CHAPTER XX.

_Our First Great Men and Women--New Lights to the Front--Our Own Humble

Beginning in 1865--Cleanliness and Industry--Music and Song--Immense

Progress in Education, and a Mighty Advance Along the Whole Line--The

Rapid Increase of Wealth--The Crime of Lynching--The Church and

Sunday-School--The Colored Man's Right to Vote, and to Rule the Nation._

Though I have only sketched the lives of two most eminent members of

color, and two famous women of the same race, I must confess that I feel

greatly tempted to go on with the subject, and speak of many others,

some of whom have gone to their reward, and others remain alive unto the

present day. At first sight the general reader might imagine that those

first bright stars that shone in our intellectual firmament were

brighter than the talented men and women whom we can see at this day and

hour, walking up and down our streets, and shining like suns in their

different professions, doing splendid service in elevating the colored

race in America. We had Fred. Douglass, Bishop Payne, Mrs. Frances Ellen

Harper, and some other bright, particular stars, who shone with

apparently unusual brilliancy some fifty or sixty years ago, and they

have been set down for the seven wonders of the world (Fred. Douglass,

at least, was a genuine wonder for all time). But while we are inclined

to look upon these worthies as towering geniuses, and most extraordinary

lights in the heavens in but recently bye-gone days, we forget that the

thick darkness that surrounded them went a long way in making their

brilliance and splendor appear far brighter than they really were. This

is quite true of all races, and is no detraction whatever from the real

merits that were justly their own. I am safe in saying that 10,000

clever colored men and women, representing all the different arts and

professions, could be picked out at this day, who would have passed for

stars of the first magnitude, had they made their appearance upon the

stage of time some fifty or sixty years ago. To shine to the same extent

of brilliancy and glory nowadays would indeed be a very difficult

matter, when the whole United States is flooded with a great tide of

knowledge that was never known before.

In these happy days of ours knowledge covers the land, as the waters

cover the seas. It is perfectly laughable for me now to look back and

remember the taunting expressions that were flung upon our dear people,

saying that we had no originality, and that we could never rise above

being mere imitators of the white man! In those days our people were in

slavery, and had no opportunities of showing what they were capable of

doing. But now we are free, and we can all go to school, and education

can polish us like other races, in the same way as we polish the block

of marble, and cut out the precious jewels of all descriptions. If we

leave a diamond in its rude, rough state, like the colored race in the

dark days of slavery, that diamond will continue to be rude and rough

still; but place the precious stone in the hand of the jeweler, and we

shall soon behold a bright and shining precious stone, indeed. It was

not only cruel, but it was cowardly to taunt a whole race of people with

incapacity and lack of talent, when our enemies had our hands tied, and

were unwilling to give us a chance. But by the grace of God, and the

blood of the Americans, both white and black, we are now all free, and

thousands upon thousands of our dear people have acquired splendid

educations, in all the different professions and walks of life, and they

have proved to the whole world, both men and women, that there is talent

and genius among our sons and daughters who have forged to the front,

who are self-made men and women, indeed--men and women who have risen

from the ranks, just the same as officers and commanders start up from

the ranks in the time of war.

My dear reader, we are often told that poverty is no disgrace, but that

it is very inconvenient. Which is all true, indeed, too true; and what

is still worse, it often cannot be helped. In days not so long since

gone by, we used to be taunted with poverty, but if we had no

possessions of our own in the days of slavery, we at least, like the

apostle Paul, made others rich, and it was our oppressed people who

built up the Sunny South--the richest section of the United States

before the war. If we had had all the wealth that was thus stolen away

from us and given to those who led on the great rebellion, we would

never had been turned loose with nothing in our hands in 1865, and to

begin life anew at the lowermost round of the ladder of prosperity. It

is very true that even in the days of slavery there were colored men

scattered over all the free States of the Union, many of whom had

amassed vast sums of money, and who were invariably treated with great

respect and honor by white people because they were rich. So long as

they had plenty of money it was all right, and there was nothing either

thought or said about the color of their skin. But if the whole race of

colored people in the South were turned loose with nothing in 1865, they

have at least made in the aggregate immense sums of money since then,

and devoted it all to those noble purposes whereby the entire race has

been raised up and elevated in the scale of nations. Above all other

causes, religion and education have been thus spread all over the land,

the money being supplied by a willing people, whose good natural

inclination to give has never been surpassed, and very seldom equalled

by any race under the sun. Immense sums of money have been put away in

savings banks, and property in land is a noble feature of the wisdom of

our people in the South.

Take the more than 8,000,000 colored people all over the Union, and

behold what a vast number own their own houses, and have money to their

credit stored up in banks against a rainy day. And then see the comfort,

cleanliness and order to be observed everywhere in an untold number of

dwellings. The colored race are unusually fond of cleanliness and order

in their nice and cosy snug homes, when they can get them; and take the

United Stages all over to-day, it is most astonishing to behold such a

number of beautiful and comfortable homes as there are. I think, dear

reader, that our own people taken as a whole, have been both industrious

and thrifty since the close of the war, and, as the Bible tells us, they

have succeeded in building up the walls of Jerusalem, because they have

had a mind to work. Wherever there is a will there is a way. It is all

very true that some among us are extravagant, lazy, shiftless, but that

is quite true of the white race, too, only I think more so, and we never

condemn a whole race for the faults of a few.

[Illustration: _STATUE OF LIBERTY._]

Let us then judge fairly, and award to the colored race what belongs to

them by right. As in the days of slavery, so at the present day it is

the colored man who still extracts the wealth from the soil of the

South, partly for himself, and partly for the white man. He can stand

the heat of the sun far better than the white tiller of the soil, and it

seems that the rich white man would rather have him than the other. In

the days of slavery we had to do the best we could. We had no Vanderbilt

palaces to live in then. But now we have at least lots of comforts--nice

furniture, carpets, pictures hanging from our walls, whole libraries on

our book-shelves, and hundreds of other things too numerous to mention.

[Illustration: _GRANT'S TOMB._]

Music and song are more or less bound up with the history of every

nation of which we have ever heard or read. Away back in the dark night

of slavery in America, the slaves in the field used to sing their

mournful, plaintive, yet musical ditties to lighten their heavy labors,

and cheer up their hearts. These ditties were songs and prayers at one

and the same time. In the day of his distress, the African never forgot

the God who brought Israel out of Egypt, and we know quite well that

many of our own people confidently expected that day of happy

deliverance that came at last to all. Therefore they sang praises unto

the Lord, God of Israel, and, like the Psalmist, they prayed and sang at

the same time; and we have it plainly on record that they had powerful

lungs and most wonderfully rich voices, showing in advance what great

and famous singers they would become if their musical talents were only

fully developed like others. I have already spoken of the "Jubilee

Minstrels," who were mostly born in slavery, many of whom indeed "came

up by the rough side of the mountain," and yet who possessed such a

wealth of music and song within themselves that they surprised the whole

country, and even crossed the North Atlantic, and rendered themselves

illustrious for all coming time by performing and singing before Queen

Victoria, the grandees and general population of the British Isles, and

some of the royal families, and magnates and peoples of continental

Europe. This was honor, indeed, with a vengeance! Old England and all

the rest cared nothing for the color of the skin. They all at once set

their seals upon the wonderful talents of the colored race in the

musical line, and there was rejoicing among Freedom's friends over all

the earth.

The time would fail to mention the names of all those eminent singers

who have made themselves illustrious in these latter years in this

country, and not in this country alone, but they have crossed the wide

oceans in ships, and sung before the admiring audiences of many a

foreign land. But among all these great singers of our race who have

thus distinguished themselves, I will simply mention the name of Miss

Flora Batson, who has justly been called the "Jenny Lind of America,"

and she can sing, indeed, before any audience in this nation--a

veritable nightingale and queen of song. But leaving her and a whole

host of other warblers on one side, there is a grandeur in singing of

our church members and congregations on the Sabbath-day that has become

the standing wonder of the country; and it is my own deliberate opinion,

and the openly-confessed opinion of many of the white race, that for

music and song, at least, we have no equals in the United States.

I think we may safely claim that not only can we play and sing, but we

can play and sing well, there arising from the great congregation a

grand volume of music and song that reminds me of the "voice of many

waters," mentioned in the Revelations--a volume of song rising from

powerful lungs, and helped on by the warm feelings and enthusiasm of the

race. And as our oppressed forefathers whiled away the long hours in the

field, and lightened their labors by singing, so our people nowadays

bring home the latest new hymn or fine anthem of praise, and sing them

at home to brighten up their domestic cares, and find a vent for that

joyous nature and devotional enthusiasm for which the colored race are

famed over all the earth.

The greatest blot at the present time upon the fair fame and name of the

internal and domestic doings of the United States, as it appears to me,

is lynching. And this lynching is not confined to any particular race,

or any particular crime, but we find, to a greater or less degree, all

over the land, from the Lakes to the Gulf, a mob spirit among the people

to take the law into their own hands, whenever any flagrant breach of

law occurs, and hang their victim on the nearest tree. The mob is

unwilling to leave the matter in the hands of the regularly constituted

authorities, and proceeds to murder the supposed criminal in its own

way. I say supposed criminal, because the man they are hunting after is

often not the right man at all; an innocent man is put to death, and the

guilty man escapes. It has also been proven beyond the shadow of a

doubt, because we have "all seen the records of the same in the public

papers at the time, that white men have been in the habit of blackening

their faces when about to commit some heinous offence, and thus try to

produce the impression that the guilty party was a colored man, and not

a white man at all! Cases have thus occurred where innocent colored men

have been lynched, and the real criminals made their escape by simply

discoloring their faces. There is hardly a week passes but we find the

hurrying mobs themselves discovering their own mistakes, sometimes in

time to prevent the execution, but at other times too late. It is very

true that on many occasions the really guilty party is taken, confesses

his crime, and is duly executed by the wild and unruly mob of lynchers.

The chief fault, as it appears to my mind, is a lack of firmness on the

part of the States, and I might also add of the central government at

Washington. It is a perfect scandal to a duly constituted government to

say that they are not able to carry out the law, or let the law take its

course. Who would believe for a moment that England or Russia would

allow any and every wild mob to take their victims out of the hands of

the police, and, in fact, administer the law for them? Such a test of

home authority would never run on for twenty-four hours in any foreign

civilized land. If the Governors and the authorities would show a proper

amount of firmness, and the central government at Washington would

tighten up the screws a little all these lynchings would come to an end,

and such a thing would be heard of no more. With regard to the Southern

States, at least, where lynchings have been more common, the taunting

question has been asked by foreign nations, "Are the Southern States fit

for civilization, and ought they to be depended on to govern

themselves?" Well, I think they are fit for self-government, but the

screws ought to be tightened up considerably, and I think the sooner the

better. If I had any power to advise the Houses at Washington, I would

advise them to take the scandal of lynching by the wild mobs into their

own hands, and put a stop to it in their own way. And let Congress see

that all races and crimes are treated alike, and let the duly

constituted authorities of the States administer the laws for which they

are appointed and paid. Lynching is not only a breach of the law, but it

is murder itself, and a horrible system of crime and public disorder

that have brought this most shameful nation into great disrepute. Let us

hope and pray that something may be done very soon to bring this

national scandal to an end; and let public murder by infuriated mobs

come to an end, and be heard of no more.

In the books which Fred. Douglass wrote of his life and times he always

mentions the miserable and doleful processions of slaves who were

driven, during the darkness of the night, from the pens into which they

had been gathered in Baltimore to the vessels which were to sail with

them to Georgia and other scenes of toil and exhaustion in the

far-distant South. Alas, alas! The Sunny South had no joys for them, and

as they passed through the streets of Baltimore, during the night, they

wailed and lamented their hard fate. This leads me on to reflect, my

dear reader, upon the gloriously-altered state of affairs that freedom

has brought around, and which we can see all around about us at the

present day. One of the grandest sights that delights our eyes now is

the great array of Sunday-Schools in every State and county of the

United States. I have always called the Sunday-School "the children's

church," and it is the children's church, indeed, and a glorious church

at that, too. Far and wide, spread over all this broad land, running all

along the way from the wild Atlantic to the mild Pacific, and from the

Lakes to the Gulf, young, well-dressed boys and girls in thousands and

tens of thousands may be seen wending their happy way to their own

dearly beloved "Children's Church"--I mean their Sunday-School. The

great and powerful wide-spread Methodist, Baptist and other grand

churches, organized and carried on by the colored race to the utmost

limits of the American Union, deserve the utmost praise for pains and

labors they have been at to make such splendid provision for the rising

generation of boys and girls, who thus go forth upon the Sabbath-day to

worship the Lord in their own youthful, sweet and attractive way, well

taught by devoted men and women, who rear their tender vines, and watch

over them, and tend them well, as the careful and skilful gardener tends

and ripens his precious plants in the hot-house.

What a glorious change for the better, my dear reader, has come over

this Federal Union of ours in our own day! Well did the Jubilee

Minstrels sing before the royal family of England, "No more Auction

Blocks for Me!" For at the present day, instead of auction blocks and

wronged and oppressed slaves being conveyed (in a fugitive way, under

cover of the darkness of the night) from their pens to the ships,

wailing and lamenting their sad fate, in the self-same city of

Baltimore, at the present time thousands and tens of thousands of

children, and men and women, wend their peaceful way to Sunday-school

and church, walking the streets of the city in love and peace, on their

pilgrimage to Jerusalem, the city of the Great King. And yet if anybody

had told the slave-holder only fifty years ago that his darling

"peculiar institution" was on its last legs, he would probably there and

then have caused us to be lynched for our rashness of speech! As I have

mentioned already in this book, preachers in the South in those days had

even the audacity to preach sermons in the defence of slavery, and they

were so bold as to select for their text: "This" (meaning slavery) "is

the Lord's doings; and it is wonderful in our eyes." Very wonderful,

indeed, I should say. And the war for the extinction of slavery was the

Lord's doing, too, I suppose! And it also was wonderful in our eyes,

indeed! If those miserable slave-traders were to rise from their graves

to-day; were to hear colored minstrels singing in the courts of Europe,

"No More Auction Blocks for Me!" and then were to see millions of

colored children, youths and maidens wending their way to the happy

Sunday-schools on the day of rest--even they also would be compelled to

admire the great changes for the better, and to exclaim in a different

sense, "Truly these are the Lord's doings, and they are wonderful in our

eyes!"

It has always been a matter of personal interest and importance for men

to take a hand in voting and the ruling of their native State. Universal

history shows us plainly that this has always been the case, unless,

indeed, the nation was a monarchy, and therefore subject to the

unlimited will and pleasure of one man as despot in chief, and those who

served under him, and did as they were commanded. But in those lands

where freedom ruled in the days of old, and all countries to-day where

constitutional government prevails, men have always voted in one form or

another, and they still lend a hand at elections, and this without

regard to race, color or any such thing. Neither has there ever been any

friction or trouble in legislative assemblies, and there is none now in

foreign nations, where men of different races, colors, and even creeds,

take their seats side by side, and proceed to work together for the good

of all the citizens. We all know how it was in the South in the early

years of Reconstruction after the close of the war, when the State

legislatures were composed of white and colored men, who ruled the

States together. We thought at the time that this thing would go on and

that all parties had settled down in peace and harmony, for every man to

vote as he pleased, and to send such men, black or white, to represent

them in their legislatures, as were returned by the largest number of

voters at the elections, conducted according to the constitution of the

nation. But the white man of the South had almost always been accustomed

to his own selfish, despotic way and sway in the days of slavery. The

South had not only the rule of colored men, but even over white men in

the halls of Congress! Unless that section of the Union could have her

own dictatorial way there was no peace whatever in the House!

The North therefore felt herself often obliged to give way, which

encouraged the South to take a mile the next time when we gave her an

ell.

I have shown the reader of these pages how the Ku-Klux-Klan arose; how

the new shot-gun policy brought the Republican governments of Secessia

to an end, and how the very amendments to the Constitution, including

the bare privilege of casting one's own vote, were all brought to an

end--nay, more than that--the reader knows by this time how an immense

number of colored men, women and children tore up stakes, and left the

States of the South where they were born, and sought new homes in

Northern and Western States, where the shot-gun policy of the late

rebels did not prevail!

But where are representatives in Congress to-day, and where are the

colored Senators and others in the legislative halls of the Southern

States? For the present they have been wiped out, and so far Uncle Sam

has given way, and backed down once more to the violent South for the

sake of keeping peace in the house. It may be argued that coming but

recently out of slavery, as we did, we were unfitted for the full

privilege of freemen and voters. Perhaps there is some reason in that

view of the question. As a nation we certainly could not be expected to

be college-bred in 1865. But that is over thirty years ago, and both we

ourselves and our children have been to almost all the schools,

seminaries and colleges in the land since then. If we were ignorant in

1865, sure we cannot as a race be called ignorant now. In my own

opinion, I think it is about time that the last three amendments to the

Constitution were now carried out to the fullest extent, and that we

should be no longer contented merely to vote for the white man, but vote

for colored men, too, who run for office.

As the South has been so violent over the matter of ruling her own

States to the exclusion of the colored man, the grand hue and cry among

some of our own people has been raised, "Let politics alone, and attend

to your own business, and let the white man rule!" So far as I can see

there is neither sense nor justice in such a cry as that. If the white

man has a right to vote, so has the colored man. To stuff the

ballot-boxes with manufactured votes, or to throw out those that colored

men have voted, is simply breaking the law, and the central government

should punish it as such. If an ambitious young colored man desires to

represent his country in the field of politics, it stands neither in law

nor reason for any white man to presume to stop him. If he be a man of

great talent, like Frederick Douglass, or John M. Langston, or Blanche

K. Bruce, that is just so much more the reason why he should go to

Congress, or represent his own country and State at home. The colored

man must receive every fair play at the elections: his vote must not be

tampered with any more than the white man's vote. By all means let him

have his vote, for he will never be satisfied with anything less. Let

every infringement of the law be pushed to the utmost extent; let a few

examples be made, and tampering with other men's votes will come to an

end. For the very life of me I can see no reason why colored men should

abstain from politics any more than white men. There is no reason why

they should do so if they wish to enter into political life. We can also

attend to other business at home, like the rest of the population. To

discharge our duties at the polls, indeed, is one of the very first

duties of every citizen, and we have a perfect right to vote under the

law of the land.

Every now and then some surviving rebel in South Carolina, or some other

of the late seceded States, takes upon himself to raise the old

parrot-cry, "This is a white man's government! Colored men shall not

rule with us!" If the national government did its full duty, it would

arrest such a man as this for trying to teach the rising generation

falsehoods, and for disturbing the minds of the lieges. This is not a

white man's country, nor a black man's country, nor a red man's

country--but it belongs to all alike. We have only to go back four

hundred years, when this country belonged to the Indians, and if it

belongs by right to anybody at all, it belongs to them. But Spaniards,

Frenchmen, Englishmen and others came over the sea, they murdered or

drove back the Indians, and stole away their lands. Then the self-same

Europeans went to Africa, and killed and kidnapped the nations, and by

physical force brought our ancestors here--and here we are at the

present day. The war of revolution came; the colonists secured their own

freedom, but they did not set their own slaves free. They complained

that they were in subjection under the king of England, but they winked

at the thraldom of our ancestors, and left us to languish in chains and

slavery till the Lord sent the Civil War, and made us all free, while

the three amendments to the Constitution put us on the self-same footing

with white citizens, and here we are in our own country, part and parcel

of the entire American population. This country, then, either belongs to

the Lord from heaven, or it is the property of the North American

Indian, or else it has become, in some way or other, the property of the

whole of us. We had better not examine into our rights too closely, for

we cannot go back more than four hundred years to establish our claims,

and four hundred years will not go for much, especially with the

owner--the Lord of Heaven.

Historical Romance of the American Negro · 第 20 / 21 章