RISE OF THE SWISS CONFEDERATION
The origin of Swiss independence—The Hapsburgs in Swabia—The Forest
Cantons—The League of 1291—Its Character—The Battle of
Morgarten—Luzern joins the League—Zürich under Brun joins the
League—Accession of Glarus—The League conquers Zug—Bern joins the
League—The Eight Cantons—Continued danger from Austria—Rudolf IV. in
Swabia—Leopold II., his brother, renews the war with the
Swiss—Battle of Sempach—Treaty of 1389.
The Swiss Confederation has played a part in European [Sidenote:
Interest of Swiss history.] history wholly out of proportion either to
the area which it covers, or to the population which it includes. It is
placed in the midst of the western peoples of the Continent, on the
border where the Romance and German elements touch each other at the
most decisive political and strategic points. This geographical position
has made the continuance of Switzerland an international necessity. At
the same time, Swiss history offers to the contemplation of the
scientific historian the most perfect, as it has been the most durable,
of federal constitutions. And this confederation is the more unique and
important because it shows how common interests and dangers can hold
together communities, not only of different origin and institutions, but
also of differing race and language. The story of its origin is one of
the most fascinating episodes in the history of the fourteenth century.
The beginnings of Swiss history have been obscured in two ways: by the
poetical myths which have gradually grown up, and by the theories which
have been spun in the imagination [Sidenote: Legends as to origin of
Swiss independence.] of patriotic antiquaries. The myths as to the
origin of Swiss independence have long enjoyed a world-wide fame, and it
has been reserved for the harsh criticism of the nineteenth century to
show that they had no real historical basis. The story of William Tell
shooting the apple on his child’s head has been proved to be an ancient
legend of the heroic sagas. The hoisting of the bailiff’s hat in the
market-place of Altdorf is an addition of quite recent origin. No
bailiff of the name of Gessler ever existed in the district; and if
there was a William Tell, which cannot be proved, he was of no political
importance whatever. Even the more probable and important story of
Fürst, Melchthal, and Stauffacher, and of their oath on the field of
Rütli, has also been ruthlessly demolished. If these men ever lived and
did the deeds for which they are renowned, it must have been in some
other place and in quite another relation.
The antiquarian theories as to the origin of the Swiss people are quite
as baseless as the legends, and not nearly so interesting. They have
varied sometimes in their form, but their object has always been to show
that the Forest Cantons, the earliest members of the league, had some
special race origin and some peculiar independence, apart from the rest
of Germany. They were founded, it is said, by settlers from Norway and
Sweden, who left their homes for fear of losing their liberties, and
swore to maintain them in a foreign land. All such stories are
absolutely without foundation. Modern researches have proved, not only
that the Forest Cantons were members of the Empire like their
neighbours, but that various lords, spiritual and temporal, held
different rights over them at various times. Their constant effort was
to get rid of the authority of these feudal lords, and to vindicate a
position of direct dependence upon the Empire alone. It was this effort
which led to the first formation of a league.
The Lake of Luzern, on the shores of which the original Swiss cantons
are situated, lies within the limits of the old duchy of Swabia. The
extinction of the line of dukes left a number of individuals and
corporations in Swabia without any intermediate lord between them and
the Emperor. But as the imperial authority declined, and especially
during the Great Interregnum, the chief families in Swabia set
themselves to reduce their weaker neighbours to subjection. The most
successful of these [Sidenote: The Hapsburgs in Swabia.] families was
that of Hapsburg, whose original estates were in the district of Brugg,
at the junction of the Aar and the Reuss. By the middle of the
thirteenth century the family had vastly extended their possessions. In
addition to their lands in the Aargau, they had large territories in the
Breisgau and in Elsass. Rudolf III., born in 1218, set himself to extend
his power by every possible means—by war, negotiation, and purchase. His
avowed object was to restore the territorial unity of Swabia under
Hapsburg rule. And if the old duchy had been revived, it would have been
difficult to intrust it to any other family.
But against this aggressive policy was arrayed the desire for local
independence, of which the most successful champions were the villages
of Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden. [Sidenote: The Forest cantons.] Uri had
been granted in 853 by Lewis the German to the abbey of nuns in Zürich,
but in 1231 the inhabitants had obtained from Frederick II. an
acknowledgment of their independence of any power except the Emperor.
The other two cantons, without such explicit proofs, had claims which
were generally acknowledged to a similar position. The endeavour to
maintain this independence of direct rule must have brought the
villagers into collision with their powerful neighbour, the Count of
Hapsburg. For the moment the struggle was postponed by the news that
Rudolf III. had been elected King of the Romans in 1273. Thus he
obtained in his new capacity a suzerainty over the cantons, which they
were prepared to deny him as Lord of Swabia. The contest must have
seemed hopelessly unequal now that the Hapsburg Count could use his
imperial authority to support his dynastic ambition. But Rudolf’s
attention was diverted from local affairs by his struggle with Ottokar,
by the acquisition of Austria, and by the establishment of his family in
this new eastern possession. He never relinquished his original aims in
Swabia, but he was no longer able to concentrate his attention on their
achievement. The Hapsburg conquest of Austria was the first foundation
of Swiss independence.
But the peasants by the Lake of Luzern showed a clear appreciation of
the danger that threatened them. In August, 1291, immediately after the
death of Rudolf, they [Sidenote: The original League of 1291.] drew up
the first league of which any record has been preserved. The document
itself is worth quoting:—‘Know all men that we, the people of the valley
of Uri, the community of the valley of Schwyz, and the mountaineers of
the lower valley, seeing the malice of the times, have solemnly agreed
and bound ourselves by oath to aid and defend each other with all our
might and main, with our lives and property, both within and without our
boundaries, each at his own expense, against every enemy whatever who
shall attempt to molest us, either singly or collectively. This is our
ancient covenant. Whoever hath a lord let him obey him according to his
bounden duty. We have decreed that we will accept no magistrate in our
valleys who shall have obtained his office for a price, or who is not a
native and resident among us. Every difference among us shall be decided
by our wisest men; and whoever shall reject their award shall be
compelled by the other confederates. Whoever shall wilfully commit a
murder shall suffer death, and he who shall attempt to screen the
murderer from justice shall be banished from our valleys. An incendiary
shall lose his privileges as a free member of the community, and whoever
harbours him shall make good the damage. Whoever robs or molests another
shall make full restitution out of the property he possesses among us.
Every one shall acknowledge the authority of a chief magistrate in
either of the valleys. If internal quarrels arise, and one of the
parties shall refuse fair satisfaction, the confederates shall support
the other party. This covenant, for our common weal, shall, God willing,
endure for ever.’
It is obvious from this simple document that the league, at its first
origin, is something more than a mere defensive [Sidenote: Character of
the League.] alliance. It regulates to a certain extent the punishment
for crime, probably because endless confusion would arise if different
penalties were enforced in each canton, and a criminal could fly from
one to the other. At the same time, there is no complete federal
government formed all at once. There is no mention of a joint assembly
to consider matters of common interest; nor is there any provision for a
common taxation for federal purposes. Each canton is to carry on war at
its own expense, and is to furnish, not a fixed contingent, but the
whole male population capable of bearing arms. The league was not the
work either of theorists or of experienced politicians, but was drawn up
by three village communities in the face of present danger, and future
difficulties were left to settle themselves. And the provision about
obedience to a lord proves that the object of the league was to guard
against oppression rather than to claim independence. But experience
soon proved that independence was the only safeguard against oppression.
Limited as its aims were, the league could hardly have maintained itself
if Rudolf’s eldest son Albert had succeeded his father on the imperial
throne. And here we [Sidenote: The League confirmed.] may notice the
good fortune that attended the infant confederacy. If the Hapsburgs had
continued to be a mere Swabian family there is little doubt that they
would have been successful in enforcing their immediate sovereignty. The
election of Rudolf, and his acquisition of Austria, gave the cantons a
breathing space in which they could agree upon joint action for their
defence. The failure of the Hapsburgs to maintain the imperial dignity
was another piece of luck for the allies. It gave them powerful allies
and a pretext for adhering to their claim of direct dependence upon the
Empire. They reaped an immediate advantage from the election of Adolf of
Nassau on the death of Rudolf. Adolf, eager to weaken his rival, Albert
of Austria, at once confirmed the league of 1291, and promised it
imperial protection. But the fall of Adolf and the election of Albert
again put the confederates in a very dangerous position. It is to
Albert’s reign that the tyranny of bailiffs, like Gessler, is
attributed. But these stories have no contemporary authority. Albert
certainly appointed bailiffs by virtue of his imperial authority, but we
have no record that he appointed aliens, or that his bailiffs were
tyrannical. In fact, Albert, like his father, had his hands full with
imperial affairs, and had no time to devote himself to his interests in
Swabia. The league remained passive during his reign, and wisely gave
him no pretext for hostile interference. Had Albert’s son succeeded to
the Empire, the Forest Cantons would probably have been gradually
absorbed in the Hapsburg dominions. But here again their good fortune
came to their aid. After Albert’s death the imperial crown was withheld
from his House for several generations. The Luxemburg and Bavarian
Emperors were for the most part hostile to the Austrian dukes, and were
not unwilling to strengthen the opposition to them in Swabia.
One of the first acts of Henry VII. was to grant to the league the most
ample confirmation of their sole dependence upon the Empire and complete
exemption from all foreign jurisdiction. In return for this they sent
three hundred soldiers to accompany the Emperor on his Italian
campaign—the first occasion on which Swiss troops served outside their
own country. In the struggle between Lewis the Bavarian and Frederick of
Austria the confederates naturally adopted the side of the former.
Leopold, Frederick’s brother, determined to punish the rebellious and
audacious peasants, as he called them. There is a legendary account of
the great battle between the opposing [Sidenote: Battle of Morgarten,
1315.] forces; but all that is known is that Leopold’s men-at-arms
allowed themselves to be attacked in a narrow valley at Morgarten, where
they had no room for evolution, and the Swiss, having first thrown them
into confusion by a shower of stones and other missiles, routed them at
the first down-hill charge. This is the first of the great fights which
showed the Swiss to be invincible on their own ground, and trained them
to become for a time the finest infantry in Europe. The victory was
celebrated by the formal renewal of the league at the village of
Brunnen; Lewis the Bavarian recognised the value of the service to his
cause by confirming the edict of Henry VII.; and by a treaty in 1318 the
Hapsburgs withdrew all claims to administrative authority within the
limits of the Forest Cantons. The league was now a recognised and
successful body to which its neighbours could look for aid in an
emergency.
The nearest, and for that reason the most important, of these neighbours
was the town of Luzern, which had grown [Sidenote: Luzern joins the
League, 1330.] up in the territory and under the protection of the abbey
of Murbach. As the town grew in power and wealth, the direct ownership
of the abbey was broken off, but the monks retained in their hands the
appointment of chief magistrate until it was purchased from them by
Rudolf of Hapsburg. The buying up of similar rights was one of the chief
methods by which he sought to extend his ascendency in Swabia. From that
time Luzern had acknowledged some measure of subjection to the
Hapsburgs, and had aided them with men and money in their struggle with
Lewis the Bavarian. But the demands of their overlords became more and
more onerous, and growing discontent seems to have impelled the citizens
to seek the support of the neighbouring villages. On December 7, 1330,
Luzern was formally admitted to the league, and this completed the union
of the four Forest Cantons.
There was in this no express defiance of the Hapsburgs, whose rights,
jurisdiction, and feudal prerogatives were expressly reserved in the
treaty, nor was any change made in the oligarchical government of
Luzern. But in time it was inevitable that the citizens should be
influenced by the independence and the democratic constitution of their
allies. The burgher nobles formed a conspiracy in 1343 to break off the
compact with the three original cantons. The legend tells that the plot
was overheard by a boy, who was discovered and pledged to secrecy.
[Sidenote: Revolution in Luzern.] He kept the letter of his promise by
telling the secret to a stove in a room where the butchers’ guild was
holding a meeting. The citizens were alarmed, and the conspirators
arrested; and the result was that not only did Luzern remain a member of
the league, but a new executive council was created of 300 members,
while the power of levying taxes, making war and concluding peace, was
vested in the whole community. Thus the exclusive oligarchy was
overthrown.
Two other cities, Zürich and Bern, though farther distant than Luzern,
were destined to play a more prominent part in the history of the
league. Zürich was in the fourteenth century a free imperial city, and
owed no obedience to any intermediate lord. The government was a close
oligarchy, as the council consisted of thirty-six members, all of whom
belonged to the old burgher families. As long as their power remained
unshaken, there was little likelihood of any close connection with the
peasants of the original cantons. But Zürich, like so many other towns
at the time, underwent a revolution. The artisans, organised in their
own guilds, were stirred up to dispute the exclusive rule of the old
burghers. The leader of the revolution was Rudolf [Sidenote: Rudolf Brun
in Zürich.] Brun, one of the most remarkable demagogues of a century
which produced Rienzi, Marcel, and the Arteveldes. Brun was himself a
member of the ruling class, but sought to gratify his own ambition by
turning against it. In 1336 the political change was accomplished. The
members of the council were intimidated into flight, and a mass meeting
decreed that the government should be reformed, and that in the meantime
Brun should hold supreme power. Before long the new constitution was
promulgated. Brun was appointed burgomaster for life with the assistance
of a council of twenty-six. Thirteen of these were to be nominees of the
burgomaster—six nobles and seven plebeians; the other thirteen were the
tribunes of the guilds. For the next fifteen years Rudolf Brun was
practically despot in Zürich, but it was not until his authority was
seriously threatened that he had any inducement to ally himself with
such sturdy opponents of personal rule as the inhabitants of the Forest
Cantons.
The undisguised despotism of Brun not unnaturally provoked a reaction in
Zürich, and the members of the dispossessed [Sidenote: Zürich joins the
League, 1351.] oligarchy were encouraged to intrigue for his overthrow.
They found zealous supporters among the nobles outside the walls,
especially in John of Hapsburg, Count of Rapperschwyl, a cousin of the
Austrian dukes. The story of the discovery of the plot is strangely
reminiscent of the similar incident in the history of Luzern. A baker’s
boy overheard the incautious conspirators, and informed his master. Brun
was warned, and the rising was ruthlessly suppressed. All citizens
suspected of disaffection were put to death, John of Hapsburg was
imprisoned, and his town of Rapperschwyl was razed to the ground. But
this act provoked the anger of the Austrian Hapsburgs, and to protect
himself against their threatened vengeance, Brun found himself compelled
to secure the alliance of the Forest Cantons. The agreement of May 2,
1351, is of great importance, as showing a marked progress towards
federation, and also because its provisions gave rise to many subsequent
difficulties. ‘We, the cantons of Zürich, Luzern, Uri, Schwyz, and
Unterwalden, do hereby enter into a firm and perpetual union: we engage
to assist each other with our lives and fortunes against all who shall
in any ways attempt to injure us in our honour, property, or freedom:
this we bind ourselves to perform at all times and in all places within
the Aar, the Thur, the Rhine, and Mount St. Gothard. Whenever the
council or community that calls for aid shall declare upon oath that the
case is urgent, each canton shall, without evasion or delay, and at its
own cost, send the demanded aid. In great emergencies, such as a distant
march or a long campaign, the cantons shall hold a congress at
Einsiedeln and there deliberate on the measures to be pursued. We, the
confederate cantons, solemnly reserve all the rights of the Holy Roman
Empire and its sovereign, and each of us his previous alliances. Each
canton may form new alliances, but not to the prejudice of the league.
We will jointly preserve the burgomaster and the constitution of Zürich.
Should (_quod Deus avortat_) any dissension arise between Zürich and the
Forest Cantons, the city shall send two good and wise men, and the
cantons two others, to Einsiedeln, and these four shall, on oath, decide
the difference: if their votes are equal, they shall chose a fifth
associate from any canton, and he shall give the casting vote.’ The
progress towards federalism is shown in the provisions for conference
and arbitration; while the diplomacy of Rudolf Brun is evident in the
clauses by which a canton is enabled to form separate alliances, and the
Forest Cantons are pledged to uphold the existing constitution of
Zürich.
Meanwhile Albert the Lame of Austria, the last survivor of the numerous
sons of Albert I.,[8] was arming to avenge the injury done to his
kinsman and to vindicate Hapsburg rights in Swabia. In 1352 his troops
advanced to the siege of Zürich, and the neighbouring towns and villages
were called upon to send aid to the invaders. The people of Glarus, not
far from Zürich, were dependent upon the abbey [Sidenote: Accession of
Glarus, 1352.] of Seckingen, and the administration was in the hands of
a steward appointed by the abbess. The Counts of Hapsburg had acquired,
more than a century before, the position of advocate, or military
champion, of the abbey, and this gave them a claim to the feudal service
of the people of Glarus. But to the demands of Albert II. they replied
that they were only bound to serve in the interests of the abbey of
Seckingen, and refused to fight in a private quarrel of the duke. Albert
at once sent a body of troops to coerce Glarus, but the inhabitants
obtained the assistance of the Forest Cantons and repulsed them. The
result was the conclusion of a permanent league between Glarus and its
allies. The rights and revenues of both duke and abbess were expressly
reserved in the treaty, and the people of Glarus promised to make no new
alliances without the concurrence of the confederates.
About the same time the league made its first conquest. Hitherto the
various members had joined of their own accord; but now the league took
the offensive, and to secure their own safety compelled the little town
of Zug to join them. Zug lies between Zürich [Sidenote: Conquest of Zug,
1352.] and the Lake of Luzern, and was occupied by an Austrian garrison.
The inhabitants of Schwyz marched to the walls and demanded its
surrender, declaring that they had no intention to diminish the
authority of the Duke of Austria or to change the constitution of Zug.
As no aid came from Albert II., the townsmen found it necessary to
submit, and were formally admitted to the league.
The expedition of Albert was thus a complete failure, and the campaign
of 1352 was closed by a hollow treaty. All prisoners were to be
released, and all hostages [Sidenote: Treaty of 1352.] and plunder
returned. Zug and Glarus were to pay the duke their accustomed
allegiance. The confederates were pledged in the future to conclude no
alliance with Austrian vassals: nor were Luzern and Zürich to admit such
vassals to their citizenship. But all former alliances, immunities, and
established regulations were to remain in force. The terms were perhaps
intentionally ambiguous. The Austrian duke contended that they involved
the separation of Zug and Glarus from the league, while the confederates
held that the last clause entitled them to maintain the alliance. But
though the treaty itself was but a doubtful gain, it was followed by a
very great accession of strength to the league. A successful embassy was
sent to invite the adhesion of the powerful city of Bern, and a
[Sidenote: Bern joins the League, 1353.] treaty was arranged at the
beginning of 1353. The direct alliance is made with the three original
cantons; Zürich and Luzern being only indirectly involved, while Glarus
and Zug are not mentioned at all. ‘The Swiss of the three Forest Cantons
shall be assisted by Bern, whenever they shall be in need: and the
cantons in return undertake to defend the city of Bern, its burghers,
and all its property.... We, the Bernese, promise to assist Zürich and
Luzern, when required by our Swiss confederates: we, of Zürich and
Luzern, promise that whenever Bern shall be attacked and its council
shall send to the Forest Cantons for aid, we will at our own expense
immediately march to its assistance.’
The accession of Bern completes the number of the eight old cantons; and
the league had grown to these dimensions [Sidenote: The eight old
Cantons.] in just over sixty years, from 1291 to 1353. But it is obvious
that as yet there were little more than the elements of a federation.
There was no central government, and no supreme court of justice. The
allies stood on various and unequal terms with each other, and some were
not connected at all. Bern was not directly allied with Zürich or
Luzern, and not allied at all with Glarus and Zug. Glarus and Zug had no
connection with each other, and the former had made more submissive
terms than any other canton. Moreover, differences in constitution
prevented the various members of the league from regarding political
questions in the same light. Bern maintained its exclusive aristocracy,
Zürich and Luzern had adopted a mixed constitution, while the three
original cantons, with Zug and Glarus, were pure democracies, in which
every adult male had a share in political power.
If all danger from the Austrian dukes had come to an end in 1353, it is
probable that this ill-cemented league would [Sidenote: Continued danger
from Austria.] have fallen to pieces. But as long as the Hapsburgs
remained great landholders in Swabia, their weaker neighbours were in
danger of absorption, and it was this which ultimately hardened the
league into a lasting federation. Albert II. was resolute to enforce his
interpretation of the treaty of 1352. In 1354 he demanded that Glarus
and Zug should renounce their alliance with the other cantons. The
league appealed to the Emperor, but Charles IV. was pledged to the
policy of discountenancing such associations, and he gave his support to
the Hapsburg claims. And Albert had another advantage in the
self-seeking policy pursued by Rudolf Brun, who was still supreme in
Zürich, and who was quite ready to make terms with Austria if he could
thereby strengthen his own position. The influence of Zürich nearly
induced the Forest Cantons to accept a treaty which would have involved
a surrender of the most vital points at issue, and it was only at the
last minute that the apparent treachery was discovered. The result was a
coolness between Zürich and the confederates, and the former went so far
as to conclude a separate treaty with the Austrian duke. Fortunately
Albert II. was too old and worn out to profit by this disunion, and just
before his death he concluded a truce for eleven years with the league,
leaving matters _in statu quo_ for the time.
Albert the Lame died in 1358 leaving behind him four sons, who were born
after he had been married for nineteen years without issue, and when the
extinction of the main line of his House seemed imminent. Before his
death he made an arrangement that his territories should pass undivided
to the joint rule of his four sons. The second son, Frederick, died soon
after his father, and the third son, Albert, preferred the study of
philosophy to the cares of politics. The two active members of the
family were the eldest son, Rudolf, and the youngest, Leopold.
[Sidenote: Rudolf IV. in Swabia.] Rudolf married the daughter of Charles
IV., quarrelled with his father-in-law about the elevation of the
electors, and was only reconciled on being allowed to annex the province
of Tyrol (see p. 120). In his Swabian dominions he showed himself an
active and capable ruler. He retained the support of Rudolf Brun, to
whom he granted a pension and the title of privy councillor. He bought
up the territory of Rapperschwyl, thus thrusting in a wedge between the
lake of Zürich and the Forest Cantons. On pretence of aiding the
pilgrims to Einsiedeln, he built a magnificent wooden bridge over the
lake, which was regarded by contemporaries as one of the wonders of the
world. His real object was to get into his hands the control of the
chief highway between Italy and Germany. His restless activity would
certainly have brought him, sooner or later, into collision with the
Swiss, but in the midst of his schemes he died suddenly in 1365, when he
was only twenty-six years old.
Of the two surviving brothers, Albert III. and Leopold, the latter had
been the confidant of Rudolf’s ambitious schemes, [Sidenote: Leopold II.
in Swabia.] and was eager to carry them out. With this object he induced
his brother to revive the practice of partition, and to content himself
with the duchy of Austria. Leopold received as his share Styria,
Carinthia, Tyrol, and the Swabian lands. It was to Swabia that he
devoted most of his attention. On every side he purchased territorial
and other rights. His aim was that of his great-grandfather: the
formation of a strong and united Swabian principality in Hapsburg hands.
In the pursuit of such an aim he was inevitably brought into collision
with the Swiss.
One of Leopold’s most conspicuous successes was the obtaining from
Wenzel, the feeble successor of Charles IV., the office of imperial
advocate in Upper and Lower Swabia. He soon found himself involved in
grave difficulties. To make head against the Swabian league of towns,
the princes and knights were forced to form confederations among
themselves. In such a state of things local collisions were frequent,
and there seemed the possibility of a great war of [Sidenote: Renewal of
war.] classes. The Swiss naturally supported the Swabian League, and
Leopold, after a vain struggle to act as arbiter between the hostile
forces, found himself forced by Swiss aggression to throw himself on the
opposite side. The forces of the neighbouring nobles flocked to his
banner at Baden in Aargau, and as the Swabian League failed to send any
assistance to the Swiss, Leopold seemed to have good reason to expect a
complete and easy victory. But the Swiss, who had defiantly broken the
treaty of 1352, were conscious that the struggle was one for liberty or
subjection. Rudolf Brun was dead, and Zürich had returned to complete
harmony with the confederates. No effort was spared to collect forces,
and the [Sidenote: Battle of Sempach, 1386.] Swiss victory at Sempach,
July 9, 1386, was even more decisive, if more hardly won, than that of
Morgarten. Leopold himself, fighting with reckless ardour to redeem the
fortunes of the day, fell upon the field. His death virtually decided
the war. It is true that the Swiss had to fight and win another battle
at Näfels, before they could force their opponents to terms. But the
treaty of 1389 [Sidenote: Treaty of 1389.] was as complete as any Swiss
patriot of those days could desire. The sons of Leopold renounced all
feudal claims, direct or indirect, over Luzern, Glarus, or Zug. Thus
within a hundred years from the formation of the league of 1291, the
Swiss had succeeded in obtaining for the whole territory comprised in
the extended confederacy that position of dependence upon the Empire
alone, which had been the first aim of the Forest Cantons.
Footnote 8:
See Genealogical Table C, in Appendix.