CHAPTER III

THE UNIVERSITY'S EARLY DAYS

There were several candidates among the towns of the State for the honor

of having the University. Detroit, Monroe, and Marshall were mentioned,

but an offer of forty acres of land by the Ann Arbor Land Company,

previously offered unsuccessfully as a site for the state capitol,

proved the most attractive bid, and the Legislature voted in favor of

Ann Arbor in an act signed by the Governor, March 20, 1837. The town was

then fourteen years old and boasted some 2,000 inhabitants, who

supported four churches, two newspapers, two banks, seventeen drygoods

stores, eleven lawyers, nine doctors, and eight mills and manufacturing

plants, including a good-sized plow factory. Nevertheless it was in

essentials a frontier community. There are those still living who

remember the Indians who came in to town to trade,--presumably at those

seventeen drygoods stores. Transportation was primitive, the first

railroad did not come until 1839; while great tracts of uninhabited land

lay on every side.

Of the twelve Regents by appointment who were members of the first

Board, six had been members of the Constitutional Convention, two were

physicians, and four were lawyers; seven had received collegiate

degrees, while one, Henry R. Schoolcraft, was the best authority of that

time on the American Indian. General Crary appears to have been the only

one who had previously concerned himself with educational matters, so

it is small wonder that some impracticable measures were taken.

To those of us who look back now with the advantage of "hind-sight," the

mistakes of the first Board are obvious. Two tracts of land were

considered as possible sites for the University. The choice fell upon

the wrong one, and we now have the present Campus, undistinguished by

any natural advantages, instead of the commanding location on the hills

overlooking the Huron, recommended by the committee appointed at the

first session. We do not know now why the change was made, though there

must have been some little discussion, as it was only made by a vote of

6 to 5. We can only imagine now how much more beautiful and impressive

the buildings of the future University might have been, lining the brows

of the hills overlooking the Huron Valley, rather than spreading over

the flat rough clearing of the Rumsey farm that by that time had lost

the attraction which the original forest trees must once have given it.

For many years the present Campus remained what it was originally, a bit

of farm land, where wheat was grown on the unoccupied portions and where

the families of the four professors who lived on the Campus gathered

peaches from the old farm orchard.

[Illustration: THE CAMPUS IN 1855 (From a painting by Cropsey)]

At their first meeting the Regents undertook the preliminary steps

towards the appointment of a Faculty, though a resolution asking for a

change in the University Act, giving them power to elect and prescribe

the duties of a Chancellor of the University, suggests that they were

uncertain of their powers in this matter. Four prospective

professorships were established and though the report of the committee

on the matter was not adopted as presented, the assignment of the

subjects is suggestive; they included a Professor of Mental

Philosophy, whose field was to comprise Moral Philosophy, Natural

Theology, Rhetoric, Oratory, Logic, and the History of All Religions; a

Professor of Mathematics, to have also in charge Civil Engineering and

Architecture; a Professor of Languages, to have in charge the Roman and

Greek languages; and a Professor of Law. This action came four years

before the actual appointment of Professors of Languages and Mathematics

and twenty-two years before a Professor of Law was needed. A librarian,

the Rev. Henry Colclazer, was also appointed, the first officer of the

University chosen, though he did not assume his duties or his munificent

salary of $100 a year until 1841. The question of the organization of

the branches, which became the perennial subject of discussion at all

the early meetings of the Board, also came up at this time through the

authorization of a Committee on Branches, and a request that the

Superintendent of Public Instruction furnish an "outline of a plan of

the University."

From this time on meetings of the Regents were held with fair

regularity, either in Ann Arbor or, more usually, in the capitol city,

which at that time was Detroit. Occasional difficulties in obtaining a

quorum are discernible, however, in the reports of the early meetings.

The trip on horseback or stage from Detroit to Ann Arbor during the

first two years was not always easy or convenient, while there was

little to arouse enthusiasm in the slow development of the Campus. The

question of a library and scientific apparatus interested the Board from

the first meeting and among their early purchases was a collection of

minerals made by one Baron Lederer which consisted of 2,600 specimens,

purchased in January, 1838, for $4,000. In July of the same year, Dr.

Asa Gray was made a Professor of Botany and Zoölogy, the first

professor to be appointed. He was contemplating a trip to Europe and was

entrusted by the Regents with $5,000 for the purchase of a library. This

charge he performed to the great satisfaction of the Regents, sending

back a collection of 3,700 volumes in all the branches ordinarily taught

at that time, including many books unobtainable in America. This task

ended Professor Gray's connection with Michigan. Practically all his

long and distinguished career was spent as a professor in Harvard

University. Another purchase of this period, probably the first

acquisition for the library, which seems curiously extravagant for the

officers of an "incipient" University, was Audubon's "Birds of America."

At the present time it is worth many times the $970 paid for it then,

but one wonders, in view of the extreme slenderness of the resources of

the University, just what was the idea which led to its purchase. It was

in any case an evidence of the interest of the Board in practical

scientific studies and their sympathy with what was then the progressive

movement in education.

Meanwhile the Regents were making haste slowly in erecting the

University buildings. In accordance with the "grand design" of the

University Act, a New Haven architect was commissioned to prepare what

proved to be, according to Superintendent Pierce, "a truly magnificent

design." The Governor and the Board of Regents approved this plan but

the Superintendent of Public Instruction, with a better sense of

realities, refused his assent. He maintained that a university did not

consist of fine buildings, "but in the number and ability of its

Professors, and in its other appointments, as libraries, cabinets, and

works of art." So this scheme which would have cost five hundred

thousand dollars, or twice the amount of what had at that time been

realized from the University lands, was abandoned, apparently to the

great disappointment of the citizens of Ann Arbor, who showed their

disapproval by a public indignation meeting.

The plan finally adopted had at least the merit of modesty and some

degree of serviceability. It called for the erection of six buildings,

two to serve as dormitories and class rooms and four as professors'

houses, all on the Campus. The first of the dormitories was completed in

1841, at a cost of about $16,000; while the four professors' houses,

which were ready at the same time, cost $30,850. The dormitory, which

was the first University building, is now the north wing of University

Hall. It was a gaunt, bleak structure in those days, one hundred and ten

by forty feet, whose stark outlines were softened nowhere by trees and

shrubbery. The original plan called for sixty-four bedrooms and

thirty-two studies, but the necessity of including a chapel and a

recitation room on the first and second floors, the library on the

third, and a museum on the fourth, severely limited the space for the

students' rooms. In 1843 the building was named Mason Hall, in honor of

the late Governor who had just died, but the name was long forgotten

until revived in 1914, when a tablet was placed by the D.A.R. on the

building, which has since been called by that name. Contemporary opinion

is reflected in a description of this building in the _Michigan State

Journal_ of August 10, 1841, where we read: "More classical models or a

more beautiful finish cannot be imagined. They honor the architect,

while they beautify the village." From this one cannot but suspect that

journalistic exaggeration is not entirely a latter-day fault, although

the opinion of Governor Barry seems to have been somewhat the same when

he charged the Regents with "vast expenditures" for "large and

commodious buildings, which ... will doubtless at some future period be

wanted for occupation and use."

As a matter of fact the Governor's strictures were not entirely

unjustified, as the four professors' houses proved a continual source of

annoyance and expense, while the wisdom of erecting a building to be

used largely as a dormitory when students could easily have lived in the

town, as they do nowadays, was doubtful. Governor Barry is reported to

have said in 1842 that "as the State had the buildings and had no other

use for them, it was probably best to continue the school." That was in

the period of the lowest ebb of the University's fortunes which followed

soon after its doors were opened, and, as Professor Ten Brook remarked,

it showed that the balance of the scale between suspending and going

forward may have been turned in favor of the University by the bare fact

of having these architectural preparations. The second and corresponding

building was not erected until 1849 at the cost of about $13,000. A few

months later the Medical Building was completed.

The affairs of the University were in a critical state by 1843. The sale

of the state lands had resulted in no such sum as had been expected; the

branches had been eating up what little income there was; while an

unfortunate bit of financiering on the part of the Regents in 1838,

involving a loan of $100,000 from the State for the immediate completion

of the necessary buildings and the establishment of the branches, only

added to the difficulties. The history of this loan is a complicated one

which does not need to be detailed here. The expense incurred in

establishing the branches, the purchases for the library and mineral

collections, and the erection of the buildings practically exhausted

it. When it was made the Regents supposed that the income from the state

lands would more than cover the interest, but this proved a vain hope.

Practically every bit of the University's income was needed for this

purpose. The situation was only saved in 1844 by the Legislature

permitting the Regents to apply depreciated treasury notes and other

state scrip received for the sale of University lands at a fixed

valuation in the payment of this debt, as well as accepting some

property in Detroit. This relieved the situation so that soon after that

time the Regents were able to report that the disbursements were less

than the receipts. For several years the State exacted interest for this

loan and in 1850 deducted $100,000 from the University fund held by the

State. Three years later, however, the Legislature directed that the

interest upon the whole amount of the lands sold be paid to the

University. This was done by successive Legislatures until in 1877 the

$100,000 was finally returned to the University fund through an

adjustment of the accounting system of the State. Whether the return of

this $100,000 constitutes a gift to the University by the State is still

a matter of discussion. Professor Ten Brook, in his "History of American

State Universities," written, however, in 1875, before the final

adjustment was made, maintained that the University had already paid

this debt, while Professor Hinsdale, in his later "History of the

University," more properly insisted that actually the University never

repaid the debt, and that this $100,000 was eventually made a gift and

thus became the first direct state support of the University of

Michigan.

The whole history of the early finances of the University is one of

great expectations and of small resources not always judiciously used.

The sums expended upon the branches were not spent in vain, for they

provided the scholastic foundation of the University in its first years.

Nor is the erection of University buildings to be criticized, except as

to their impractical character. This defect the experience of a few

years was to show, for one of the first acts of Dr. Tappan, when he

became President in 1852, was to end the use of the two University

buildings as dormitories; while the professors' houses, with the

exception of the one reserved as the President's residence, were

eventually used for general University purposes and at one time were

even let as boarding houses.

In September, 1841, the University first opened its doors with a Faculty

of two. The first Professor appointed to assume active duties was the

Rev. George Palmer Williams, formerly the head of the Pontiac branch,

who was elected in July, 1841, as Professor of Languages. In August, the

Rev. Joseph Whiting was elected Professor of Languages, and Professor

Williams was transferred to the Professorship of Mathematics, and,

later, of Natural Philosophy. Strictly speaking these two were not the

first professors in the University, as Asa Gray had received his

appointment as Professor of Botany in July, 1838, and Dr. Douglass

Houghton had been elected Professor of Chemistry, Zoölogy, and

Mineralogy in October, 1839. Though both of these distinguished men

rendered services to the University, one in the selection of the

library, and the other in contributions to the scientific collections,

neither ever met any classes.

[Illustration: TWO OF THE UNIVERSITY'S OLDEST BUILDINGS

THE PRESIDENT'S HOUSE

The only one of the original four professors' houses

THE OLD MEDICAL BUILDING

Torn down in 1914]

The grand total of the students who ventured to try the educational

facilities offered when the University at last got down to business was

exactly six: Judson D. Collins, Lyndon Township; Merchant H. Goodrich,

Ann Arbor; Lyman D. Norris, Ypsilanti; George E. Parmalee, Ann Arbor;

George W. Pray, Superior; and William B. Wesson, Detroit. By the time

this class was graduated in 1845, the number had increased to twelve.

The mental fare set before this little company consisted of the

traditional classical curriculum, which differed not at all from the

ordinary college course of those days in spite of the progressive spirit

of the founders. For the Freshmen, Livy, Xenophon, and algebra occupied

the first term. Horace, Thucydides, Herodotus, and Roman antiquities,

more algebra, geometry and botany, the second term; while Horace, Homer,

geometry, mensuration, and the application of algebra to geometry

completed the year. More Greek and Latin and higher mathematics were

scheduled for the second year, while science in the shape of lectures in

zoölogy and chemistry and two courses in intellectual and moral science,

represented by Abercrombie's "Intellectual Powers" and Paley's "Natural

Theology," were added to their classical and mathematical studies during

the third year. Geology and calculus were introduced the fourth year, as

well as courses in philosophy, moral science, psychology, logic,

economics, and political science. No modern languages, medieval or

modern history, or laboratory courses in science, save what practical

demonstrations could be made from the cabinet of minerals, were offered,

to say nothing of engineering, architecture, law, or medicine. The

traditions of centuries were still too strong and the institution too

weak.

Upon this modest foundation the curriculum slowly grew; new

professorships were added from time to time as they became imperatively

necessary, so that little by little opportunities developed for the

leaven of the new spirit in education to work. In 1843 the Rev. Edward

Thomson, afterwards President of Ohio Wesleyan University, was

appointed Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy. He only stayed

one year; and was succeeded by the Rev. Andrew Ten Brook, in after years

Librarian and historian of the University. In 1842, Abram Sager, M.D.,

afterwards a member of the Medical Faculty, was made Professor of

Zoölogy and Botany, while Silas H. Douglas, M.D., who was later to

organize the Chemical Laboratory, came in 1844 as an assistant to the

absent Professor of Chemistry, Dr. Houghton. The chair of Logic,

Rhetoric, and History was filled the next year by the Rev. Daniel D.

Whedon; while the chair of Greek and Latin, left vacant by the death of

Dr. Whiting about this time, was filled by the Rev. John H. Agnew. In

1846, a Professor of Modern Languages, Louis Fasquelle, LL.D., was

appointed and became one of the most distinguished members of that early

group.

These were the men who cast their lot with the very precarious fortunes

of the new University. The first two resident members of the Faculty,

who came to the University from the branches, suffered a considerable

diminution of their salary, as the scale outlined at the first Regents'

Meeting was more than halved; they received annually but five hundred

dollars and the rent of their houses. In fact it was not for many years

that the $2,000 maximum salary first established was reached. Even these

salaries were not certain in the dark days of 1842 and 1843, when the

Regents felt it their duty to make known to the Faculty the University's

financial difficulties. The University owes not a little, surely, to

these men who signified their willingness to stick by the institution

and to endure privations and hardships as long as there was hope.

Life for the students in those days was also no bed of academic ease,

though it was perhaps no harder than the home life to which they were

accustomed. One study with the two adjoining bedrooms was assigned to

two students who were expected to care for their own rooms and sweep the

dirt into the halls for Pat Kelly, the "Professor of Dust and Ashes," as

well as to cut their own wood at the woodpile behind the building and

carry it in, sometimes up three flights of stairs. Chapel exercises were

held from 5:30 to 6:30 in the morning and at 4:30 or 5:00 in the

afternoon, according to the time of year, and were compulsory. Tradition

has it that the efforts of the official monitors were supplemented by

the janitor, whose duty it was to ring a bell, borrowed from the

Michigan Central Railroad, and who aroused more than one delinquent by

shouting, "Did yez hear the bell?", a commentary either on the bell or

on Pat Kelly's voice. To a student of modern days the greatest hardship

would appear in the first recitation of the day before breakfast

following chapel exercises. Three classes were held daily except on

Saturday, when there was only one recitation and an exercise in

elocution.

On Sunday the students were obliged to attend service in some one of the

churches, and monitors, sometimes not overzealous, were on hand to see

that they attended. The expenses are given as from $80 to $100 a year,

with an entrance fee of $10 and an annual tax of $7.50 for the use of

the room and janitor's services. Students were allowed to leave the

Campus for their meals but were expected to be on hand from morning

prayers to 7:30 A.M., from 9:00 A.M. to 12:00 noon, from 2:00 to 5:00

P.M. and from 7:00 or 8:00 to 9:00 P.M., after which no student was

permitted to leave the Campus. The question of illumination was a

serious one in those days, and these periods varied somewhat with the

length of daylight. The cost of candles for early recitations and chapel

exercises was borne by the students.

The number of students increased each year up to 1847-48, when there

were 89 enrolled. After that time, the withdrawal of University support

from the branches and their gradual abandonment began to show its effect

in the enrolment, which dropped to 57 in 1851-52. Twenty-three students

were graduated with the class of 1849, while there were only nine in

1852. The struggling little towns of the State found enough difficulty

for the time in supporting primary schools. The branches, however, had

proved their necessity, and it was not long before the rise of the Union

schools began to provide a stream of students which has flowed to the

University uninterruptedly since that time.

[Illustration: FOUR MEMBERS OF THE EARLY FACULTY

George Palmer Williams (1802-1881)

Andrew Ten Brook (1814-1899)

Abram Sager (1810-1877)

Thomas McIntyre Cooley (1824-1898)]

There was another and probably more immediate reason for the falling off

in attendance. This was the great struggle between the Faculty and the

students over the establishment of Greek-letter societies, a contest

which became so bitter that not only the town but the State Legislature

was involved. A large number of students were expelled, and eventually

the whole relationship between students and Faculty was placed upon a

different basis. The trouble began in the spring of 1846, when some

student depredations were traced to a small log house situated in the

depths of what was then known as the Black Forest, the deep wood which

extended far east of the Campus. This building, which probably stood

somewhere on the present site of the Forest Hill Cemetery, was

discovered to be the headquarters of the Chi Psi fraternity, the first

chapter house built by any American college fraternity. When the faculty

investigator sought entrance to this building, he found his way

barred by resolute fratres. This led to the ultimate disclosure of the

fact that two fraternities, Chi Psi and Beta Theta Pi, had been

established in the University for at least a year, in direct violation

of a regulation known as Rule 20, apparently in force for some time,

which provided that:

No student shall be or become a member of any society connected

with the University which has not first submitted its Constitution

to the Faculty and received their approval.

The students involved, however, were willing enough to give lists of

their members, relying upon their numbers and their affiliation with

similar organizations in other colleges to avoid any unpleasant

consequences. The Faculty thought otherwise; though as events proved

their authority was not too well defined. Meanwhile another society,

Alpha Delta Phi, had submitted a constitution to the Faculty for

approval; but owing to the press of other matters it was not considered

and the chapter was organized with no action by the authorities. The

greater number of the students in the University thus became members of

the three Greek-letter fraternities.

The Faculty was disturbed, but apparently did not take the matter too

seriously at first and decided to allow the societies to continue,

merely exacting pledges from all new students to join no society without

approval by the Faculty; thus providing as they thought, for an early

demise of the fraternities. It did not work out that way, however. The

chapter of Alpha Delta Phi held that their society existed at least by

sufferance of the Faculty, and proceeded to initiate members, a fact

that was not discovered until March, 1847. Then followed a series of

suspensions and re-admissions of students who had promised not to join

these societies. Not only were they obliged to resign their membership,

but the original members of Alpha Delta Phi were compelled formally to

submit to re-admission to the University, pledging themselves not to

consent to the initiation of any members of the University in the

society in opposition to Rule 20. The matter rested here until the

following November, when the society presented a second constitution,

which was received by the Faculty with the announcement that they had no

authority to legalize the society. This reply was answered by the

students with a plea that if the Faculty had no authority to legalize

their fraternity then they had no authority to forbid it. Later another

fraternity asked for re-admission with similar results.

Meanwhile these organizations were maintaining themselves. Letters to

the Presidents of six Eastern colleges brought replies most unfavorable

to the fraternities and seemed to indicate to the Faculty that elsewhere

the fraternities were under a strict ban. The students, however, knew

that the facts were otherwise and that fraternities were flourishing in

most of the institutions where they had been established. Finally in

December, 1849, a list of members of the Chi Psi fraternity, which

included the names of many new students, was found in a University

catalogue. The defense set up by the chapter was that they were not

members of a society "_in_ the University of Michigan" but "_in_ Ann

Arbor," that they did not meet on University grounds, and that they had

admitted three members who were not students. One of these members was,

in fact, a member of the Board of Regents. The society, therefore, was

not connected with the University and did not consist of students. This

defense was considered only an evasion and on the last day of the term

in 1849 the Faculty announced that the members of Chi Psi and Alpha

Delta Phi, whose names had in the meantime been made public, must cease

their connection with the University, unless they renounced their

connection with their fraternities. Of the members of these two

societies seven withdrew their membership; the others were expelled. The

members of Beta Theta Pi were not expelled until September, 1850,

apparently because the constitution had not yet been signed, to the

disgust of one member of the Faculty, who considered this excuse only a

legalistic quibble. Some of the students expelled went to other

institutions, some eventually returned to the University, while others

ended their college days.

This action naturally caused an uproar; neither the Faculty nor the

Regents were unanimous in approval of these measures; while the citizens

of Ann Arbor held an indignation meeting and appointed a committee to

ask the Legislature for a change in the administration of the

University. The Faculty prepared a report to the Regents stating their

case strongly and even bitterly, characterizing the whole history of

these three societies as "a detail of obliquities," and their "extended

affiliations as a great irresponsible authority, a monster power, which

lays its hand upon every College Faculty in our country"; they were also

fearful of the "debauchery, drunkenness, pugilism, and duelling, ... and

the despotic power of disorder and ravagism, rife among their German

prototypes." This report was signed by all the Faculty, though the

opinion was not unanimous, nor had all the actions of individual members

been consistent.

The Regents also made a report sustaining the Faculty, and both were

submitted to the Legislature, accompanied by a reply made by the seven

reinstated students, who denied the charges. They even maintained that

Rule 20 was a dead letter and that one of the Professors, when consulted

at the time one of the fraternities was founded, did not disapprove, or

quote this law. A memorial was also submitted by fifteen "neutral"

students sustaining the Faculty and suggesting that the threatened

legislation, which was advocated by the committee of Ann Arbor citizens,

was the greatest obstacle to harmony. Unfortunately this legislative

action was just what seemed inevitable for some time. The Ann Arbor

citizens represented that the University was failing, and that the only

way to save it was by an entire change in its organic law, the

appointment of a new Faculty, and the recognition of that natural right

of man--to form secret societies if he so elects.

Their case before the Legislature, however, had been weakened by the

action of two students who had circulated a week or so in advance a

garbled and caricatured form of the Faculty report, which had been

submitted honorably to the students to enable them to make a reply if

they so desired. This undoubtedly prejudiced the student case when the

truth became known, and the net result was no action by the Legislature

on any of the memorials. With the withdrawal of the bill, the Faculty

and the Regents were left to handle the question as seemed best to them.

In the meantime, however, the opposition to the suppression of the

societies had become so widespread and aggressive that one by one the

fraternities were "conditionally" reinstated in October, 1850.

While the upshot of all this hostility was, superficially, only a return

to the _status quo_, the students had won their point. The germ of the

trouble probably lay in the difference between the paternalistic

attitude of the Faculty, traditional in all colleges of the time, and

the beginning of a new and progressive spirit in University life. The

students had been brought up in an atmosphere which developed

individuality and self-reliance and they resented a meticulous

regulation of their lives and doubtless contrasted it unfavorably with

what they knew of European Universities. The whole fraternity struggle

of 1848-50 may then be regarded, in part at least, as a successful

effort on the students' part to ensure a different and more liberal

policy toward student life and affairs on the part of the authorities.

Not the least of the troubles this contest brought to the University was

the revelation of its weakness, not only the plainly evident lack of

harmony within the Faculty, but also the practical demonstration it

furnished of the Faculty's lack of real power. The reasons for this go

back once more to the act establishing the University, which allowed the

Regents to delegate to the Faculties only such authority as they saw

fit, in practice not any too much, for the Regents maintained apparently

a close and personal supervision over the University. This was shown by

the habit of some members of the Board, notably Major Kearsley of

Detroit, of conducting final oral examinations at the end of the term.

Major Kearsley, a veteran of the War of 1812, was something of a

martinet and prided himself upon his learning; so he usually gave the

students a very hard time. He was soon dubbed "Major Tormentum" from

_majora tormenta_, the name given big guns, or cannon, in a Latin "Life

of Washington" then used in the classes. His visits finally ceased after

the students found out how to deal with him and came loaded with "grape

and canister," as one member of the class of '48 put it, to return his

heavy fire.

From its earliest days the University insisted upon maintaining a

non-sectarian character, but this did not imply any lack of religious

training or supervision,--quite the contrary, as has been suggested. The

scarcity of representatives of the cloth on the first Board of Regents

did not pass unremarked, and it was but a short time before several

clergymen, one a Catholic priest, became members of the governing body,

to offset the preponderance of lawyers and politicians and to furnish

the Board the benefits of their presumably wider experience in

educational matters. Every effort was made, however, to keep a proper

balance among the different persuasions, and all the Protestant churches

came to feel that they had almost a vested right to representation, as

the long list of "Reverends" in the first Faculty list shows. Professor

Williams was an Episcopalian; Dr. Whedon, a Methodist; Professor Agnew,

a Presbyterian; and Professor Ten Brook, a Baptist. Whenever a vacancy

occurred, the question of religious affiliations was at least as

important in the ultimate selection of the candidates, as any

qualifications in the subject to be taught. This situation naturally led

to a certain degree of rivalry, partisanship, and lack of co-operation

in the Faculty.

To this the lack of a Chancellor during those earlier years only added

further confusion. From the first the Regents had proposed the

appointment of such an officer, but in the absence of any clear notion

of their authority and his precise duties the matter was allowed to

lapse, until the financial difficulties of the early years after the

University opened made it clearly obvious that such an officer would be

something of a luxury. The matter was settled by making each professor

in turn President, or Principal, for one year, a practice which

continued until the appointment of President, or Chancellor, Tappan in

1852. This alternation in office was approved as eminently democratic

and as following the practice of the German Universities, the ideal of

the time. In a report submitted by the Board of Visitors in 1850, the

plan was commended and it was even urged that the monarchical feature of

a Chancellor should be struck out of the Organic Law, and the system

then in force thereby fixed for all time.

Nevertheless the plan was none too successful in application. There was

too much opportunity for jealousy and too little central authority. This

is shown plainly in the contest which arose over the hours of teaching

as the numbers in the University grew. The emphasis in the curriculum

upon the classics has been noted. This threw the burden of almost the

whole course of study upon Professor Agnew after the services of a

single tutor were dispensed with in 1846. Professors Whedon and Ten

Brook were therefore called upon to assist him, which they did

unwillingly, Professor Whedon finally refusing to hear further classes

in Greek.

The trouble grew and finally resulted in the resignation of Professor

Ten Brook in 1851, because of the opposition of three other members of

the Faculty. In after years he came to consider this action a mistake;

particularly as he had the respect and friendship of the Board of

Regents, who brought about the downfall of his opponents within six

months. This began in an action against Professor Whedon, who had for

some time aroused opposition by his pronounced anti-slavery views. As a

result of this feeling, on December 31, 1851, at the last session of the

Board of Regents by appointment before a new Board elected under the new

State Constitution was to take its place, a resolution was introduced

requesting the removal of the Rev. D.D. Whedon for the reason that he

had--

not only publicly preached, but otherwise openly advocated the

doctrine called "the higher law," a doctrine which is unauthorized

by the Bible, at war with the principles, precepts and examples of

Christ and his Apostles, subversive alike of civil government,

civil society, and the legal rights of individual citizens, and in

effect constitutes, in the opinion of this Board, a species of

moral treason against the Government.

This resolution seems to have expressed the real sentiment of the

Regents; but the actual measure passed was a resolution declaring, that

in view of the fact that a new Board of Regents was to take charge and

appoint a President, it was expedient that the terms of Professors

Williams, Whedon, and Agnew terminate at the close of the year. This was

an out and out partisan matter, as there was no reason for such action

inherent in the change of the governing body, particularly as it did not

affect two members of the Faculty who had avoided participation in this

family jar. The new Board chose, however, to act upon it and the three

resignations were accepted. Professor Williams was later reappointed, as

he had apparently taken a minor part in the opposition to Professor Ten

Brook. This whole episode was most unfortunate and was brought about by

the lack of a strong guiding administrative policy. Professor Ten Brook

in his later review generously says of these men: "A stronger body of

men of the same number was probably never associated in such an opening

enterprise," and again, "We should find that their merits would be

magnified and their mistakes diminished by a consideration of the

complicated, and till then unknown difficulties with which they had to

contend."

With a Chancellor to guide and direct the Faculty and to exert, on

occasion, a restraining hand, a large part of these troubles might have

been avoided. The Regents had early discovered their dependence upon the

whims of the Legislature, particularly in financial matters, while the

Superintendent of Public Instruction was given too much authority. In

fact, a Committee of the Legislature appointed as early as 1840 stated

in its report: "A Board of experienced Regents could manage the funds

and machinery of the University better than any Legislature; and the

Faculty could manage the business of education--the interior of a

College--better than any Regents."

This was becoming recognized; the University's difficulties only

emphasized what had become a general opinion. Accordingly the sections

of the new Constitution of 1850 relating to the University were

thoroughly discussed in the Convention; with the result that certain new

provisions were incorporated which gave the University of Michigan a

unique standing among state universities. Particularly important were

the measures relating to the Board of Regents. In the first place, it

was provided that they should be elected by the people, one for each

judicial district, and at the same time the judges of each circuit were

elected. Ten years later the latter provision was changed so that the

number of Regents was definitely fixed at eight; two to be elected every

two years at the regular election of the justices of the Supreme Court.

In the second place, it was provided that while the Regents should have

only general supervision of the University, they should have the

direction and control of all expenditures from the University interest

fund. These provisions were far-reaching. They made the Board of Regents

a constituent part of the State Government, on an equality as regards

powers with the Governor, the Legislature, and the Supreme Court.

From the time this action went into effect we may date the larger growth

of the University. The selection of the Regents is as far removed from

political influence as it is possible to make it under our electoral

system, and they are given absolute control of the income of the

University and the appropriations of the Legislature, once they are

made; provided of course they are used for the purposes designated.

A further provision of the Constitution specified the immediate

appointment of a President. The old plan was not considered suitable for

an American college. This sentiment was so strong that the Convention

was unwilling to leave this matter to the discretion of the Regents and

therefore they made action imperative. All that was necessary now was

the adaptation of the organic Act of the University to the new

Constitution. This was accomplished on April 8, 1851, when a new Act was

adopted, in essentials far simpler and more general in its terms than

the old one, which left the University free to enter upon the remarkable

growth and expansion which began with the administration of President

Tappan.

The University of Michigan · 第 3 / 14 章