HENRY, EARL OF WORCESTER.--CREATED MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.
--RAGLAN CASTLE.
The general aspect of public affairs in 1641, foreshadowed the coming
storm. Charles the First had departed from Whitehall; civil war raged
through the length and breadth of the land, terminating in fearful
consequences to the monarch and all his wealthiest loyal supporters.
On the 2nd of November, 1642,[88] Henry was created Marquis of
Worcester, being the first of his family raised to that dignity. He
would then be 65 years of age, but does not appear to have enjoyed
uniform good health; he was corpulent in body, possessed a vigorous
intellect, and was remarkable for his flow of humour. It is recorded of
him, but without reference to any authority for the statement,[4] that
he was singular for the custom of wearing a coat of frieze, a coarse
narrow cloth much in use; the term being applied to garments having
long wool, then said to be friezed. Sanderson speaks of him as a plain
man, especially in his apparel.
His great wealth enabled him to afford Charles the First early
important pecuniary assistance, which, together with his great loyalty,
although a papist, secured him all that esteem and favour, which the
peculiar mental constitution of his royal master, alone best knew
how to turn to the largest possible amount of personal profit, without
being absolutely necessitated to make any adequate return other than
his word and honour. If the materials for the personal character of
Charles the First had to be drawn solely from his treatment of the
first two Marquisses of Worcester--the veteran Lord of Raglan Castle,
and his enthusiastic valorous son, the Lord Herbert, sufficient
evidence would be found to establish that monarch’s perfidious nature,
and the utter worthlessness of his plighted word and most solemn
protestations.
The Parliament took early notice of the proceedings of both the Earl
of Worcester and his son Lord Herbert. The Journals of the House of
Commons[A] inform us that on the 29th of January, 1640–41:--
“Die Veneris, 29 Jan., 1640.
“Mr. Treasurer acquaints this House, that his Majesty’s pleasure is,
that this House do attend his Majesty this afternoon, at two of [the]
clock, in the Banqueting House, and that he had intimated his pleasure
likewise to the Lords to attend him at the same time.
“Ordered, That the consideration of the commission granted to the
Earl of Worcester, and his eldest son the Lord Herbert, and the
sub-commissions by them granted to others, for the levying of forces
in several Counties of England and Wales, and all the circumstances
depending thereupon, be referred to the Committee appointed to draw up
the charge against the Earl of Stratford, &c.”
And on the 11th of February following, that:--
“Die Jovis, 11º Feb 1640.
“Mr. Reignolds reports from the Committee of the Earl of Worcester, the
substance of that business. * * * * * * (thus printed in Journal.)
“And then it was resolved, upon the question, That the particulars
reported by Sir W. Erle, Sir Jo. Clotworthy, and Mr. Reignolds, shall
be the heads of the Conference to be desired with the Lords, concerning
the disbanding of the new-levied Irish Army, and disarming of the
Popish Recusants here in England.”
Later we find a guard set on his residence in London.[B]
“Die Martis, 16º Nov. 1641.
“Mr. Wittacre, Sir John Francklin, Sir John Hippisley, Mr. Wheler,
Mr. G. Long, are appointed to go immediately, and take order to set a
good guard upon the house of the Earl of Worcester; and to search for
persons suspected of high treason.
“They are to take like care for setting a guard upon, and searching
* * *; and likewise upon such other houses, as they shall be informed;
and that they have power to search all such houses at such times as
they shall think fit.
“... To acquaint their Lordships, what this House has done for the
searching, and setting a guard upon, the Earl of Worcester’s house, and
upon what grounds.”
On the 5th of January, 1642, his Majesty addressed the following letter
to the Marquis, in which he says--
“The large expressions which you and your son have made unto us of your
forwardness to a service, shall _never be forgotten_.”
“CHARLES R.
“Right trusty and right entirely beloved Cousin, We greet you well.
Your son, the Lord Herbert, hath excused your not writing unto us; but
where we find so much royalty, there needs not ceremony, and your last
performance of our desires hath crowned the rest. And we would have
you confident that the mentioning of leaving few forces at Raglan,
was not out of any diminution of our care of you, or meant to lessen
any provision fitting thereto: For we well understand that there were
never any of the forces raised in the county, applied thereunto more
than a private company under servants of your own. But the Ward of
Raglan was given as a general ward attributive to the country, as that
time we understood it. The large expressions which you and your said
son have made unto us of your forwardness to a service, shall never be
forgotten. He now commands in chief in the absence of the Lord Marquis
[of] Hertford, and besides his dutifulness unto you, our command is,
that his power and yours shall [be] the same, as your hearts are to our
service. The acceptance whereof we shall not fail to make appear on all
occasions, whereof you may rest assured. Given under and signed at our
Court at Oxford, the 5th day of January, in the eighteenth year of our
reign, 1642.[C]
“To Our Right trusty and right entirely beloved Cousin, HENRY,
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.”
The earliest direct intimation we have of money passing from the
Marquis to the King occurs in two letters from Sir John Byron. In his
first communication he says:--
“MY LORD,
“The King is so oppressed with [a] multitude of business that he has
commanded me to write unto your Lordship this inclosed letter, not
having leisure himself to write more than a short postscript to give
credit to what I have written. I had thought to have sent some of my
own servants to convey the money hither, but Mr. Griffin tells me
your Lordship would rather send it by him and some other, whom you
should think fit to trust, and then it may be brought so privately to
Newstead, where I shall be ready to receive it, that none but such
as your Lordship trusteth need to know of it. I humbly desire your
Lordship it may be sent with all possible speed, because his Majesty
hath allotted it for a service that must immediately be gone in hand
with all [speed]. I shall not need to trouble your Lordship any
farther, and therefore humbly kissing your hands, rest ever,
“Your Lordship’s most humble Servant,
“JOHN BYRON.[D]
“York, July 8, 1642.
“To the EARL OF WORCESTER.”
On the 24th of the same month Sir John Byron[E] wrote a second letter
as follows:--
“MY MOST HONOURED LORD,
“Your Lordship hath honoured me with a title which I value above any
other that can be given me, and of which I shall ever endeavour to make
myself worthy by all real expressions of faithful and humble service.
It was my misfortune to be from home when Sir John Somerset came, and
though I acquainted his Majesty therewith (upon whom I then attended),
yet he would not permit me to go to him for a day or two, having some
other service to employ me in by reason of his journey to Leicester,
where it was thought he would have had some opposition; but upon his
Majesty’s approach, his enemies fled, Hazelrick,[F] the chief of them,
was said to be lurking hereabouts, whereupon the King commanded me and
some other gentlemen, to go out and see if we could apprehend him; but,
though we used the best diligence we could, riding both day and night,
yet we came short of him.
“This is the cause of the delay in returning your Lordship an answer,
for which I hope your Lordship will pardon me; and now, since Sir John
Somerset is come hither, having left the £5000 your Lordship sent at
Newstead, my house, his Majesty hath commanded me to make use of it
for the levying of 500 horse, and withal, in his name, to return your
Lordship all possible thanks for your seasonable assistance both now
and heretofore, and that he hopes he shall not die in your debt. These
are his own words, and desires to be excused for not writing himself,
by reason of the little leisure he hath; for my own particular, I
humbly beseech your Lordship to believe that, as there lives not any
body more deeply engaged for real and noble favours to your Lordship
than myself, so no man can be more sensible of them, or more ready upon
all occasions to express myself, my Lord,
“Your Lordship’s most humble
“and faithful servant,
“JOHN BYRON.
“Leicester Abbey, this Sunday, being the 24th of July, 1642.”
Still later, and the House of Commons directs its attention to the
disarming of the Earl, and the requiring of his son’s attendance.[G]
“Die Sabbati, 20 Augusti, 1642. Post meridiem.
“Message from the Lords by Sir Robt. Riche and Mr. Page;
“That the Lords had sent them with Three Orders: 1. For the disarming
of the Earl of Worcester, and all Papists; wherein they desire the
concurrence of this House, &c. &c.
“Answer returned by the same messenger (as to two of the Orders); And
as to that of disarming the Earl of Worcester, will send an answer by
messengers of their own.”
And again on the following month:--
“Die Martis, 3º Septembris, 1642.
“That Mr. Speaker shall write his letter to the Lord Herbert, son of
the Earl of Worcester, to appear here, and attend the House.
“Mr. Glyn to prepare this letter.
“That the Lords be moved to send for the Earl of Worcester, to attend
the Parliament.”
In August, 1642, had commenced that series of national disasters,
which divided shires and even families into either Cavaliers or
Roundheads--Royalists or Parliamentarians--Protestants or Puritans,
in short, Tories or Whigs. It was then, or perhaps somewhat earlier,
previous to his elevation, that the Earl of Worcester garrisoned
Raglan Castle, strengthening his position by the raising of extensive
earthworks on its most approachable side, and maintained there 800 men
entirely at his own expense.
In September, 1642, Lord Herbert was in personal communication with his
Majesty at Nottingham. He was then, although 41 years of age, a man
singularly inexperienced in the ways either of commerce or of courts.
His studies, pursuits, domestic habits, were not calculated to foster
that spirit of intrigue which a deep designing mind alone knows best
how to conjure up and apply with consummate art, and the exercise
of which base quality his position would seem to have frequently
demanded. We have now to peruse a minute report, drawn up by Lord
Herbert, of what passed between himself and the King in regard to a
further loan.[H] The cunning and artfulness of the royal negotiator is
mirrored forth in this affair in most unmistakeable characters. But the
whole document is a striking example of the arts by which Charles the
First could practise on his unsuspecting victims. It is an engrossed
copy--not signed--but has been endorsed on the back, “Lord Herbert’s
Message from the King to be delivered to his father from Nottingham,
Sept. 9th, 1642,” and runs as follows:--
“The effect of the message your Majesty desireth I should deliver to my
father for your Majesty at Nottingham, the 9th of September, 1642.
“That your Majesty with many thanks expresseth yourself most sensible
of the great expense and charge his Lordship hath been at for your
service, far more than any man else, considering what I have had as
well as Sir John Byron’s [expenses], that it is most true at this
time, much lieth at stake both of your Majesty’s honour and power
for want of a little money, since £20,000, with what you have, would
further your Majesty’s designs to a most hopeful condition; for want
whereof, your Majesty is enforced to dally (though you will never
yield), and at this present you offer that which is worth £100,000
for £50,000, besides my Lord Capell, Sir William Savill and others
of good estates do offer also theirs for security;--yet no want nor
occasion can make your Majesty to press my Lord, who hath already done
so much, but if he and his friends could procure £10,000, your Majesty
would suddenly (if it please God to restore you) see it repaid, and
would presently in token of thankfulness send my father the Garter,
to be put on when he pleased, and also having the Great Seal in your
Majesty’s own custody you would pass a patent of Marquis of what title
my father should desire, and keep it private as long as he thought
fitting; and to show that this proposition is far from urging him to
his inconvenience, and so much doth your Majesty acknowledge yourself
already beholding to him, as that even without procuring his Majesty
this unspeakable advantage, your Majesty is graciously pleased that if
he desire either or both these, your Majesty, at my return unto you,
will vouchsafe them; but if this could be possibly performed, then the
Crown, which hitherto your Majesty confesseth to stay upon your head
by his assistance, will be then confirmed by him, and your Majesty;
and your Majesty esteemeth so much of his understanding, as well as
passionate zeal to your service, that if he will send your Majesty his
advice (upon the relation of the state of business which your Majesty
hath commanded me to make unto him) your Majesty will as soon follow
it as any man’s, and the power you give, or intend to give me is, as
I am subordinate, and most dutiful unto him to whom your Majesty
esteemeth it to be given when it is to me; and your Majesty doth not
only faithfully promise on the word of a King but of a Christian, that
you will punctually perform your engagements advantageously to him and
his, and never forsake either, whilst you breathe, joining his safety
with your own, which is, and ever shall be your Majesty’s resolution.”
We have here a summary of the interview between Charles the First and
Lord Herbert at Nottingham. The King was no doubt very gloomy, and
the discourse between them most serious. There was on all occasions
an imperturbable dignity of manner about his Majesty, although his
personal appearance operated against him, his visage being long, with a
narrow forehead, large nose, grey eyes, thick lips, and peaked beard.
He stammered, too, in his speech, being also somewhat impetuous and
hurried amidst all the apparent coolness and calmness of his conduct
and conversation. Lord Herbert, on the contrary, in the very prime
of life, was a man of cheerful aspect, with small dark full eyes,
and smooth, oval, delicately formed features. Both wore the flowing
locks in fashion, the one in ample curls, the other in plain long
wavy hair. The Marquis fastidiously observed all courtly etiquette;
without the accomplishment of fluency in speech, his conversation would
be deferential, simple, without any show of boldness other than what
conscious integrity of purpose might naturally inspire; unaffected,
direct, and straightforward; displaying much suavity without any taint
of selfishness, and profound zeal without the slightest hypocrisy.
We almost see and hear again the wily financier, (such is the freshness
of the reported conversation) while the meek, unsophisticated Lord
Herbert is scrupulously noting each suggestion as it is dictated
by his suppliant royal master, anxious to give in their integrity
the identical honeyed phrases the Sovereign employs in depicting his
obligations, his necessities, his securities, with the readiest means
for extricating the royal cause and assuredly giving stability to the
already tottering crown. His Majesty is gracious to an extreme; he
will in very “thankfulness send the Earl the Garter,” and having “the
Great Seal” in his “own custody,” he offers to “pass a patent of what
title the Earl should desire;” nay, should he desire unconditionally
to have either or both “his Majesty will vouchsafe them.” It was by
such unworthy arts in diplomacy that Charles the First drew the loyal,
warm-hearted, sincerely attached Lord Herbert into his toils, inducing
him by unremitting flattery, artfully simulated condescension, and
consummate sophistry to become instrumental in the ruin of both himself
and his father. There is not the slightest ground to suppose that from
the first to the last advance of money made by this family to the King,
a single offer in the first instance came direct from either the Earl
or his son; but there are abundant proofs that his Majesty held out
from time to time every possible inducement he could conceive to sap
the wealth of the too-confiding Earl of Worcester. Transparent as the
craftiness of the present transaction must appear to the reader, it was
not so obvious to the peer whom it interested, for he having once made
his election to support the royal cause magnanimously proceeded as he
had begun, until he exceeded even the bounds of common prudence.
It will be requisite, as we progress, to notice many particulars which
might at first appear irrelevant, as relating more considerably to the
father than to the son; but it is important to bear in mind, that Lord
Herbert becomes intimately associated with events then apparently
only concerning his father, but which really are those most seriously
affecting that turn in events which colour all his future history,
whether as regards his early military career or his later cheerless
destiny.
Raglan Castle was then in its glory; it was often gay with numerous
noble visitors. Lord Herbert resided there with his lady, particularly
at that disturbed period; his father too had a numerous family and
household. Although rather isolated in position, it must have been a
place possessing considerable internal comfort. The good old Marquis
was constituted to make all around him as happy as circumstances would
permit; with strong religious and moral principles he combined the
strictest possible sense of honour, of a gentlemanly and military
bearing, with a joyous temperament that refused no source of accidental
innocent amusement, turning the very ills of life to sources either of
merriment or moral reflection as the case might be: which, with his
princely means and liberal spirit, must have largely contributed to the
promoting of good feeling and hilarity within the fortress of Raglan.
The Castle crowns one of the many broad low verdant hills occupying a
valley of immense extent in Monmouthshire. It is at present so
embowered in a forest of ancient lofty trees, as to be all but hid
from view within the circuit of a mile radius. There is just one
point from which may be seen at the same time towering above the
foliage the Tower of Gwent or Citadel on the right, and the Closet
Tower on the left. The Citadel, which in reality stands outside the
Castle, as being the loftiest object, is visible from the village,
the Warrage, and other points of view. In its palmy days there were
attached to the Castle an extensive, well-wooded and highly
picturesque home-park, with a well-stocked red-deer park; also
various gardens, orchards, lawns, pleasure grounds, and fish-ponds
artfully constructed, affording islands here, fountains there, and
summer houses where they could be most advantageously placed. Thus
were the demesnes of Raglan characteristic of its noble possessor’s
distinguished position.
[Illustration: Distant view of Raglan Castle]
DISTANT VIEW OF RAGLAN CASTLE, MONMOUTHSHIRE.
The most ancient portions of the Castle itself, were probably raised
in the reign of Henry V., others are of more recent construction, but
not much, if any of it, dates later than that of Elizabeth. Its mixed
styles of architecture are very obvious. Among its later improvements
were, no doubt, those large windows, which were better suited for an
elegant domestic mansion, than for a fortress. The grand entrance was
secured by its double portcullis, as likewise by a gate, leading to the
paved or pitched court; a portcullis also protected the south-eastern
entrance, leading from the fountain court to the pleasaunce or
bowling-green, supposed by some to have originally been the tilt-yard;
both of which entrances were further guarded by draw-bridges. The tower
of Gwent, citadel, or keep, stands before, and a little removed from
the castle, surrounded with a broad moat, which it would appear could
be crossed by two bridges; one permanent, connected with, and for the
special use of the castle, reaching to the walls of the bastions,
whence communication was kept up by a draw-bridge with the keep itself;
the other a draw-bridge only, in an opposite direction, whereby to
pass over the moat to the sunk walk, for ordinary use. The tower is of
extraordinary strength, its form hexagonal, its walls ten and a half
feet thick, and its summit reached by a stone staircase.
The Castle may be described as presenting two portions, distinguished
by two courts and two fortified arched entrances. The grand entrance
between two hexagonal towers leads to the paved court, with the closet
tower or library to the right, a withdrawing or ball-room over head,
and the banqueting or stately hall to the left, which last attracts
much notice from its size, nobleness, and state of preservation. It had
a magnificent oak roof lighted by a lantern or cupola window at the
top; at one end is a large stone carving of the arms of the Beaufort
family, with their celebrated motto, _Mutare vel timere, sperno_;
at the opposite end rose the minstrels’ gallery. One entire side is
occupied with an ample fire-place, having large windows above, and
on the right hand side a magnificent bay window; the opposite side
of this great apartment is a mere lofty blank wall. Returning to the
court we see the kitchen-tower, larders, and other domestic offices.
Passing to the second, or Fountain Court, we observe a small chapel,
marked only by its foundation stones. Above it, on the same level and
of no greater width, ran the picture gallery, which may have been
126 feet long by 13 feet wide. In it were, among others, many family
portraits, particularly one of Charles, the first Earl, and another of
Henry, the second Earl of Worcester.[93] The Marquis’s private chamber
was probably over the gate; but here, the outer walls excepted and
the grand staircase, few remains of the ruin rise above the ground to
distinguish their character.
The vaults and cellars are numerous, but not so large as is generally
supposed, although sufficiently capacious. Some were undoubtedly used
as cells for prisoners, others for various stores, while certain vaults
are even reputed to have served the purpose of underground stables.
The Fountain Court, derives its name from formerly possessing a
handsomely carved fountain which stood in its centre, supposed to
have been supplied with water by means of water-works erected by Lord
Herbert, in contiguity with the citadel, and sufficiently near for that
purpose, as already noticed.
Such then was Raglan Castle in the days of its magnificence, during
the life-time of its last munificent lordly resident. But the time had
arrived to protect it against the worst consequences of civil war. Its
paved court afforded ample scope for the drilling of recruits, and
the reviews of the regular soldiery, when the open ground could not
be safely taken. A mill was also erected for the home manufacture of
gunpowder, in which we imagine the combined skill of Lord Herbert and
Caspar Kaltoff was actively exercised. The clang of arms, the beat of
drum, the constant firing of artillery, with all the noise, the show,
and circumstance of war, soon transformed the once quiet homestead
into a most mortifying scene of discomfort, alarm, watchfulness, care,
anxiety and activity.
Charles, Lord Somerset, the Marquis’s sixth son, officiated as governor
of the castle. The garrison, originally amounting to 300 foot,[93]
was considerably augmented to meet the threatening aspect of public
affairs.[90]
Warfare, as at that time conducted, bore but a slight analogy to
modern practice. The bow and cross-bow, it is true, were entirely
superseded by the use of gunpowder, but that material was comparatively
indifferent, and the ordnance and arms employed of the clumsiest
possible description. Great guns weighing from 3½ tons to half and
less that weight were denominated cannon, demi-cannon, culvering,
demi-culvering, saker, minion, drake, &c. Then for small arms, they had
the musket, carbine, arquebuse, blunderbuss, pistol, &c. Their weapons
were chiefly swords and pikes. Armour was employed to a considerable
extent. The curious in such military matters may consult with advantage
“The exercise of arms for Calivers, Musketts, and Pikes,” in the
masterly executed folio engravings by Jacob de Gheyne, printed at the
Hague in 1607. The soldiers of the 17th century had to carry immense
unwieldy fire-arms, requiring a crutch or rest on which to steady them
while taking aim, and had to fire with the ignited end of prepared
rope, used as a match for that purpose, and which for security against
accidental extinction was usually kept lighted at both ends.
In respect to the Marquis’s wealth, a contemporary authority informs
us in reference to that period, that,--“His whole estate _ubique_ was
esteemed 24 thousand pounds per annum.”[93] Indeed he was almost an
universal landlord in the county.[29] He had then altogether raised
1500 foot and near 500 horse, the command of which he gave to his son,
Lord Herbert; thus raising the first horse levied by the King.
The writer of a contemporary pamphlet published at Oxford, entitled--“A
short view of the late troubles,” states: “Moreover, within few days
following, one John Davis discovered [12th Nov.] to the House that the
Earl of Worcester had large stables under ground, at Raglan Castle, and
a number of light horse in them; likewise arms for a hundred and forty
horse, and two thousand men, whereof seven hundred were then in pay,
and ammunition proportionate.”[90]
We learn little more personally affecting the Marquis of Worcester for
about two years, during which his time must have been both fully and
painfully absorbed in superintending the warlike preparations which
environed his domicile.
Footnotes
[88] Sandford.
[4] Annual Register, 1769.
[A] 1640. 16 Car. I. vol. ii. p. 75.
[B] Journals of House of Commons, 1641. 17 Car. I. vol. ii.
p. 317.
[C] From MSS. Badminton.
[D] From MSS. Badminton.
[E] Ibid.
[F] Sir Arthur Hazilrigge, Bart.
[G] Journal, House of Commons, 1642. 17 Car. I. vol. ii.
[H] From MSS. at Badminton.
[93] Symonds.
[93] Symonds.
[90] Somers.
[93] Symonds.
[29] Corbet.
[90] Somers.