THE EARL OF GLAMORGAN’S TRANSACTIONS IN IRELAND--CONCLUDED.
We left the Earl at Kilkenny after his enlargement. That his own
confidence in his position was not misplaced all his acts clearly
prove, and no attempt has been successfully made by his adversaries to
show him in any other light than that of being a too ready instrument
in the hands of his prince to work out his mystified political schemes.
It requires considerable calmness and consideration on the part of the
biographer while undertaking to become the apologist of the Earl’s
conduct, particularly when wholly differing in political and religious
views. But sincerity will always command respect. That he was strictly
conscientious in all his conduct there cannot be the shadow of a
doubt; nor can he be accused of rather tempting the monarch than being
tempted by him, a man open and most anxious to adopt any measures to
regain his despotic authority over the people. Charles the First was
all things to all men who offered him service; he was a Catholic to
the Catholics, and a Protestant to the Protestants; and it was this
duality of character, united with unbounded selfishness and a fatal
attachment to secrecy, that perplexed his most discreet ministers.
No man’s life or property was safe in his hands. No engagements were
held sacred or inviolable, all being artfully contrived to conceal
some mental reservation, which expediency always found it convenient
to be shifting to serve some opposite purpose or other. All this
subtle strategy was perfectly consistent with the possession of the
most distinguished domestic affections and habits, and tastes most
refined for art and literature, which, after all, may have been but the
consummation of that all-grasping selfishness which shows but little
integrity beyond the confines of self and home. His Majesty united so
many inconsistencies of character that he completely deluded not the
Earl alone but the entire Roman Catholic party throughout the land.
He had succeeded in draining the Marquis of Worcester of his enormous
wealth, and had not blushed to degrade his son, the Earl, by a public
accusation (which his private conduct repudiated) to give colour to his
own sophisms.
A letter written by the Earl to the Nuncio, in February, together with
the oath he afterwards took, are not a little remarkable.[13]
“MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST REVEREND LORD,
“There is no occasion for me to employ any further protestations to
persuade your Lordship, how sincerely I desire that the whole glory
of the advantages, which this nation and we poor Catholics of England
may attain, should, as it ought, be ascribed to his Holiness, through
your Lordship’s intervention; whom I beseech to consider the authority
granted your Lordship by his Holiness, and to recall to your memory
the letter written by the King my master to your Lordship, and my
powers for treating with your Lordship. These things being laid down
as a foundation, let us not sleep over our cause, but finish all the
conventions made or to be made between his Holiness and our Queen
(though without suffering them to be published), till your Lordship
shall have received the original instruments themselves, or till an
answer shall be returned from the King by means of my brother, who
shall be sent to his Majesty in the name of your Lordship and myself.
During which interval, though there be only a cessation of arms, yet
our peace will be secure, and depend only on such conditions, as
shall be acceptable to his Holiness; for it will not be such a peace,
as the Pope disapproves of in his letters, but the same which your
Lordship desires. But while the articles are agreed upon and concluded
between your Lordship and me, and no change is made in the government,
or in any other respect, till the peace shall be published, and the
ratification transmitted hither by the King from England, no danger
will arise either on your Lordship’s or my part, since the seven
thousand soldiers will not pass over into England, till the peace
be concluded and published, nor ever depart, till I shall return
from Italy, and there shall be a certainty concerning his Holiness’
pleasure.”
He proceeds to suggest the conclusion of the peace at the end of three
months; the signing of the articles by the Nuncio and himself, on the
part of the Pope and the King respectively; thus satisfying the Irish,
while affording the King security, the articles not being published;
the safety of the kingdom ensured, and the Nuncio at ease in having
thus conformed to the Pope’s instructions.
He afterwards signed, on the 18th February, 1646, an engagement to the
Nuncio; and the next day took the following oath.[13]
“I, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, promise and swear to your most
illustrious and most reverend Lordship, that I will adhere to your
party, not only against the Marquis of Ormond, and all his relations
and favourers, but likewise against all others, who shall oppose the
Pope’s treaty and your measures for the good of the Catholic Religion,
and the service of the King my master, to supply your Lordship with--
200,000 crowns,
10,000 arms for foot,
2,000 cases of pistols,
800 barrels of powder,
and 30 or 40 ships well provided, over which your Lordship shall name
an Admiral. For I esteem your cause to be the cause of God, and of
the King my master, in whose name I make all the concessions agreed
upon between your Lordship and me; and am therefore ready, if your
Lordship pleases, to confirm this my resolution before the most holy
sacrament. In the mean time I subscribe my name, and affix my seal,
this 19th day of February, 1646.
“GLAMORGAN.”
The Earl, in conformity with the power granted him on the 1st of April,
by the King, agreed with the Nuncio to create, at his recommendation,
one Earl, two Viscounts, and three Barons, hoping thereby to gratify
the Irish.
But previously, on his arrival in Waterford, he wrote to the
King:[87][13]--
“MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTY,
“I am now at Waterford, providing shipping immediately to transport
6000 foot; and 4000 more are by May to follow them. I hope these will
yet come opportunely to the relief of Chester. What hath been the
occasion of so long delays, and yet suffers not your Majesty’s service
herein to proceed with that advantage it might do, I conceive not so
fit to commit to paper; but I will shortly send my brother, who shall
fully inform your Majesty with all particulars, and thereby rectify
your opinion, and give you true knowledge, who are your faithful
servants. I hope long ere this Captain Bacon hath arrived with you
since my enlargement; and, therefore, I need only tell your Majesty
that, my further services intended for you will, I hope, without
further crosses, be suffered to go on; though strange is the industry
used by many seeming friends to hinder me therein. But I am confident
it shall not lie in their power, your Majesty remaining still constant,
as I doubt not but you will, to your favourable opinion, and right
interpretation of my poor endeavours; which, if they may take place,
will procure you to be a gracious and happy prince, I having no other
ends, but to approve myself,
“Sir, your sacred Majesty’s
“Most dutiful, obedient subject,
“and passionately devoted servant,
“GLAMORGAN.
“Waterford, Feb. 23, 1645–6.”
The same month, however, Chester surrendered to the Parliamentary
forces, after a stubborn siege; while in March following news arrived
at Kilkenny of his Majesty’s message of the 29th of January, addressed
to the Parliament, denying any participation in and unreservedly
disavowing all knowledge of the Earl’s treaty of the 25th of August,
1645. The Roman Catholics were astounded; all their labour and expense,
all their negociations at once appeared worse than vain, being only
calculated to arouse public indignation.
But the Parliamentary party appeared pretty well satisfied that the
Earl’s imprisonment was a merely colourable affair, suspecting that
the King was merely sacrificing a devoted friend to clear himself and
appease the public wrath.
Notwithstanding this state of affairs in Ireland, the Earl was, on the
4th of March, 1646, created “Duke of Somerset and Beaufort,” which
title he afterwards resigned, but the original patent, still existing
at Badminton, is translated as follows:--
“Charles, by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland King,
Defender of the Faith, &c. To all our Archbishops, Dukes, Marquesses,
Earls, Viscounts, Bishops, Barons, Knights, Governors of Towns,
Freemen, and all other Officers, Ministers, and subjects to whom these
Presents shall come Greeting.
“We esteem the greatness of our Royal Dignity not only to be highly
adorned but even to be augmented and enlarged when men eminent for
their nobility and virtue, who have deserved well of their country, and
by notable achievements and particularly by trophys and other monuments
of military valour acquired at home and abroad and distinguished
and adorned by any illustrious accession of Honour, Dignity, or
Titles.--And Whereas our right trusty and well beloved Cousin Edward
Somerset, alias Plantagenet, Knight of the most noble order of the
Garter, Earl of our County of Glamorgan, son and heir apparent of
our right trusty and well beloved Cousin Henry Earl and Marquess of
Worcester, Baron of the Honours of the castles of Raglan, Chepstow, and
Gower, a man eminent for the nobleness of his blood, and his approved
attachment and fidelity to us, (by always furnishing the most ready
supplies out of his own fortune to us in these most calamitous times)
Hath in a special manner recommended himself to our favour: as he is
rendered illustrious by a long train of noble ancestors, and by the
high nobility transmitted by paternal succession from John of Gaunt
Duke of Lancaster, and his son John Plantagenet Duke of Somerset, from
the place of his nativity surnamed Beaufort--and by other connections
of blood with the Royal Houses of Lancaster and York, to Charles the
first Earl of Worcester; All which dignity of birth and accumulated
honours he hath himself greatly surpassed by his own personal virtues
and inviolable fidelity to Us.
“For with what integrity, with what constancy, with what expense, he
did execute the royal command of President of the six counties of South
Wales and the places adjoining to the Severn coast? He was present at
sieges and battles.--With what courage and successful conduct did he
take Goodridge Castle, the Forest of Dean and the city of Hereford? In
short, with what remarkable good fortune, with what unhoped for success
he made himself master of the strongly fortified town of Monmouth? And
not content with the confined limits of one kingdom, go to the most
distant places beyond the seas, through the midst of hostile forces and
the dangers of shipwreck, yet at his own private expense, regardless
of all dangers, at the loss of his own private fortune, that he might
raise succours for the support of the tottering crown of his King.
These things, &c.”
Endorsed--“1646, 4 March. 21 Charles I. Creation of Edward, Earl of
Glamorgan, Duke of Somerset and Beaufort, 4 March, 1646, and 21 C. I.”
This patent, worthless as it proved for confirming the title it was
intended to convey, may well serve to seal the duplicity of the monarch
who could thus intend to honour one whom he charged with treasonable
acts, if not with absolute forgery of warrants in his own name.
In March 1646, the Earl committed to writing the following
memorandum:--[13]
“Considerations and conclusions concerning the present state of my
affairs, 29 March, 1646.
“1. As the King has published such a Declaration, I think myself at
present incapable of serving him. Yet I am persuaded, that he has done
this unwillingly, and through the violent impulse of others, and on
account of the bad situation of his affairs. For which purpose, I am
desirous to send express to him a person of rank, and my relation; by
whose means I shall propose to his Majesty a method, by which he may
enable me, under the authority of the Great Seal, to proceed further,
both in promoting the interest of this nation, and his Majesty’s own,
in such a manner, that his forced renunciation shall not be openly
touched upon, and yet my justification, as far as it shall conduce to
the good of this kingdom, so sincerely desired by me, may attain its
wished-for effect. The safety even of the lowest person of this nation,
is so truly at my heart, that I would not expose the life of one man to
danger on my own account, nor press the transportation of the soldiers,
till the return of the messenger to be sent to the King.
“2. As I have received such instructions from the King as these, viz.
If by any unfortunate accident we should be involved in any counsels,
in appearance contrary to the powers given by us to you, you shall
make no other account of them, but by putting yourself in a condition
to help us, and set us free; I do not find any more expeditious way of
relieving his Majesty from his distress, than by taking no notice of
anything which he has done through compulsion, and by supporting this
nation. But if the Supreme Council will engage to adhere firmly to me,
I will likewise oblige myself to employ the ships and money, which I
had before designed for England, to the assistance of this nation, and
devote my labours and endeavours to the service of this kingdom, till
we can all jointly succour his Majesty in England. I desire, that the
most illustrious and most reverend Nuncio of the Apostolic See will
first of all subscribe this treaty of ours.
“But in this affair, I require nothing of the Supreme Council, but
their private faith, till I shall return, by God’s blessing, with all
things necessary. And though I am sensible, how little this concerns
my own interest, yet my zeal prompts me to it. But I am extremely
desirous, that General Preston should march the troops, designed for
me, into Munster, to compose the commotions there, as well as to take
care of this kingdom, whose safety is greatly concerned in it, as that
when, through God’s blessing, I return with the subsidies, I may find
an army ready. I desire, that our mutual engagement may be committed
to writing, and signed and sealed, and kept under the most profound
secrecy.”
The Earl of Glamorgan had designed a visit to Rome, anticipating
important assistance there, as well as the especial favour of the
King in that matter. But the Supreme Council, wearied by the expense
of keeping a large army, intended for the relief of Chester, finding
no vessels were supplied from England for that purpose, and being
further discouraged by his Majesty’s recent proceedings, finally
resolved against sending any troops out of Ireland. The critical state
of affairs had become so acutely distressing to the Earl, that in a
letter addressed to Father Robert Nugent at Kilkenny, he expressed the
bitterness of his anguish in the most unrestrained language, such as we
find no example of in any other portion of his varied correspondence.
To Father Robert Nugent, he thus wrote:--[13]
“REVEREND SIR,
“I return you thanks for the messenger sent me on purpose, and your
letter; and desire you to signify to the Nuncio, that if all the devils
on earth and in hell had not conspired against me, I should not have
been reduced to these difficulties and distresses; and that the loss
of life itself would have been more tolerable to me, being now tired
of it on account of the present difficulty, and I can think of nothing
but redeeming myself; assuring you, that the misfortunes of my whole
life have not perplexed me so much as this: to remedy which, though
I am pressed by letters and most urgent business to go to Limerick,
I still continue here. I swear to you, that I have been disappointed
of seven thousand pounds sterling, which I thought as entirely my own
as if the money had been actually paid to me; and all this since the
resolution was published against sending the soldiers to England. I do
not think it necessary to remind the Nuncio, that my enemies in Ireland
are exasperated against me, because they perceive me so warmly and
sincerely affected towards him, and know, that I shall always continue
so; and because I should not hesitate to expose my life and fortune
to the utmost danger, in order to bring to an issue his commission
and business in this kingdom. This seems to me to deserve, that some
pity and toleration should be shown towards me, especially in an
event unforeseen by me, and forced upon me, and which has given me a
vexation, than which I can imagine nothing more severe to me.
“I remain, in great affliction,
“Your affectionate Cousin and Servant,
“GLAMORGAN.
“Waterford, 3 May, 1646.”
His operations in Ireland were virtually terminated, every measure
had signally failed, and he was without hope, after the Parliamentary
publications, of regaining confidence with any party. Much as has been
written on this subject, and ably as it has been investigated by Dr.
Birch and other writers, it must be admitted that we gain little from
the mass of evidence accumulated to enlighten us in respect to the
personal character of the Earl of Glamorgan, beyond entire satisfaction
that he acted solely as his sovereign’s agent, at his instigation, and
entirely under such authority as he could alone give him under all
the circumstances of such an important secret mission. Charles the
First’s confidence in him was by no means misplaced, and he had no
doubt well weighed his character before taking him into his confidence.
For this inquiry he had sufficient opportunity while the Earl was at
his court, and again while himself a guest at Raglan. He well knew
the weak side of the father and the son, the one expectant that his
Majesty would be “a defender of _the_ faith,” the other warm-hearted,
and generous, to an extraordinary and enthusiastic degree. Not alone
were the Marquis and Lord Herbert deceived by the machinations of the
wily monarch, but so likewise were the whole Roman Catholic community.
Had it been otherwise we might suspect undue measures would have been
adopted, but wherever such were carried into effect they were on the
side of the Crown and not of the subject. Charles the First’s duality
of character in this respect has never been, nor can be, successfully
refuted. Embarking, therefore, in his Majesty’s cause, in Ireland, we
cease to be surprised that the Earl of Glamorgan should, consistently
with his faith, be in constant consultation with the Nuncio and
conform to proffered oaths. In short, had he adopted any other course
than that which he pursued, his negociations would from the first
either have ceased, or merged into the dilatory measures attending
the Lord Lieutenant’s previous course, which it was expected by the
King that the Earl would be able to out-run and overmatch. But his
utmost diplomatic skill was insufficient to grapple with and satisfy
the grasping party on his own side; and he was equally unsuccessful
placed in opposition to such practised politicians as Ormond, Digby,
and others. And above all, a supreme difficulty must have been, the
conducting of his entire system to accord with the subtleties and
secrecies of the King’s personally communicated and private counsels.
He was thus placed in many painful straits, but which his ardent,
vigorous temperament determined him to overcome. In his position,
however, the Earl felt a compulsory necessity to maintain great
secrecy; negociating with many mental reservations. He had to satisfy
the King, while he did not wish to disoblige Ormond, and although there
was a natural bond of sympathy between himself and the Roman Catholic
party, he could neither wholly accede to the Nuncio’s measures nor
satisfy the Council. To the best of his ability he consistently and
conscientiously employed the vast powers delegated to him for the
good of his King and his country through his own party; so that no
historian, not his most bitter, sarcastic enemies, can point to any
single fact that could cast the slightest taint on the rectitude of
his conduct throughout the unfortunate and unhappy transactions into
which it was his misfortune to be drawn by a too sanguine, hopeful, but
helpless monarch.
On the 3rd of April the Earl wrote to the Marquis of Ormond:--[A]
“MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,
“With many thanks for your letter delivered me by Sir Vivien Molineux,
give me leave to congratulate your Excellency’s happy escape from
the mischievous intentions against you by the wicked enterprise for
the taking of the castle of Dublin. And as nobody joys more in your
deliverance than I do, so cannot any one wish more heartily than I,
that all the warnings which your Excellency hath had might prevail
to persuade you, in whom you might totally best confide, and of whom
to beware; and then with a stedfast resolution to adhere to your
truest and most real friends. Amongst whom, if your Excellency afford
me not a place, I dare boldly say that it is not for want of having
already endeavoured to deserve the same by serving you, with as great
expressions, both public and private, as my wish and will could
possibly obtain unto. Neither shall my future actions be inferior
to what is past, but shall (God willing) enact those things wherein
my good will only can yet be seen: for upon the ground work of my
professed reality and affection unto your Excellency, and of your
noble and friendly acceptance thereof, have I ever thought to build a
fabric of my future services to his Majesty and most real friendship
to yourself, whose subsistence I tender as mine own. And if your
Excellency’s first begotten and expressed confidence in me had not been
retarded by some unknown means unto me, though I humbly and thankfully
acknowledge you never suffered it to be extinguished; give me leave to
aver with truth, that your Excellency ere this should have seen the
remarkable effects thereof. But this is so copious a theme, as that I
fear already I have been too prolix, I will therefore abridge myself,
and not extend unto the latitude, which the truth of this subject
prompts me unto.
“And to the second part of your Excellency’s letter, give me leave to
thank you for your tenderness in not accepting the £2500 from me; but
also your Excellency may know, that it is upon a reliance thereon, that
the Council offered you the £3000, and for the performance thereof I
am enforced to this journey, without which against the prefixed time
I could not have supplied them with the money. Now to the latter part
of your letter, wherein you promise I should at large hear farther
from you, as upon Friday last; but yet have received no other your
commands, which I expected, before I thought it necessary to answer
yours of the 24th of March. But receiving no other your directions, I
think it opportune to let your Excellency know, that, of three vessels
which I sent for a convoy unto the Prince, Sir Nicholas Crispe, and Mr.
Hasendanke, the merchant, I have but one return, Captain Allen being
taken and stript. And I hear a packet of your Excellency’s, as well as
letters, thrown overboard without weight, were taken up; which I look
for shortly to have in print.[B]
“By the sole return which came unto me, I received notice from the
Prince and those about him, in how ill a condition he was enforced
to retire into the Isle of Scilly, where he now is; and made use of
Hasendanke’s frigates to transport himself, whereby I was not only
disappointed of what I hoped for by the Prince, but also of his.
“Sir Nicholas Crispe indeed offers to send me three, but they were not
then with him, and he desires a return from me first, so that only
my Lord of Antrim’s frigates are come; and a ship with 18 pieces of
ordnance, which is hourly expected, and bought by me at Galway. Two
Hollanders there are likewise at Waterford, and two frigates likewise
of Captain Antonio’s, and the Spanish agents, which carry ordnance.
These are all of force, and truly I conceive, might, for so short
a cut, be a sufficient convoy, were not Chester taken, the Prince
in so bad a condition, and some defeat of my brother’s forces in
Glamorganshire spoken of. But upon these considerations, how hazardous
it will be to send away a part of the army only. I humbly offer to
your Excellency, not speaking anything of a great disheartening and
discouragement some take at a pretended declaration of his Majesty
against me, though I myself value it so little, as that, could I,
without shortening much more advantage to his Majesty’s service, go
myself in person with 6000 men, I should no ways boggle thereat. And
as it now stands, to give testimony that my zeal is not lessened
to his service, and that you may have further assurance of my care
to your person, I make this offer, that if you please to join, and
together with the Supreme Council assure me, that against my return
I may have 10,000 men in readiness for his Majesty’s service, I will
immediately go and bring back with me twenty sail of good shipping at
the least, well furnished for men of war; £40,000 ready money; 10,000
musquets, 2,000 case of pistols, 800 barrels of powder, and a gallant
train of artillery.[C] For I shrink not at this instant from pain and
expenses out of diminution of zeal to his Majesty’s service, as by the
present difficulties propounded may perchance be surmised by others,
though not by your Excellency, who (I am confident) will make a right
construction, and how I only would willingly retire myself from further
present charge, as a ram doth to take a greater vease. For I am not so
much frightened at the bugbear declaration, but that, if I could go
myself with a considerable force and provisions, it should not any
ways deter me, from the confidence I have in his Majesty’s justice and
goodness. It is true that two days since I have sent to take myself
off from paying demurrage, which would have amounted to one hundred or
two hundred pounds a day. But the shipping are still under an embargo,
and the soldiers designed for England no other ways disposed of,
who may in the interim until my return be useful unto this kingdom,
assisted by the Nuncio’s purse. If therefore your Excellency resolve
upon my journey, I pray send me immediate word by this messenger, whom
I have sent of purpose, assuring that the shipping I speak of shall
also attend this coast. And if (which God forbid) the King should be
already joined with the Parliament, and that my services for him there
be consequently rejected, I shall endeavour to serve his Majesty at
my return in preserving your Excellency and this kingdom for him; and
nothing but an extraordinary confidence in your Excellency’s goodness,
and an infinite zeal unto my master’s service, could make me take this
resolution; which I humbly submit to your better judgment, and ever
remain,
“Your Excellency’s, &c.
“GLAMORGAN.
“Waterford, the 3rd of April, 1646.”
The reply made by the Marquis of Ormond,[D] to this noble offer, only
three days after, shows that he did not esteem it as being in any way
extravagant or impossible; he writes:--
“MY LORD,
“I receive your gratulations and devices for my future security as
evident testimonies of your continued favour to me; and I am much joyed
to find, that the accidents fallen out concerning your Lordship have
not left any impression on you, to the prejudice of the real affection
you give me to bear you.
“My Lord, I had, according to my promise, given you a larger account
of things here; but that, at the concluding of the articles, we found
ourselves so straitened in time, that many material parts of the
agreement were fain to be put in another way than was first thought
of; and at this instant I am so pressed with important despatches from
Kilkenny, that I shall be able but shortly and confusedly to give you
a return to the main parts of your Lordship’s [letter] of the 3rd of
this month, which came to my hands yesterday about noon. Touching
the noble and large offer you are pleased to make of shipping, arms,
ammunition, and a train of artillery for the King’s service, in case
you may receive assurance from those in power among the confederates,
and from me, that ten thousand men shall be ready against your return,
to be transported to serve the King in England. I return your Lordship
this answer, that I shall, and by this letter do, cheerfully oblige
myself for as much as shall lie in my power, either in my public or
private capacity, to have that number of men in the readiness you
expect; and to compass it, am contented all the remainder of my fortune
should stand engaged. If your Lordship can procure as much as this from
the other party, I conceive you will proceed in your intended voyage
with satisfaction, and return (I hope) with success; which is earnestly
wished by
“Your Lordship’s, &c.
“ORMOND.
“Dublin Castle, the 6th of April, 1646.”
The following letter from the King, dated the 20th of July, 1646,[E]
originally written in cipher, while it shows the estimation in which
he justly held the Earl of Glamorgan, only throws a darker shade on his
own mysterious and inexplicable line of policy. The Earl’s zeal and
unbounded confidence in his Royal Master (determining rather to die in
his service than to break faith with him), served, as they well might
to continue him in his favour:--
“GLAMORGAN,
“I am not so strictly guarded, but that if you send to me a prudent
and secret person, I can receive a letter, and you may signify to me
your mind, I having always loved your person and conversation, which I
ardently wish for at present more than ever, if it could be had without
prejudice to you, whose safety is as dear to me as my own. If you can
raise a large sum of money by pawning my kingdoms[F] for that purpose,
I am content you should do it; and if I recover them, I will fully
repay that money. And tell the Nuncio, that if once I can come into his
and your hands, which ought to be extremely wished for by you both, as
well for the sake of England as Ireland, since all the rest, as I see,
despise me, I will do it. And if I do not say this from my heart, or
if in any future time I fail you in this, may God never restore me to
my kingdoms in this world, nor give me eternal happiness in the next,
to which I hope this tribulation will conduct me at last, after I have
satisfied my obligations to my friends, to none of whom am I so much
obliged as to yourself, whose merits towards me exceed all expressions,
that can be used by
“Your constant Friend,
“CHARLES R.
“From Newcastle, July 20th, 1646.”
On receipt of this letter in Ireland, a copy of it was sent to the
Pope, who is related to have shed tears, with mingled feelings of
gratification and sorrow, the King’s circumstances being so desperate;
while at the same time his determination to favour the Irish and
English Roman Catholics in all their demands was, to all appearance,
proportionably increased. The Earl of Glamorgan, on his part, sent
his suggestions and devised a plan for his Majesty’s safe conduct to
Ireland; but the scheme either failed or was abandoned.
On the 30th of August, the Earl addressed a long letter to the Lord
Lieutenant,[G] when he must have been unaware of the fate of Raglan
Castle:--
“MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,
“I have this long time expected your commands, which to receive, having
sent two expresses, I verily believed would have come ere this into
my hands; trusting likewise to Mr. Walsingham’s solicitations; but as
yet I have neither heard from him nor your Excellency, one word since
his departure, and receiving an earnest desire from the Nuncio to
speak with me; as understanding likewise how prejudicial it might be
to me, and especially to my brother who is in Italy, if the dean whom
he hath sent thither, should depart without satisfaction from me of so
pressing an occasion, as was by my Lord Nuncio pretended unto me. I
repaired thither on Saturday last, with so much the more contentment
as that I persuaded myself that your Excellency would be at Kilkenny,
and I so much the nearer to kiss your hands; but I now return to the
county of Clare, there to expect your commands. Yet let me not forget
to give you an account of the business I was sent for. The rumour being
spread that the Concessions (which some call mine) were to be printed
and published at Kilkenny, as I have absolutely disowned any such
thing to my Lord Nuncio, and denied to patronise the same; so I think
myself bound to acquaint your Excellency, and by your means the Council
Table, how mindful I am of the favours I there received, so as not to
incur the least censure of yours and theirs by enacting anything, for
which I had already a check. And certainly it cannot be imagined that
the Supreme Council which was, could expect or desire any such thing
at my hands, since they never urged to take off my recognizance, which
through innocency I also neglected, and I joy to be disengaged from so
perilous a business, protesting before Almighty God, that since that
time I have entered into no new engagements unto them; and what hath
passed before (conditions not having been held with me), none of the
Commissioners themselves can think them obligatory, all other reasons
also considered. Besides, when they had first thought to make use of
them, it was resolved, that after the completing of conditions with
your Excellency, they might bear a true date subsequent thereunto;
and how invalid they are without the same is sufficiently evident,
abstracting from the King’s declaration, which (though enforced upon
him), I esteem it yet a warning for further proceedings therein,
and fit only for great persons, who can maintain the same, to go
contrary to the intimation of his Majesty’s pleasure, though never so
compulsorily granted. For as I never have, nor will esteem, and be
frighted at the contradiction of any others, when the intimation of
his Majesty’s pleasure continues to me in any particular unrevoked;
so, on the contrary, can I never be drawn, for any man’s pleasure,
to go immediately contrary to what proceedeth from him, deeming it
not my part to enter into dispute which way his Majesty is induced,
when I see his positive act extant. Let this, therefore (I beseech
your Excellency), give you and the world satisfaction, that I no ways
countenance the standing upon any articles heretofore treated of by me,
who am no more tied to make anything thereof good, than any man is to
deliver up the possession of his lands for which he never received the
consideration agreed upon. Besides, in order to the King’s subsistence,
one man was then more considerable than three now. In fine, having
washed my hands of that business, verify I will that proverb that
the _Child burned dreads the fire_. And those noble Lords, who stand
my bail, may be confident, I shall never deservedly put them in
fright, or myself in danger to save them further harmless; or to show
such ingratitude to your Excelleney and the Council as to own those
concessions which they so much endeavoured to prevent. And thus fearing
to have been too tedious, I abruptly kiss your Lordship’s hands and
ever remain
“Your Excellency’s, &c.
“GLAMORGAN.
“Waterford, the 30th of August, 1646.”
Ormond replied under date, Dublin Castle, the 2nd of September,
1646, saying--“I must profess myself exceedingly satisfied with the
prudence of your Lordship’s carriage at Waterford, and with the wisdom
of the resolution you have taken in the particular of those things
now endeavoured to be fastened upon you;” ... and which course he
designates “a thing so much to your Lordship’s honour and advantage.”
Under date of 11th of September, the Earl again addressed the Lord
Lieutenant:[H]
“MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,
“I think myself very happy in that the resolution which appeared in
my letter unto you proved so acceptable, as by the noble expressions
of your letter and of my Lord Digby’s I find it is, and do humbly
acknowledge infinite thanks for your Excellency’s great desire of
seeing me; and had the self-same letter informed me of any service I
could have done you, I should have been far from taking the resolution
which I now have put on, correspondent unto my expressions in my last
unto your Excellency, and unto the sense for which the commendations
given me by you (I conceive) do proceed: which was to keep myself free
from having any part in those most unfortunate and newly occasioned
distractions, from which the further I withdraw myself, and the sooner,
suits best with my disposition. Besides, my intentions wherewith I came
into this kingdom were first to serve his Majesty and it; and next
to serve your Excellency above all his subjects, and my own friends,
which being now frustrated, that part only remains which can only die
with myself, which is _Omnibus viis et modis_, to endeavour to promote
his Majesty’s service, finding myself more capable and more probable
for to do it elsewhere for this present, than in this kingdom. I
hasten towards the sea-side, where I am informed some conveniency of
shipping will afford; ... yet I could not omit to send a person of
trust and confidence, by whom your Excellency may send unto me before
my departure such notions as perhaps you may think not fit to put to
paper. And if, either by word of mouth or writing sent by so trusty a
person as Mr. Joyner (by whom I have sent you the reasons, that debar
me of the happiness to kiss your Excellency’s hands _in transitu_),
I find myself thought capable by you to serve his Majesty or your
Excellency longer in these parts, and more advantageously than what I
am now going about, you may be confident to receive such a return from
me as may best stand with my duty to his Majesty and my affection to
your person, to whom my professions have been ever real; and had my
ambition and only thoughts taken place, I dare boldly say, I should
have vied with the nearest person in blood or affection you have in
Ireland, in the reality of being ever,
“Your Excellency’s most really
“affectionate kinsman and
“devoted servant,
“GLAMORGAN.
“Limerick, the 11th of September, 1646.”
[Illustration: The Earl of Glamorgan’s writing in the address of
a Cipher letter]
Facsimile of a letter written by the Earl of Glamorgan, September,
1646–7.
Among the Carte MSS. in the Bodleian Library, from which the
foregoing letter is taken, there occurs a curious undated letter
written in cipher, which it is just possible may be the writing above
named “sent by so trusty a person as Mr. Joyner.” The annexed
engraving is a facsimile of an endorsement at the back of it in the
Earl’s own hand-writing, affording the only specimen approaching to
an autograph exemplifying his use of the title of _Glamorgan_[I] yet
made public: every effort to obtain it in any other form having
proved unavailing. And on page 180, an exact copy is given of the
letter itself, as traced from the original.
[Illustration: The letter written in his Cipher.]
Facsimile of a letter written by the Earl of Glamorgan, September,
1646-7.
The Nuncio wrote from Kilkenny on the 21st of September, 1646, to
Cardinal Pamphilio at Rome,[J] as follows:--
“Among other patents and commissions signed by the King, and brought
by the Earl of Glamorgan from England, there is one, appointing him
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, upon the expiration of the Marquis of
Ormond’s term of holding that post, or in case the Marquis should, by
any fault, deserve to be removed from it. For this reason, I was of
opinion, that the Earl, who had designed to go to Rome, should stay for
the present in this kingdom, imagining, that a way might perhaps be
opened for accomplishing this affair. And in fact the way seems open
for us, since the Marquis of Ormond is now publicly negotiating with
the Parliamentarians, and consequently making a treaty with the King’s
enemies. Upon which occasion, the Earl, being desirous of advancing
himself to the Marquis’s post, has begun to solicit the consent of the
kingdom, and believes, that he has the interest of the two Generals,
and all the Congregation of the Clergy and the New Council. I have
thought it the more proper to promote this affair, since when Dublin
shall be taken, it will be immediately necessary for the kingdom to
provide a Lord Lieutenant. And it is a point of no small importance to
the present situation of affairs, to begin with appointing to that post
a Catholic, so highly beloved by this kingdom and the King himself.
Besides it is to be considered, that the King’s inclination and
pleasure concurs with this design; for though his Majesty has appointed
the Earl by his lesser seal only, yet that is sufficient for the Irish,
since they have just reason to consider that appointment as legal and
valid. Add to this, that as the Confederates of Ireland have it in
their view to transport the Holy Faith into England by their arms, no
person appears to be more fit for the execution of such a purpose, than
the Earl, in whom two characters are united, that of a faithful servant
to the King, and a perfect Catholic; and who, the winter before, was
ready to carry over to the King from that country ten thousand men for
the same purposes. Some, and those but a few, oppose this design, upon
this single consideration, that the Earl being both an Englishman and
of a very mild temper, will not be favourable enough to Ireland, nor
exert the firmness necessary in this case. But I believe no better
choice can now possibly be made, and that the appointment of a Catholic
Lord Lieutenant, who is in so many respects attached to the Apostolical
See, and bound to it by oath and promises, which the Earl has a hundred
times repeated to me, is sufficient to weigh down every other doubt.”
And about the 28th of the same month the Earl took the following
Oath[K] to the Nuncio:--
“I, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, &c. faithfully promise and swear, that
I will do nothing of moment without the consent and approbation of
the most illustrious Nuncio; and if I shall happen to do anything
imprudently, which shall not be approved by him, I will correct my
error upon the first intimation of his pleasure, and obey his commands.
If it should be more conducive to the praise and glory of God, the
splendour of the Catholic Church, and the happiness of this kingdom,
that the post of Lord Lieutenant be conferred upon another person
rather than myself; I swear, that I will readily and without reluctance
resign it, at the command of the most illustrious Nuncio. And in all
things I vow a perfect, voluntary, and religious obedience to his
Holiness, saving any secular obligations towards my most serene King.
And if I fail in any part of the oath taken by me, I consent, that the
said oath be published, and myself exposed; otherwise the said oath
shall be communicated only to the Bishop of Fernes, Chancellor of the
Congregation, and Father Robert Nugent, Superior of the Jesuits in
Ireland. In confirmation of this oath voluntarily taken by me, I have
written all this with my own hand, subscribed my name, and affixed my
seal, the 28th of September, 1646.
“GLAMORGAN.”
These various letters and documents make us familiar with the Earl of
Glamorgan’s Irish treaties,[L] and to a great extent with the cause of
their failure: a most happy and provident circumstance for himself,
his family, and above all for his country. His conduct throughout,
notwithstanding the many temptations in his way, and his own naturally
enthusiastic conduct in every enterprise in which he engaged, bears
none of the distinguishing traits of intolerant bigotry. The King had
already sapped the Earl’s available property, and was continually
tantalising him with the prospect of coming fortune and ample honours.
He fawned on the old Marquis and flattered his son; inducing the one
to place his wealth, and the other his honour and happiness at his
disposal. Perhaps in the whole course of his political scheming he
never succeeded so completely, as in this instance, in thoroughly
victimising any single noble family.
On the 1st of October, 1646, the House of Lords ordered, That a pass be
granted to the Lady Herbert, Countess of Glamorgan, into Ireland, with
thirty of her menial servants, etc.[M][74] So that from August, when
she left Raglan Castle, with the other inmates, to this period, she
must have been a wanderer.
Towards the close of the year 1646, it was decided between the Earl and
his own party, to send his brother, the Lord John Somerset, a zealous
Catholic, on a mission to the Pope. The Earl’s complicity with the
clergy in these affairs, which had been conducted with great secrecy,
occasioned much suspicion, creating for him many enemies among the
Protestant party.
In August, 1647, the Marquis of Ormond, leaving Ireland, waited on
Charles the First at Hampton Court: Dublin being besieged, and likely
to fall into possession of the English Parliament.
While affairs were in this distracted state the Earl was apprised of
his father’s decease, in December, 1646; and as Marquis of Worcester,
he wrote from Galway to the titular Bishop of Fernes:--[26]
“MY NOBLE LORD,
“Although the place whither I go be now changed upon serious
consideration, and my Lord Nuncio’s concurrence therein, as most
advantageous _super totam materiam_, yet are my intentions the same
they were when I left your Lordship; and I hope a shorter way contrived
to them than I then imagined, having found a probable (I may call it
even a certain) way to bring the Queen about to befriend this nation.
In the interim, I beseech your Lordship, together with the Lord Bishop
of Clogher and Mr. Rochfort, to be mindful of your promises to me,
and to be sure that General O’Neile dissent not from the letter which
you approved; the contents whereof I have not failed accordingly
to recommend to his Majesty: and if I should deceive him therein,
I must betake myself unto your Lordship’s advice and approbation,
given thereupon. The copy of the original letter, together with the
Nuncio’s recommendation, are to be delivered to General O’Neile by
Father Definitor; and I have no more to say than that your Lordships
(as I have said before), with Mr. Rochfort are the Triumvirate and the
pillars upon whom I build, making no question of the goodness of that
foundation; and I hope none of you do of my affection, which is not
only devoted to yourselves, but as you shall further apply it to such
persons as may be useful to God’s service, the King my master’s, and
the good of this kingdom. And so, with my service to you all, I ever
remain,
“My Lord,
“Your Lordship’s most humble
“and devoted Servant,
“WORCESTER.
“Galway, 12th Oct. 1647.”
His Lordship ultimately left Ireland in company with Father George
Leyburn, a Roman Catholic priest, with whom he went to France in March,
1647–8.[61]
Footnotes
[13] Birch, p. 175.
[13] Birch, p. 182; Nuncio’s Memoirs; and Siri, Mercurio, Vol. viii.
[87] Rushworth, Part IV. vol. I. p. 249.
[13] Birch, Inq. p. 184.
[13] Birch, p. 188.
[13] Birch, p. 192.
[A] Bod. Lib. “Carte Papers, 1634–1657, Ireland, 63.” No. 172.
[B] See page 124.
[C] This statement agrees pretty nearly with that occurring at page
160, and in “The Earl of Glamorgan’s instructions to me, to be
presented to your Majesty,” signed by Edward Bosden, 21st of March,
1644, viz.:--
“That, God willing, by the end of May or beginning of June, he
will land with 6000 Irish, &c. &c.
“That to advance these his undertakings, he hath £30,000 ready,
10,000 muskets, 2000 case of pistols, 800 barrels of powder,
besides his own artillery; and is ascertained of £30,000 more,
which will be ready upon his return.” See the “King’s Cabinet
opened,” 4to. 1645. And Birch’s Inquiry, 1756, p. 57.
[D] Bod. Lib. “Carte Papers, 1634–1657, Ireland, 63.” No. 175.
[E] A Latin copy is in the Nuncio’s Memoirs, and in Italian in
Vittorio Liri’s Mercurio, Vol. vii. p. 97, 98. Translation in
Birch’s Inquiry, 8vo. 1756, p. 244.
[F] Being empowered by the King’s Commission of the 1st April,
1644
[G] Bod. Lib. “Carte Papers, 1634–1657, Ireland, 63.” No. 202.
[H] Bod. Lib. “Carte Papers, 1634–1657, Ireland, 63.” No. 207.
[I] The autograph of _Glamorgan_ is said by Dr. Lingard to have
attested a _copy_ of his Warrant of 12th January, 1644; possibly
the one originally handed by him to the Marquis of Ormond. It is
not, however, among his papers at St. Cuthbert’s College, Durham.
[J] Nuncio’s Memoirs, fol. 1376–1379. Birch, Inq. p. 253–256.
[K] See his previous Oath, page 159.
[L] See his own explanations, given in a letter to the Earl of
Clarendon, dated 11th June, 1660.
[M] Lords’ Jour. VIII. 507.
[74] Nichols.
[26] Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 380.
[61] Leyburn, p. 61.