THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS
By Herodotus
Translated into English by G. C. Macaulay
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME I.
{e Herodotou diathesis en apasin epieikes, kai tois men agathois
sunedomene, tois de kakois sunalgousa}.—Dion. Halic.
{monos 'Erodotos 'Omerikhotatos egeneto}.—Longinus.
PREPARER'S NOTE
This text was prepared from an edition dated 1890, published by
MacMillan and Co., London and New York.
Greek text has been transliterated and marked with brackets, as in
the opening citation above.
PREFACE
If a new translation of Herodotus does not justify itself, it will
hardly be justified in a preface; therefore the question whether it was
needed may be left here without discussion. The aim of the translator
has been above all things faithfulness—faithfulness to the manner of
expression and to the structure of sentences, as well as to the meaning
of the Author. At the same time it is conceived that the freedom and
variety of Herodotus is not always best reproduced by such severe
consistency of rendering as is perhaps desirable in the case of the Epic
writers before and the philosophical writers after his time: nor again
must his simplicity of thought and occasional quaintness be reproduced
in the form of archaisms of language; and that not only because the
affectation of an archaic style would necessarily be offensive to the
reader, but also because in language Herodotus is not archaic. His style
is the "best canon of the Ionic speech," marked, however, not so much
by primitive purity as by eclectic variety. At the same time it is
characterised largely by the poetic diction of the Epic and Tragic
writers; and while the translator is free to employ all the resources of
modern English, so far as he has them at his command, he must carefully
retain this poetical colouring and by all means avoid the courtier
phrase by which the style of Herodotus has too often been made "more
noble." 331
As regards the text from which this translation has been made, it is
based upon that of Stein's critical edition (Berlin, 1869-1871), that
is to say the estimate there made of the comparative value of the
authorities has been on the whole accepted as a just one, rather than
that which depreciates the value of the Medicean MS. and of the class to
which it belongs. On the other hand the conjectural emendations proposed
by Stein have very seldom been adopted, and his text has been departed
from in a large number of other instances also, which will for the most
part be found recorded in the notes.
As it seemed that even after Stein's re-collation of the Medicean MS.
there were doubts felt by some scholars 332 as to the true reading in
some places of this MS., which is very generally acknowledged to be the
most important, I thought it right to examine it myself in all those
passages where questions about text arise which concern a translator,
that is in nearly five hundred places altogether; and the results, when
they are worth observing, are recorded in the notes. At the same time,
by the suggestion of Dr. Stein, I re-collated a large part of the third
book in the MS. which is commonly referred to as F (i.e. Florentinus),
called by Stein C, and I examined this MS. also in a certain number
of other places. It should be understood that wherever in the notes I
mention the reading of any particular MS. by name, I do so on my own
authority.
The notes have been confined to a tolerably small compass. Their purpose
is, first, in cases where the text is doubtful, to indicate the
reading adopted by the translator and any other which may seem to have
reasonable probability, but without discussion of the authorities;
secondly, where the rendering is not quite literal (and in other cases
where it seemed desirable), to quote the words of the original or to
give a more literal version; thirdly, to add an alternative version
in cases where there seems to be a doubt as to the true meaning; and
lastly, to give occasionally a short explanation, or a reference from
one passage of the author to another.
For the orthography of proper names reference may be made to the note
prefixed to the index. No consistent system has been adopted, and the
result will therefore be open to criticism in many details; but the aim
has been to avoid on the one hand the pedantry of seriously altering the
form of those names which are fairly established in the English language
of literature, as distinguished from that of scholarship, and on the
other hand the absurdity of looking to Latin rather than to Greek for
the orthography of the names which are not so established. There is no
intention to put forward any theory about pronunciation.
The index of proper names will, it is hoped, be found more complete
and accurate than those hitherto published. The best with which I was
acquainted I found to have so many errors and omissions 333 that I was
compelled to do the work again from the beginning. In a collection
of more than ten thousand references there must in all probability be
mistakes, but I trust they will be found to be few.
My acknowledgments of obligation are due first to Dr. Stein, both for
his critical work and also for his most excellent commentary, which I
have had always by me. After this I have made most use of the editions
of Krüger, Bähr, Abicht, and (in the first two books) Mr. Woods. As to
translations, I have had Rawlinson's before me while revising my own
work, and I have referred also occasionally to the translations of
Littlebury (perhaps the best English version as regards style, but full
of gross errors), Taylor, and Larcher. In the second book I have also
used the version of B. R. reprinted by Mr. Lang: of the first book of
this translation I have access only to a fragment written out some
years ago, when the British Museum was within my reach. Other particular
obligations are acknowledged in the notes.
—————
NOTES TO PREFACE
331 [ See the remarks of P.-L. Courier (on Larcher's version) in the
preface to his specimens of a new translation of Herodotus (OEuvres
complètes de P.-L. Courier, Bruxelles, 1828).]
332 [ Mr. Woods, for example, in his edition of the first book
(published in 1873) gives a list of readings for the first and second
books, in which he almost invariably prefers the authority of Gronovius
to that of Stein, where their reports differ. In so doing he is wrong
in all cases (I think) except one, namely i. 134 {to degomeno}. He is
wrong, for examine, in i. 189, where the MS. has {touto}, i. 196 {an
agesthai}, i. 199 {odon}, ii. 15 {te de}, ii. 95 {up auto}, ii. 103 {kai
prosotata}, ii. 124 {to addo} (without {dao}), ii. 181 {no}. Abicht also
has made several inaccurate statements, e.g. i. 185, where the MS. has
{es ton Euphreten}, and vii. 133 {Xerxes}.]
333 [ For example in the index of proper names attached to Stein's
annotated edition (Berlin, 1882), to which I am under obligation, having
checked my own by it, I find that I have marked upwards of two hundred
mistakes or oversights: no doubt I have been saved by it from at least
as many.]
THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS
BOOK I. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CLIO
This is the Showing forth of the Inquiry of Herodotus of Halicarnassos,
to the end that 1 neither the deeds of men may be forgotten by lapse
of time, nor the works 2 great and marvellous, which have been produced
some by Hellenes and some by Barbarians, may lose their renown; and
especially that the causes may be remembered for which these waged war
with one another.
1. Those of the Persians who have knowledge of history declare that
the Phenicians first began the quarrel. These, they say, came from that
which is called the Erythraian Sea to this of ours; and having settled
in the land where they continue even now to dwell, set themselves
forthwith to make long voyages by sea. And conveying merchandise of
Egypt and of Assyria they arrived at other places and also at Argos; now
Argos was at that time in all points the first of the States within that
land which is now called Hellas;—the Phenicians arrived then at this
land of Argos, and began to dispose of their ship's cargo: and on the
fifth or sixth day after they had arrived, when their goods had been
almost all sold, there came down to the sea a great company of women,
and among them the daughter of the king; and her name, as the Hellenes
also agree, was Io the daughter of Inachos. These standing near to the
stern of the ship were buying of the wares such as pleased them most,
when of a sudden the Phenicians, passing the word from one to another,
made a rush upon them; and the greater part of the women escaped by
flight, but Io and certain others were carried off. So they put them on
board their ship, and forthwith departed, sailing away to Egypt.
2. In this manner the Persians report that Io came to Egypt, not
agreeing therein with the Hellenes, 3 and this they say was the first
beginning of wrongs. Then after this, they say, certain Hellenes (but
the name of the people they are not able to report) put in to the city
of Tyre in Phenicia and carried off the king's daughter Europa;—these
would doubtless be Cretans;—and so they were quits for the former
injury. After this however the Hellenes, they say, were the authors of
the second wrong; for they sailed in to Aia of Colchis and to the river
Phasis with a ship of war, and from thence, after they had done the
other business for which they came, they carried off the king's daughter
Medea: and the king of Colchis sent a herald to the land of Hellas and
demanded satisfaction for the rape and to have his daughter back; but
they answered that, as the Barbarians had given them no satisfaction for
the rape of Io the Argive, so neither would they give satisfaction to
the Barbarians for this.
3. In the next generation after this, they say, Alexander the son of
Priam, having heard of these things, desired to get a wife for himself
by violence 4 from Hellas, being fully assured that he would not be
compelled to give any satisfaction for this wrong, inasmuch as the
Hellenes gave none for theirs. So he carried off Helen, and the
Hellenes resolved to send messengers first and to demand her back with
satisfaction for the rape; and when they put forth this demand, the
others alleged to them the rape of Medea, saying that the Hellenes were
now desiring satisfaction to be given to them by others, though they
had given none themselves nor had surrendered the person when demand was
made.
4. Up to this point, they say, nothing more happened than the carrying
away of women on both sides; but after this the Hellenes were very
greatly to blame; for they set the first example of war, making an
expedition into Asia before the Barbarians made any into Europe. Now
they say that in their judgment, though it is an act of wrong to
carry away women by force, it is a folly to set one's heart on taking
vengeance for their rape, and the wise course is to pay no regard when
they have been carried away; for it is evident that they would never be
carried away if they were not themselves willing to go. And the Persians
say that they, namely the people of Asia, when their women were carried
away by force, had made it a matter of no account, but the Hellenes on
account of a woman of Lacedemon gathered together a great armament, and
then came to Asia and destroyed the dominion of Priam; and that from
this time forward they had always considered the Hellenic race to be
their enemy: for Asia and the Barbarian races which dwell there the
Persians claim as belonging to them; but Europe and the Hellenic race
they consider to be parted off from them.
5. The Persians for their part say that things happened thus; and they
conclude that the beginning of their quarrel with the Hellenes was on
account of the taking of Ilion: but as regards Io the Phenicians do not
agree with the Persians in telling the tale thus; for they deny that
they carried her off to Egypt by violent means, and they say on the
other hand that when they were in Argos she was intimate with the master
of their ship, and perceiving that she was with child, she was ashamed
to confess it to her parents, and therefore sailed away with the
Phenicians of her own will, for fear of being found out. These are the
tales told by the Persians and the Phenicians severally: and concerning
these things I am not going to say that they happened thus or thus, 401
but when I have pointed to the man who first within my own knowledge
began to commit wrong against the Hellenes, I shall go forward further
with the story, giving an account of the cities of men, small as well
as great: for those which in old times were great have for the most part
become small, while those that were in my own time great used in former
times to be small: so then, since I know that human prosperity never
continues steadfast, I shall make mention of both indifferently.
6. Croesus was Lydian by race, the son of Alyattes and ruler of the
nations which dwell on this side of the river Halys; which river,
flowing from the South between the Syrians 5 and the Paphlagonians, runs
out towards the North Wind into that Sea which is called the Euxine.
This Croesus, first of all the Barbarians of whom we have knowledge,
subdued certain of the Hellenes and forced them to pay tribute, while
others he gained over and made them his friends. Those whom he subdued
were the Ionians, the Aiolians, and the Dorians who dwell in Asia; and
those whom he made his friends were the Lacedemonians. But before the
reign of Croesus all the Hellenes were free; for the expedition of the
Kimmerians, which came upon Ionia before the time of Croesus, was not a
conquest of the cities but a plundering incursion only. 6
7. Now the supremacy which had belonged to the Heracleidai came to the
family of Croesus, called Mermnadai, in the following manner:—Candaules,
whom the Hellenes call Myrsilos, was ruler of Sardis and a descendant of
Alcaios, son of Heracles: for Agron, the son of Ninos, the son of Belos,
the son of Alcaios, was the first of the Heracleidai who became king of
Sardis, and Candaules the son of Myrsos was the last; but those who were
kings over this land before Agron, were descendants of Lydos the son
of Atys, whence this whole nation was called Lydian, having been before
called Meonian. From these the Heracleidai, descended from Heracles and
the slave-girl of Iardanos, obtained the government, being charged
with it by reason of an oracle; and they reigned for two-and-twenty
generations of men, five hundred and five years, handing on the power
from father to son, till the time of Candaules the son of Myrsos.
8. This Candaules then of whom I speak had become passionately in love
with his own wife; and having become so, he deemed that his wife was
fairer by far than all other women; and thus deeming, to Gyges the son
of Daskylos (for he of all his spearmen was the most pleasing to him),
to this Gyges, I say, he used to impart as well the more weighty of his
affairs as also the beauty of his wife, praising it above measure: and
after no long time, since it was destined that evil should happen to
Candaules, he said to Gyges as follows: "Gyges, I think that thou dost
not believe me when I tell thee of the beauty of my wife, for it
happens that men's ears are less apt of belief than their eyes: contrive
therefore means by which thou mayest look upon her naked." But he cried
aloud and said: "Master, what word of unwisdom is this which thou dost
utter, bidding me look upon my mistress naked? When a woman puts off
her tunic she puts off her modesty also. Moreover of old time those fair
sayings have been found out by men, from which we ought to learn wisdom;
and of these one is this,—that each man should look on his own: but I
believe indeed that she is of all women the fairest and I entreat thee
not to ask of me that which it is not lawful for me to do."
9. With such words as these he resisted, fearing lest some evil might
come to him from this; but the king answered him thus: "Be of good
courage, Gyges, and have no fear, either of me, that I am saying these
words to try thee, or of my wife, lest any harm may happen to thee from
her. For I will contrive it so from the first that she shall not even
perceive that she has been seen by thee. I will place thee in the room
where we sleep, behind the open door; 7 and after I have gone in, my
wife also will come to lie down. Now there is a seat near the entrance
of the room, and upon this she will lay her garments as she takes
them off one by one; and so thou wilt be able to gaze upon her at full
leisure. And when she goes from the chair to the bed and thou shalt be
behind her back, then let it be thy part to take care that she sees thee
not as thou goest through the door."
10. He then, since he might not avoid it, gave consent: and Candaules,
when he considered that it was time to rest, led Gyges to the chamber;
and straightway after this the woman also appeared: and Gyges looked
upon her after she came in and as she laid down her garments; and when
she had her back turned towards him, as she went to the bed, then he
slipped away from his hiding-place and was going forth. And as he went
out, the woman caught sight of him, and perceiving that which had been
done by her husband she did not cry out, though struck with shame, 8 but
she made as though she had not perceived the matter, meaning to avenge
herself upon Candaules: for among the Lydians as also among most other
Barbarians it is a shame even for a man to be seen naked.
11. At the time then she kept silence, as I say, and made no outward
sign; but as soon as day had dawned, and she made ready those of the
servants whom she perceived to be the most attached to herself, and
after that she sent to summon Gyges. He then, not supposing that
anything of that which had been done was known to her, came upon her
summons; for he had been accustomed before to go 9 whenever the queen
summoned him. And when Gyges was come, the woman said to him these
words: "There are now two ways open to thee, Gyges, and I give thee the
choice which of the two thou wilt prefer to take. Either thou must slay
Candaules and possess both me and the kingdom of Lydia, or thou must
thyself here on the spot be slain, so that thou mayest not in future,
by obeying Candaules in all things, see that which thou shouldest not.
Either he must die who formed this design, or thou who hast looked upon
me naked and done that which is not accounted lawful." For a time then
Gyges was amazed at these words, and afterwards he began to entreat her
that she would not bind him by necessity to make such a choice: then
however, as he could not prevail with her, but saw that necessity was in
truth set before him either to slay his master or to be himself slain by
others, he made the choice to live himself; and he inquired further as
follows: "Since thou dost compel me to take my master's life against
my own will, let me hear from thee also what is the manner in which we
shall lay hands upon him." And she answering said: "From that same place
shall the attempt be, where he displayed me naked; and we will lay hands
upon him as he sleeps."
12. So after they had prepared the plot, when night came on, (for Gyges
was not let go nor was there any way of escape for him, but he must
either be slain himself or slay Candaules), he followed the woman to the
bedchamber; and she gave him a dagger and concealed him behind that very
same door. Then afterwards, while Candaules was sleeping, Gyges came
privily up to him 10 and slew him, and he obtained both his wife and his
kingdom: of him moreover Archilochos the Parian, who lived about that
time, made mention in a trimeter iambic verse. 11
13. He obtained the kingdom however and was strengthened in it by means
of the Oracle at Delphi; for when the Lydians were angry because of the
fate of Candaules, and had risen in arms, a treaty was made between the
followers of Gyges and the other Lydians to this effect, that if the
Oracle should give answer that he was to be king of the Lydians, he
should be king, and if not, he should give back the power to the sons of
Heracles. So the Oracle gave answer, and Gyges accordingly became
king: yet the Pythian prophetess said this also, that vengeance for
the Heracleidai should come upon the descendants of Gyges in the fifth
generation. Of this oracle the Lydians and their kings made no account
until it was in fact fulfilled.
14. Thus the Mermnadai obtained the government having driven out from it
the Heracleidai: and Gyges when he became ruler sent votive offerings to
Delphi not a few, for of all the silver offerings at Delphi his are more
in number than those of any other man; and besides the silver he offered
a vast quantity of gold, and especially one offering which is more
worthy of mention than the rest, namely six golden mixing-bowls, which
are dedicated there as his gift: of these the weight is thirty talents,
and they stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, (though in truth this
treasury does not belong to the State of the Corinthians, but is that
of Kypselos the son of Aëtion). 12 This Gyges was the first of the
Barbarians within our knowledge who dedicated votive offerings at
Delphi, except only Midas the son of Gordias king of Phrygia, who
dedicated for an offering the royal throne on which he sat before all to
decide causes; and this throne, a sight worth seeing, stands in the
same place with the bowls of Gyges. This gold and silver which Gyges
dedicated is called Gygian by the people of Delphi, after the name of
him who offered it.
Now Gyges also, 13 as soon as he became king, led an army against
Miletos and Smyrna, and he took the lower town of Colophon: 14 but no
other great deed did he do in his reign, which lasted eight-and-thirty
years, therefore we will pass him by with no more mention than has
already been made,
15, and I will speak now of Ardys the son of Gyges, who became king
after Gyges. He took Priene and made an invasion against Miletos; and
while he was ruling over Sardis, the Kimmerians driven from their abodes
by the nomad Scythians came to Asia and took Sardis except the citadel.
16. Now when Ardys had been king for nine-and-forty years, Sadyattes his
son succeeded to his kingdom, and reigned twelve years; and after him
Alyattes. This last made war against Kyaxares the descendant of Deïokes
and against the Medes, 15 and he drove the Kimmerians forth out of Asia,
and he took Smyrna which had been founded from Colophon, and made an
invasion against Clazomenai. From this he ed not as he desired, but
with great loss: during his reign however he performed other deeds very
worthy of mention as follows:—
17. He made war with those of Miletos, having received this war as
an inheritance from his father: for he used to invade their land and
besiege Miletos in the following manner:—whenever there were ripe crops
upon the land, then he led an army into their confines, making his march
to the sound of pipes and harps and flutes both of male and female tone:
and when he came to the Milesian land, he neither pulled down the houses
that were in the fields, nor set fire to them nor tore off their doors,
but let them stand as they were; the trees however and the crops that
were upon the land he destroyed, and then departed by the way he came:
for the men of Miletos had command of the sea, so that it was of no use
for his army to blockade them: and he abstained from pulling down the
houses to the end that the Milesians might have places to dwell in while
they sowed and tilled the land, and by the means of their labour he
might have somewhat to destroy when he made his invasion.
18. Thus he continued to war with them for eleven years; and in the
course of these years the Milesians suffered two great defeats, once
when they fought a battle in the district of Limenion in their own land,
and again in the plain of Maiander. Now for six of the eleven years
Sadyattes the son of Ardys was still ruler of the Lydians, the same who
was wont to invade the land of Miletos at the times mentioned; 16 for
this Sadyattes was he who first began the war: but for the five years
which followed these first six the war was carried on by Alyattes the
son of Sadyattes, who received it as an inheritance from his father (as
I have already said) and applied himself to it earnestly. And none of
the Ionians helped those of Miletos bear the burden of this war except
only the men of Chios. These came to their aid to pay back like with
like, for the Milesians had formerly assisted the Chians throughout
their war with the people of Erythrai.
19. Then in the twelfth year of the war, when standing corn was being
burnt by the army of the Lydians, it happened as follows:—as soon as the
corn was kindled, it was driven by a violent wind and set fire to the
temple of Athene surnamed of Assessos; and the temple being set on fire
was burnt down to the ground. Of this no account was made then; but
afterwards when the army had ed to Sardis, Alyattes fell sick, and as
his sickness lasted long, he sent messengers to inquire of the Oracle at
Delphi, either being advised to do so by some one, or because he himself
thought it best to send and inquire of the god concerning his sickness.
But when these arrived at Delphi, the Pythian prophetess said that she
would give them no answer, until they should have built up again
the temple of Athene which they had burnt at Assessos in the land of
Miletos.
20. Thus much I know by the report of the people of Delphi; but the
Milesians add to this that Periander the son of Kypselos, being a
special guest-friend of Thrasybulos the then despot of Miletos, heard
of the oracle which had been given to Alyattes, and sending a messenger
told Thrasybulos, in order that he might have knowledge of it beforehand
and take such counsel as the case required. This is the story told by
the Milesians.
21. And Alyattes, when this answer was reported to him, sent a herald
forthwith to Miletos, desiring to make a truce with Thrasybulos and the
Milesians for so long a time as he should be building the temple. He
then was being sent as envoy to Miletos; and Thrasybulos in the meantime
being informed beforehand of the whole matter and knowing what Alyattes
was meaning to do, contrived this device:—he gathered together in the
market-place all the store of provisions which was found in the
city, both his own and that which belonged to private persons; and he
proclaimed to the Milesians that on a signal given by him they should
all begin to drink and make merry with one another.
22. This Thrasybulos did and thus proclaimed to the end that the herald
from Sardis, seeing a vast quantity of provisions carelessly piled up,
and the people feasting, might report this to Alyattes: and so on fact
it happened; for when the herald ed to Sardis after seeing this and
delivering to Thrasybulos the charge which was given to him by the king
of Lydia, the peace which was made, came about, as I am informed, merely
because of this. For Alyattes, who thought that there was a great famine
in Miletos and that the people had been worn down to the extreme of
misery, heard from the herald, when he ed from Miletos, the opposite
to that which he himself supposed. And after this the peace was made
between them on condition of being guest-friends and allies to one
another, and Alyattes built two temples to Athene at Assessos in place
of one, and himself recovered from his sickness. With regard then to
the war waged by Alyattes with the Milesians and Thrasybulos things went
thus.
23. As for Periander, the man who gave information about the oracle to
Thrasybulos, he was the son of Kypselos, and despot of Corinth. In his
life, say the Corinthians, (and with them agree the Lesbians), there
happened to him a very great marvel, namely that Arion of Methymna was
carried ashore at Tainaron upon a dolphin's back. This man was a harper
second to none of those who then lived, and the first, so far as we
know, who composed a dithyramb, naming it so and teaching it to a chorus
17 at Corinth.
24. This Arion, they say, who for the most part of his time stayed with
Periander, conceived a desire to sail to Italy 18 and Sicily; and
after he had there acquired large sums of money, he wished to again to
Corinth. He set forth therefore from Taras, 19 and as he had faith
in Corinthians more than in other men, he hired a ship with a crew of
Corinthians. These, the story says, when out in open sea, formed a
plot to cast Arion overboard and so possess his wealth; and he having
obtained knowledge of this made entreaties to them, offering them his
wealth and asking them to grant him his life. With this however he
did not prevail upon them, but the men who were conveying him bade him
either slay himself there, that he might receive burial on the land,
or leap straightway into the sea. So Arion being driven to a strait
entreated them that, since they were so minded, they would allow him to
take his stand in full minstrel's garb upon the deck 20 of the ship and
sing; and he promised to put himself to death after he had sung. They
then, well pleased to think that they should hear the best of all
minstrels upon earth, drew back from the stern towards the middle of
the ship; and he put on the full minstrel's garb and took his lyre, and
standing on the deck performed the Orthian measure. Then as the measure
ended, he threw himself into the sea just as he was, in his full
minstrel's garb; and they went on sailing away to Corinth, but him,
they say, a dolphin supported on its back and brought him to shore at
Tainaron: and when he had come to land he proceeded to Corinth with his
minstrel's garb. Thither having arrived he related all that had been
done; and Periander doubting of his story kept Arion in guard and
would let him go nowhere, while he kept careful watch for those who had
conveyed him. When these came, he called them and inquired of them if
they had any report to make of Arion; and when they said that he was
safe in Italy and that they had left him at Taras faring well, Arion
suddenly appeared before them in the same guise as when he made his leap
from the ship; and they being struck with amazement were no longer
able to deny when they were questioned. This is the tale told by the
Corinthians and Lesbians alike, and there is at Tainaron a votive
offering of Arion of no great size, 21 namely a bronze figure of a man
upon a dolphin's back.
25. Alyattes the Lydian, when he had thus waged war against the
Milesians, afterwards died, having reigned seven-and-fifty years. This
king, when he recovered from his sickness, dedicated a votive offering
at Delphi (being the second of his house who had so done), namely a
great mixing-bowl of silver with a stand for it of iron welded together,
which last is a sight worth seeing above all the offerings at Delphi and
the work of Glaucos the Chian, who of all men first found out the art of
welding iron.
26. After Alyattes was dead Croesus the son of Alyattes received the
kingdom in succession, being five-and-thirty years of age. He (as I
said) fought against the Hellenes and of them he attacked the Ephesians
first. The Ephesians then, being besieged by him, dedicated their city
to Artemis and tied a rope from the temple to the wall of the city: now
the distance between the ancient city, which was then being besieged,
and the temple is seven furlongs. 22 These, I say, were the first upon
whom Croesus laid hands, but afterwards he did the same to the other
Ionian and Aiolian cities one by one, alleging against them various
causes of complaint, and making serious charges against those in whose
cases he could find serious grounds, while against others of them he
charged merely trifling offences.
27. Then when the Hellenes in Asia had been conquered and forced to pay
tribute, he designed next to build for himself ships and to lay hands
upon those who dwelt in the islands; and when all was prepared for
his building of ships, they say that Bias of Priene (or, according to
another account, Pittacos of Mytilene) came to Sardis, and being asked
by Croesus whether there was any new thing doing in Hellas, brought to
an end his building of ships by this saying: "O king," said he, "the men
of the islands are hiring a troop of ten thousand horse, and with this
they mean to march to Sardis and fight against thee." And Croesus,
supposing that what he reported was true, said: "May the gods put
it into the minds of the dwellers of the islands to come with horses
against the sons of the Lydians!" And he answered and said: "O king, I
perceive that thou dost earnestly desire to catch the men of the islands
on the mainland riding upon horses; and it is not unreasonable that thou
shouldest wish for this: what else however thinkest thou the men of the
islands desire and have been praying for ever since the time they heard
that thou wert about to build ships against them, than that they might
catch the Lydians upon the sea, so as to take vengeance upon thee for
the Hellenes who dwell upon the mainland, whom thou dost hold enslaved?"
Croesus, they say, was greatly pleased with this conclusion, 23 and
obeying his suggestion, for he judged him to speak suitably, he stopped
his building of ships; and upon that he formed a friendship with the
Ionians dwelling in the islands.
28. As time went on, when nearly all those dwelling on this side the
river Halys had been subdued, (for except the Kilikians and Lykians
Croesus subdued and kept under his rule all the nations, that is to say
Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynoi, Chalybians, Paphlagonians,
Thracians both Thynian and Bithynian, Carians, Ionians, Dorians,
Aiolians, and Pamphylians), 24
29, when these, I say, had been subdued, and while he was still adding
to his Lydian dominions, there came to Sardis, then at the height of
its wealth, all the wise men 25 of the Hellas who chanced to be alive at
that time, brought thither severally by various occasions; and of them
one was Solon the Athenian, who after he had made laws for the Athenians
at their bidding, left his native country for ten years and sailed away
saying that he desired to visit various lands, in order that he might
not be compelled to repeal any of the laws which he had proposed. 26 For
of themselves the Athenians were not competent to do this, having bound
themselves by solemn oaths to submit for ten years to the laws which
Solon should propose for them.
30. So Solon, having left his native country for this reason and for
the sake of seeing various lands, came to Amasis in Egypt, and also to
Croesus at Sardis. Having there arrived he was entertained as a guest
by Croesus in the king's palace; and afterwards, on the third or fourth
day, at the bidding of Croesus his servants led Solon round to see his
treasuries; and they showed him all things, how great and magnificent
they were: and after he had looked upon them all and examined them as he
had occasion, Croesus asked him as follows: "Athenian guest, much report
of thee has come to us, both in regard to thy wisdom and thy wanderings,
how that in thy search for wisdom thou hast traversed many lands to see
them; now therefore a desire has come upon me to ask thee whether thou
hast seen any whom thou deemest to be of all men the most happy." 27
This he asked supposing that he himself was the happiest of men; but
Solon, using no flattery but the truth only, said: "Yes, O king, Tellos
the Athenian." And Croesus, marvelling at that which he said, asked
him earnestly: "In what respect dost thou judge Tellos to be the most
happy?" And he said: "Tellos, in the first place, living while his
native State was prosperous, had sons fair and good and saw from all of
them children begotten and living to grow up; and secondly he had what
with us is accounted wealth, and after his life a most glorious end:
for when a battle was fought by the Athenians at Eleusis against the
neighbouring people, he brought up supports and routed the foe and there
died by a most fair death; and the Athenians buried him publicly where
he fell, and honoured him greatly."
31. So when Solon had moved Croesus to inquire further by the story of
Tellos, recounting how many points of happiness he had, the king
asked again whom he had seen proper to be placed next after this man,
supposing that he himself would certainly obtain at least the second
place; but he replied: "Cleobis and Biton: for these, who were of Argos
by race, possessed a sufficiency of wealth and, in addition to this,
strength of body such as I shall tell. Both equally had won prizes in
the games, and moreover the following tale is told of them:—There was a
feast of Hera among the Argives and it was by all means necessary that
their mother should be borne in a car to the temple. But since their
oxen were not brought up in time from the field, the young men, barred
from all else by lack of time, submitted themselves to the yoke and drew
the wain, their mother being borne by them upon it; and so they brought
it on for five-and-forty furlongs, 28 and came to the temple. Then after
they had done this and had been seen by the assembled crowd, there came
to their life a most excellent ending; and in this the deity declared
that it was better for man to die than to continue to live. For the
Argive men were standing round and extolling the strength 29 of the
young men, while the Argive women were extolling the mother to whose
lot it had fallen to have such sons; and the mother being exceedingly
rejoiced both by the deed itself and by the report made of it, took her
stand in front of the image of the goddess and prayed that she would
give to Cleobis and Biton her sons, who had honoured her 30 greatly,
that gift which is best for man to receive: and after this prayer, when
they had sacrificed and feasted, the young men lay down to sleep within
the temple itself, and never rose again, but were held bound in this
last end. 31 And the Argives made statues in the likeness of them and
dedicated them as offerings at Delphi, thinking that they had proved
themselves most excellent."
32. Thus Solon assigned the second place in respect of happiness to
these: and Croesus was moved to anger and said: "Athenian guest, hast
thou then so cast aside our prosperous state as worth nothing, that thou
dost prefer to us even men of private station?" And he said: "Croesus,
thou art inquiring about human fortunes of one who well knows that
the Deity is altogether envious and apt to disturb our lot. For in the
course of long time a man may see many things which he would not desire
to see, and suffer also many things which he would not desire to suffer.
The limit of life for a man I lay down at seventy years: and these
seventy years give twenty-five thousand and two hundred days, not
reckoning for any intercalated month. Then if every other one of these
years shall be made longer by one month, that the seasons may be caused
to come round at the due time of the year, the intercalated months will
be in number five-and-thirty besides the seventy years; and of these
months the days will be one thousand and fifty. Of all these days, being
in number twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty, which go to the
seventy years, one day produces nothing at all which resembles what
another brings with it. Thus then, O Croesus, man is altogether a
creature of accident. As for thee, I perceive that thou art both great
in wealth and king of many men, but that of which thou didst ask me I
cannot call thee yet, until I learn that thou hast brought thy life to
a fair ending: for the very rich man is not at all to be accounted more
happy than he who has but his subsistence from day to day, unless also
the fortune go with him of ending his life well in possession of all
things fair. For many very wealthy men are not happy, 32 while many who
have but a moderate living are fortunate; 33 and in truth the very rich
man who is not happy has two advantages only as compared with the poor
man who is fortunate, whereas this latter has many as compared with the
rich man who is not happy. The rich man is able better to fulfil his
desire, and also to endure a great calamity if it fall upon him; whereas
the other has advantage over him in these things which follow:—he is not
indeed able equally with the rich man to endure a calamity or to fulfil
his desire, but these his good fortune keeps away from him, while he is
sound of limb, 34 free from disease, untouched by suffering, the father
of fair children and himself of comely form; and if in addition to this
he shall end his life well, he is worthy to be called that which thou
seekest, namely a happy man; but before he comes to his end it is well
to hold back and not to call him yet happy but only fortunate. Now to
possess all these things together is impossible for one who is mere man,
just as no single land suffices to supply all things for itself, but one
thing it has and another it lacks, and the land that has the greatest
number of things is the best: so also in the case of a man, no single
person is complete in himself, for one thing he has and another he
lacks; but whosoever of men continues to the end in possession of the
greatest number of these things and then has a gracious ending of his
life, he is by me accounted worthy, O king, to receive this name. But
we must of every thing examine the end and how it will turn out at the
last, for to many God shows but a glimpse of happiness and then plucks
them up by the roots and overturns them."
33. Thus saying he refused to gratify Croesus, who sent him away
from his presence holding him in no esteem, and thinking him utterly
senseless in that he passed over present good things and bade men look
to the end of every matter.
34. After Solon had departed, a great retribution from God came upon
Croesus, probably because he judged himself to be the happiest of all
men. First there came and stood by him a dream, which showed to him the
truth of the evils that were about to come to pass in respect of his
son. Now Croesus had two sons, of whom one was deficient, seeing that he
was deaf and dumb, while the other far surpassed his companions of the
same age in all things: and the name of this last was Atys. As regards
this Atys then, the dream signified to Croesus that he should lose him
by the blow of an iron spear-point: 35 and when he rose up from sleep
and considered the matter with himself, he was struck with fear on
account of the dream; and first he took for his son a wife; and whereas
his son had been wont to lead the armies of the Lydians, he now no
longer sent him forth anywhere on any such business; and the javelins
and lances and all such things which men use for fighting he conveyed
out of the men's apartments and piled them up in the inner bed-chambers,
for fear lest something hanging up might fall down upon his son.
35. Then while he was engaged about the marriage of his son, there came
to Sardis a man under a misfortune and with hands not clean, a Phrygian
by birth and of the royal house. This man came to the house of Croesus,
and according to the customs which prevail in that land made request
that he might have cleansing; and Croesus gave him cleansing: now the
manner of cleansing among the Lydians is the same almost as that which
the Hellenes use. So when Croesus had done that which was customary, he
asked of him whence he came and who he was, saying as follows: "Man, who
art thou, and from what region of Phrygia didst thou come to sit upon
my hearth? And whom of men or women didst thou slay?" And he replied:
"O king, I am the son of Gordias, the son of Midas, and I am called
Adrastos; and I slew my own brother against my will, and therefore am I
here, having been driven forth by my father and deprived of all that I
had." And Croesus answered thus: "Thou art, as it chances, the offshoot
of men who are our friends and thou hast come to friends, among whom
thou shalt want of nothing so long as thou shalt remain in our land: and
thou wilt find it most for thy profit to bear this misfortune as lightly
as may be." So he had his abode with Croesus. 36
36. During this time there was produced in the Mysian Olympos a boar of
monstrous size. This, coming down from the mountain aforesaid, ravaged
the fields of the Mysians, and although the Mysians went out against it
often, yet they could do it no hurt, but rather received hurt themselves
from it; so at length messengers came from the Mysians to Croesus and
said: "O king, there has appeared in our land a boar of monstrous size,
which lays waste our fields; and we, desiring eagerly to take it, are
not able: now therefore we ask of thee to send with us thy son and also
a chosen band of young men with dogs, that we may destroy it out of our
land." Thus they made request, and Croesus calling to mind the words of
the dream spoke to them as follows: "As touching my son, make no further
mention of him in this matter; for I will not send him with you, seeing
that he is newly married and is concerned now with the affairs of his
marriage: but I will send with you chosen men of the Lydians and the
whole number of my hunting dogs, and I will give command to those who
go, to be as zealous as may be in helping you to destroy the wild beast
out of your land."
37. Thus he made reply, and while the Mysians were being contented with
this answer, there came in also the son of Croesus, having heard of the
request made by the Mysians: and when Croesus said that he would not
send his son with them, the young man spoke as follows: "My father, in
times past the fairest and most noble part was allotted to us, to go out
continually to wars and to the chase and so have good repute; but
now thou hast debarred me from both of these, although thou hast not
observed in me any cowardly or faint-hearted spirit. And now with what
face must I appear when I go to and from the market-place of the city?
What kind of a man shall I be esteemed by the citizens, and what kind of
a man shall I be esteemed by my newly-married wife? With what kind of a
husband will she think that she is mated? Therefore either let me go to
the hunt, or persuade me by reason that these things are better for me
done as now they are."
38. And Croesus made answer thus: "My son, not because I have observed
in thee any spirit of cowardice or any other ungracious thing, do I act
thus; but a vision of a dream came and stood by me in my sleep and told
me that thou shouldest be short-lived, and that thou shouldest perish
by a spear-point of iron. With thought of this vision therefore I both
urged on this marriage for thee, and I refuse now to send thee upon the
matter which is being taken in hand, having a care of thee that I may
steal thee from thy fate at least for the period of my own life, if by
any means possible for me to do so. For thou art, as it chances, my only
son: the other I do not reckon as one, seeing that he is deficient in
hearing."
39. The young man made answer thus: "It may well be forgiven in thee, O
my father, that thou shouldest have a care of me after having seen such
a vision; but that which thou dost not understand, and in which the
meaning of the dream has escaped thee, it is right that I should expound
to thee. Thou sayest the dream declared that I should end my life by
means of a spear-point of iron: but what hands has a boar, or what
spear-point of iron, of which thou art afraid? If the dream had told
thee that I should end my life by a tusk, or any other thing which
resembles that, it would be right for thee doubtless to do as thou art
doing; but it said 'by a spear-point.' Since therefore our fight will
not be with men, let me now go."
40. Croesus made answer: "My son, thou dost partly prevail with me by
declaring thy judgment about the dream; therefore, having been prevailed
upon by thee, I change my resolution and allow thee to go to the chase."
41. Having thus said Croesus went to summon Adrastos the Phrygian; and
when he came, he addressed him thus: "Adrastos, when thou wast struck
with a grievous misfortune (with which I reproach thee not), I cleansed
thee, and I have received thee into my house supplying all thy costs.
Now therefore, since having first received kindness from me thou art
bound to requite me with kindness, I ask of thee to be the protector of
my son who goes forth to the chase, lest any evil robbers come upon
you by the way to do you harm; and besides this thou too oughtest to go
where thou mayest become famous by thy deeds, for it belongs to thee
as an inheritance from thy fathers so to do, and moreover thou hast
strength for it."