences between

English and American are visible; in both fields they go back to the

era before the Civil War. They are politics and that department of

social intercourse which has to do with drinking. Many characteristic

American political terms originated in revolutionary days, and have

passed over into English. Of such sort are /caucus/ and /mileage/. But

the majority of those in common use today were coined during the

extraordinarily exciting campaigns following the defeat of Adams by

Jefferson. Charles Ledyard Norton has devoted a whole book to their

etymology and meaning;[23] the number is far too large for a list of

them to be attempted here. But a few characteristic specimens may be

recalled, for example, the simple agglutinates: /omnibus-bill/,

/banner-state/, /favorite-son/, /anxious-bench/, /gag-rule/,

/office-seeker/ and /straight-ticket/; the humorous metaphors:

/pork-barrel/, /pie-counter/, /wire-puller/, /land-slide/,

/carpet-bagger/, /lame-duck/ and /on the fence/; the old words put to

new uses: /plank/, /platform/, /machine/, /precinct/, /slate/,

/primary/, /floater/, /repeater/, /bolter/, /stalwart/, /filibuster/,

/regular/ and /fences/; the new coinages: /gerrymander/, /heeler/,

/buncombe/, /roorback/, /mugwump/ and /to bulldoze/; the new

derivatives: /abolitionist/, /candidacy/, /boss-rule/, [Pg084]

/per-diem/, /to lobby/ and /boodler/; and the almost innumerable verbs

and verb-phrases: /to knife/, /to split a ticket/, /to go up Salt

River/, /to bolt/, /to eat crow/, /to boodle/, /to divvy/, /to grab/

and /to run/. An English candidate never /runs/; he /stands/. To

/run/, according to Thornton, was already used in America in 1789; it

was universal by 1820. /Platform/ came in at the same time. /Machine/

was first applied to a political organization by Aaron Burr. The use

of /mugwump/ is commonly thought to have originated in the Blaine

campaign of 1884, but it really goes back to the 30's. /Anxious-bench/

(or /anxious-seat/) at first designated only the place occupied by the

penitent at revivals, but was used in its present political sense in

Congress so early as 1842. /Banner-state/ appears in /Niles' Register/

for December 5, 1840. /Favorite-son/ appears in an ode addressed to

Washington on his visit to Portsmouth, N. H., in 1789, but it did not

acquire its present ironical sense until it was applied to Martin Van

Buren. Thornton has traced /bolter/ to 1812, /filibuster/ to 1863,

/roorback/ to 1844, and /split-ticket/ to 1842. /Regularity/ was an

issue in Tammany Hall in 1822.[24] There were /primaries/ in New York

city in 1827, and hundreds of /repeaters/ voted. In 1829 there were

/lobby-agents/ at Albany, and they soon became /lobbyists/; in 1832

/lobbying/ had already extended to Washington. All of these terms are

now as firmly imbedded in the American vocabulary as /election/ or

/congressman/.

In the department of conviviality the imaginativeness of Americans has

been shown in both the invention and the naming of new and often

highly complex beverages. So vast has been the production of

novelties, in fact, that England has borrowed many of them, and their

names with them. And not only England: one buys /cocktails/ and

/gin-fizzes/ in "American bars" that stretch from Paris to Yokohama.

/Cocktail/, /stone-fence/ and /sherry-cobbler/ were mentioned by

Irving in 1809;[25] by Thackeray's day they were already well-known in

England. Thornton traces the /sling/ to 1788, and the /stinkibus/ and

/anti-fogmatic/, [Pg085] both now extinct, to the same year. The

origin of the /rickey/, /fizz/, /sour/, /cooler/, /skin/, /shrub/ and

/smash/, and of such curious American drinks as the /horse's neck/,

/Mamie Taylor/, /Tom-and-Jerry/, /Tom-Collins/, /John-Collins/,

/bishop/, /stone-wall/, /gin-fix/, /brandy-champarelle/,

/golden-slipper/, /hari-kari/, /locomotive/, /whiskey-daisy/,

/blue-blazer/, /black-stripe/, /white-plush/ and /brandy-crusta/ is

quite unknown; the historians of alcoholism, like the philologists,

have neglected them.[26] But the essentially American character of

most of them is obvious, despite the fact that a number have gone over

into English. The English, in naming their drinks, commonly display a

far more limited imagination. Seeking a name, for example, for a

mixture of whiskey and soda-water, the best they could achieve was

/whiskey-and-soda/. The Americans, introduced to the same drink, at

once gave it the far more original name of /high-ball/. So with

/ginger-ale/ and /ginger-pop/. So with /minerals/ and /soft-drinks/.

Other characteristic Americanisms (a few of them borrowed by the

English) are /red-eye/, /corn-juice/, /eye-opener/, /forty-rod/,

/squirrel-whiskey/, /phlegm-cutter/, /moon-shine/, /hard-cider/,

/apple-jack/ and /corpse-reviver/, and the auxiliary drinking terms,

/speak-easy/, /sample-room/, /blind-pig/, /barrel-house/, /bouncer/,

/bung-starter/, /dive/, /doggery/, /schooner/, /shell/, /stick/,

/duck/, /straight/, /saloon/, /finger/, /pony/ and /chaser/. Thornton

shows that /jag/, /bust/, /bat/ and /to crook the elbow/ are also

Americanisms. So are /bartender/ and /saloon-keeper/. To them might be

added a long list of common American synonyms for /drunk/, for

example, /piffled/, /pifflicated/, /awry-eyed/, /tanked/, /snooted/,

/stewed/, /ossified/, /slopped/, /fiddled/, /edged/, /loaded/,

/het-up/, /frazzled/, /jugged/, /soused/, /jiggered/, /corned/,

/jagged/ and /bunned/. Farmer and Henley list /corned/ and /jagged/

among English synonyms, but the former is obviously an Americanism

derived from /corn-whiskey/ or /corn-juice/, and Thornton says that

the latter originated on this side of the Atlantic also. [Pg086]

§ 4

/Loan-Words/--The Indians of the new West, it would seem, had little

to add to the contributions already made to the American vocabulary

by the Algonquins of the Northeast. The American people, by the

beginning of the second quarter of the nineteenth century, knew

almost all they were destined to know of the aborigine, and they had

names for all the new objects that he had brought to their notice and

for most of his peculiar implements and ceremonies. A few translated

Indian terms, /e. g./, /squaw-man/, /big-chief/, /great-white-father/

and /happy-hunting ground/, represent the meagre fresh stock that

the western pioneers got from him. Of more importance was the

suggestive and indirect effect of his polysynthetic dialects, and

particularly of his vivid proper names, /e. g./, /Rain-in-the-Face/,

/Young-Man-Afraid-of-His-Wife/ and /Voice-Like-Thunder/. These names,

and other word-phrases like them, made an instant appeal to American

humor, and were extensively imitated in popular slang. One of the

surviving coinages of that era is /Old-Stick-in-the-Mud/, which

Farmer and Henley note as having reached England by 1823.

Contact with the French in Louisiana and along the Canadian border,

and with the Spanish in Texas and further West, brought many more new

words. From the Canadian French, as we have already seen, /prairie/,

/batteau/, /portage/ and /rapids/ had been borrowed during colonial

days; to these French contributions /bayou/, /picayune/, /levee/,

/chute/, /butte/, /crevasse/, and /lagniappe/ were now added, and

probably also /shanty/ and /canuck/. The use of /brave/ to designate

an Indian warrior, almost universal until the close of the Indian

wars, was also of French origin.

From the Spanish, once the Mississippi was crossed, and particularly

after the Mexican war, in 1846, there came a swarm of novelties, many

of which have remained firmly imbedded in the language. Among them

were numerous names of strange objects: /lariat/, /lasso/, /ranch/,

/loco/ (weed), /mustang/, /sombrero/, /canyon/, /desperado/, /poncho/,

/chapparel/, /corral/, /broncho/, /plaza/, [Pg087] /peon/, /cayuse/,

/burro/, /mesa/, /tornado/, /sierra/ and /adobe/. To them, as soon as

gold was discovered, were added /bonanza/, /eldorado/, /placer/ and

/vigilante/. /Cinch/ was borrowed from the Spanish /cincha/ in the

early Texas days, though its figurative use did not come in until much

later. /Ante/, the poker term, though the etymologists point out its

obvious origin in the Latin, probably came into American from the

Spanish. Thornton's first example of its use in its current sense is

dated 1857, but Bartlett reported it in the form of /anti/ in 1848.

/Coyote/ came from the Mexican dialect of Spanish; its first parent

was the Aztec /coyotl/. /Tamale/ had a similar origin, and so did

/frijole/ and /tomato/. None of these is good Spanish.[27] As usual,

derivatives quickly followed the new-comers, among them /peonage/,

/broncho-buster/, /ranchman/ and /ranch-house/, and the verbs /to

ranch/, /to lasso/, /to corral/, /to ante up/, and /to cinch/. /To

vamose/ (from the Spanish /vamos/, let us go), came in at the same

time. So did /sabe/. So did /gazabo/.

This was also the period of the first great immigrations, and the

American people now came into contact, on a large scale, with peoples

of divergent race, particularly Germans, Irish Catholics from the

South of Ireland (the Irish of colonial days "were descendants of

Cromwell's army, and came from the North of Ireland"),[28] and, on the

Pacific Coast, Chinese. So early as the 20's the immigration to the

United States reached 25,000 in a year; in 1824 the Legislature of New

York, in alarm, passed a restrictive act.[29] The Know-Nothing

movement of the 50's need not concern us here. Suffice it to recall

that the immigration of 1845 passed the 100,000 mark, and that that of

1854 came within sight of 500,000. These new Americans, most of them

Germans and Irish, did not all remain in the East; a great many spread

through the West and Southwest with the other pioneers. Their effect

upon the language was not large, [Pg088] perhaps, but it was still

very palpable, and not only in the vocabulary. Of words of German

origin, /saurkraut/ and /noodle/, as we have seen, had come in during

the colonial period, apparently through the so-called Pennsylvania

Dutch, /i. e./, a mixture, much debased, of the German dialects of

Switzerland, Suabia and the Palatinate. The new immigrants now

contributed /pretzel/, /pumpernickel/, /hausfrau/, /lager-beer/,

/pinocle/, /wienerwurst/, /dumb/ (for stupid), /frankfurter/,

/bock-beer/, /schnitzel/, /leberwurst/, /blutwurst/, /rathskeller/,

/schweizer/ (cheese), /delicatessen/, /hamburger/ (/i. e./, steak),

/kindergarten/ and /katzenjammer/.[30] From them, in all probability,

there also came two very familiar Americanisms, /loafer/ and /bum/.

The former, according to the Standard Dictionary, is derived from the

German /laufen/; another authority says that it originated in a German

mispronounciation of /lover/, /i. e./, as /lofer/.[31] Thornton shows

that the word was already in common use in 1835. /Bum/ was originally

/bummer/, and apparently derives from the German /bummler/.[32] Both

words have produced derivatives: /loaf/ (noun), /to loaf/,

/corner-loafer/, /common-loafer/, /to bum/, /bum/ (adj.) and

/bummery/, not to mention /on the [Pg089] bum/. /Loafer/ has migrated

in England, but /bum/ is still unknown there in the American sense. In

English, indeed, /bum/ is used to designate an unmentionable part of

the body and is thus not employed in polite discourse.

Another example of debased German is offered by the American /Kriss

Kringle/. It is from /Christkindlein/, or /Christkind'l/, and properly

designates, of course, not the patron saint of Christmas, but the

child in the manger. A German friend tells me that the form /Kriss

Kringle/, which is that given in the Standard Dictionary, and the form

/Krisking'l/, which is that most commonly used in the United States,

are both quite unknown in Germany. Here, obviously, we have an example

of a loan-word in decay. Whole phrases have gone through the same

process, for example, /nix come erous/ (from /nichts kommt heraus/)

and /'rous mit 'im/ (from /heraus mit ihm/). These phrases, like /wie

geht's/ and /ganz gut/, are familiar to practically all Americans, no

matter how complete their ignorance of correct German. Most of them

know, too, the meaning of /gesundheit/, /kümmel/, /seidel/,

/wanderlust/, /stein/, /speck/, /maennerchor/, /schützenfest/,

/sängerfest/, /turnverein/, /hoch/, /yodel/, /zwieback/, and /zwei/

(as in /zwei bier/). I have found /snitz/ (=/schnitz/) in /Town

Topics/.[33] /Prosit/ is in all American dictionaries.[34] /Bower/, as

used in cards, is an Americanism derived from the German /bauer/,

meaning the jack. The exclamation, /ouch!/ is classed as an

Americanism by Thornton, and he gives an example dated 1837. The New

English Dictionary refers it to the German /autsch/, and Thornton says

that "it may have come across with the Dunkers or the Mennonites."

/Ouch/ is not heard in English, save in the sense of a clasp or buckle

set with precious stones (=OF /nouche/), and even in that sense it is

archaic. /Shyster/ is very probably German also; Thornton has traced

it back to the 50's.[35] /Rum-dumb/ is grounded upon the [Pg090]

meaning of /dumb/ borrowed from the German; it is not listed in the

English slang dictionaries.[36] Bristed says that the American meaning

of /wagon/, which indicates almost any four-wheeled, horse-drawn

vehicle in this country but only the very heaviest in England, was

probably influenced by the German /wagen/. He also says that the

American use of /hold on/ for /stop/ was suggested by the German /halt

an/, and White says that the substitution of /standpoint/ for /point

of view/, long opposed by all purists, was first made by an American

professor who sought "an Anglicized form" of the German /standpunkt/.

The same German influence may be behind the general facility with

which American forms compound nouns. In most other languages, for

example, Latin and French, the process is rare, and even English lags

far behind American. But in German it is almost unrestricted. "It is,"

says L. P. Smith, "a great step in advance toward that ideal language

in which meaning is expressed, not by terminations, but by the simple

method of word position."

The immigrants from the South of Ireland, during the period under

review, exerted an influence upon the language that was vastly greater

than that of the Germans, both directly and indirectly, but their

contributions to the actual vocabulary were probably less. They gave

American, indeed, relatively few new words; perhaps /shillelah/,

/colleen/, /spalpeen/, /smithereens/ and /poteen/ exhaust the

unmistakably Gaelic list. /Lallapalooza/ is also probably an Irish

loan-word, though it is not Gaelic. It apparently comes from

/allay-foozee/, a Mayo provincialism, signifying a sturdy fellow.

/Allay-foozee/, in its turn, comes from the French /Allez-fusil/,

meaning "Forward the muskets!"--a memory, [Pg091] according to P. W.

Joyce,[37] of the French landing at Killala in 1798. Such phrases as

/Erin go bragh/ and such expletives as /begob/ and /begorry/ may

perhaps be added: they have got into American, though they are surely

not distinctive Americanisms. But of far more importance than these

few contributions to the vocabulary were certain speech habits that

the Irish brought with them--habits of pronunciation, of syntax and

even of grammar. These habits were, in part, the fruit of efforts to

translate the idioms of Gaelic into English, and in part borrowings

from the English of the age of James I. The latter, preserved by Irish

conservatism in speech,[38] came into contact in America with habits

surviving, with more or less change, from the same time, and so gave

those American habits an unmistakable reinforcement. The Yankees, so

to speak, had lived down such Jacobean pronunciations as /tay/ for

/tea/ and /desave/ for /deceive/, and these forms, on Irish lips,

struck them as uncouth and absurd, but they still clung, in their

common speech, to such forms as /h'ist/ for /hoist/, /bile/ for

/boil/, /chaw/ for /chew/, /jine/ for /join/,[39] /sass/ for /sauce/,

/heighth/ for /height/ and /rench/ for /rinse/ and /lep/ for /leap/,

and the employment of precisely the same forms by the thousands of

Irish immigrants who spread through the country undoubtedly gave them

a certain support, and so protected them, in a measure, from the

assault of the purists. And the same support was given to /drownded/

for /drowned/, /oncet/ for /once/, /ketch/ for /catch/, /ag'in/ for

/against/ and /onery/ for /ordinary/. [Pg092]

Certain usages of Gaelic, carried over into the English of Ireland,

fell upon fertile soil in America. One was the employment of the

definite article before nouns, as in French and German. An Irishman

does not say "I am good at Latin," but "I am good at /the/ Latin." In

the same way an American does not say "I had measles," but "I had

/the/ measles." There is, again, the use of the prefix /a/ before

various adjectives and gerunds, as in /a-going/ and /a-riding/. This

usage, of course, is native to English, as /aboard/ and /afoot/

demonstrate, but it is much more common in the Irish dialect, on

account of the influence of the parallel Gaelic form, as in

/a-n-aice/=/a-near/, and it is also much more common in American.

There is, yet again, a use of intensifying suffixes, often set down as

characteristically American, which was probably borrowed from the

Irish. Examples are /no-siree/ and /yes-indeedy/, and the later

/kiddo/ and /skiddoo/. As Joyce shows, such suffixes, in

Irish-English, tend to become whole phrases. The Irishman is almost

incapable of saying plain yes or no; he must always add some extra and

gratuitous asseveration.[40] The American is in like case. His speech

bristles with intensives: /bet your life/, /not on your life/, /well I

guess/, /and no mistake/, and so on. The Irish extravagance of speech

struck a responsive chord in the American heart. The American

borrowed, not only occasional words, but whole phrases, and some of

them have become thoroughly naturalized. Joyce, indeed, shows the

Irish origin of scores of locutions that are now often mistaken for

native Americanisms, for example, /great shakes/, /dead/ (as an

intensive), /thank you kindly/, /to split one's sides/ (/i. e./,

laughing), and /the tune the old cow died of/, not to mention many

familiar similes and proverbs. Certain Irish pronunciations, Gaelic

rather than archaic English, got into American during the nineteenth

century. Among them, one recalls /bhoy/, which entered our political

slang in the middle 40's and survived into our own time. Again, there

is the very characteristic American word /ballyhoo/, signifying

[Pg093] the harangue of a /ballyhoo-man/, or /spieler/ (that is,

barker) before a cheap show, or, by metaphor, any noisy speech. It is

from /Ballyhooly/, the name of a village in Cork, once notorious for

its brawls. Finally, there is /shebang/. Schele de Vere derives it

from the French /cabane/, but it seems rather more likely that it is

from the Irish /shebeen/.

The propagation of Irishisms in the United States was helped, during

many years, by the enormous popularity of various dramas of Irish

peasant life, particularly those of Dion Boucicault. So recently as

1910 an investigation made by the /Dramatic Mirror/ showed that some

of his pieces, notably "Kathleen Mavourneen," "The Colleen Bawn" and

"The Shaugraun," were still among the favorites of popular audiences.

Such plays, at one time, were presented by dozens of companies, and a

number of Irish actors, among them Andrew Mack, Chauncey Olcott and

Boucicault himself, made fortunes appearing in them. An influence also

to be taken into account is that of Irish songs, once in great vogue.

But such influences, like the larger matter of American borrowings

from Anglo-Irish, remain to be investigated. So far as I have been

able to discover, there is not a single article in print upon the

subject. Here, as elsewhere, our philologists have wholly neglected a

very interesting field of inquiry.

From other languages the borrowings during the period of growth were

naturally less. Down to the last decades of the nineteenth century,

the overwhelming majority of immigrants were either Germans or Irish;

the Jews, Italians and Slavs were yet to come. But the first Chinese

appeared in 1848, and soon their speech began to contribute its

inevitable loan-words. These words, of course, were first adopted by

the miners of the Pacific Coast, and a great many of them have

remained California localisms, among them such verbs as /to yen/ (to

desire strongly, as a Chinaman desires opium) and /to flop-flop/ (to

lie down), and such nouns as /fun/, a measure of weight. But a number

of others have got into the common speech of the whole country, /e. g./,

/fan-tan/, /kow-tow/, /chop-suey/, /ginseng/, /joss/, /yok-a-mi/

and /tong/. Contrary to the popular opinion, /dope/ and /hop/ are not

from the Chinese. [Pg094] Neither, in fact, is an Americanism, though

the former has one meaning that is specially American, /i. e./, that

of information or formula, as in /racing-dope/ and /to dope out/. Most

etymologists derive the word from the Dutch /doop/, a sauce. In

English, as in American, it signifies a thick liquid, and hence the

viscous cooked opium. /Hop/ is simply the common name of the

/Humuluslupulus/. The belief that hops have a soporific effect is very

ancient, and hop-pillows were brought to America by the first English

colonists.

The derivation of /poker/, which came into American from California in

the days of the gold rush, has puzzled etymologists. It is commonly

derived from /primero/, the name of a somewhat similar game, popular

in England in the sixteenth century, but the relation seems rather

fanciful. It may possibly come, indirectly, from the Danish word

/pokker/, signifying the devil. /Pokerish/, in the sense of alarming,

was a common adjective in the United States before the Civil War;

Thornton gives an example dated 1827. Schele de Vere says that

/poker/, in the sense of a hobgoblin, was still in use in 1871, but he

derives the name of the game from the French /poche/ (=/pouche/,

/pocket/). He seems to believe that the bank or pool, in the early

days, was called the /poke/. Barrère and Leland, rejecting all these

guesses, derive /poker/ from the Yiddish /pochger/, which comes in

turn from the verb /pochgen/, signifying to conceal winnings or

losses. This /pochgen/ is obviously related to the German /pocher/

(=/boaster/, /braggart/). There were a good many German Jews in

California in the early days, and they were ardent gamblers. If

Barrère and Leland are correct, then /poker/ enjoys the honor of being

the first loan-word taken into American from the Yiddish.

§ 5

The American Language A Preliminary Inquiry into the Development of English in the United States · 第 8 / 36 段