There is one more fundamental doctrine which we must not omi

CHRISTIAN MYSTICISM

The Bampton Lectures, 1899

Considered in Eight Lectures Delivered before the University of Oxford

by

WILLIAM RALPH INGE, D.D.

Dean Of S. Paul's

Methuen & Co. Ltd.

36 Essex Street W.c.

London

Extract

From The Last Will And Testament

Of The Late

Rev. John Bampton

Canon Of Salisbury

----"I give and bequeath my Lands and Estates to the Chancellor,

Masters, and Scholars of the University of Oxford for ever, to have

and to hold all and singular the said Lands and Estates upon trust,

and to the intents and purposes hereinafter mentioned; that is to say,

I will and appoint that the Vice-Chancellor of the University of

Oxford for the time being shall take and receive all the rents,

issues, and profits thereof, and (after all taxes, reparations, and

necessary deductions made) that he pay all the remainder to the

endowment of eight Divinity Lecture Sermons, to be established for

ever in the said University, and to be performed in the manner

following:

"I direct and appoint that upon the first Tuesday in Easter Term, a

Lecturer be yearly chosen by the Heads of Colleges only, and by no

others, in the room adjoining to the Printing-House, between the hours

of ten in the morning and two in the afternoon, to preach eight

Divinity Lecture Sermons, the year following, at St. Mary's in Oxford,

between the commencement of the last month in Lent Term, and the end

of the third week in Act Term.

"Also I direct and appoint, that the eight Divinity Lecture Sermons

shall be preached upon either of the following Subjects--to confirm

and establish the Christian Faith, and to confute all heretics and

schismatics--upon the Divine authority of the Holy Scriptures--upon

the authority of the writings of the primitive Fathers, as to the

faith and practice of the primitive Church--upon the Divinity of our

Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ--upon the Divinity of the Holy

Ghost--upon the Articles of the Christian Faith, as comprehended in

the Apostles' and Nicene Creeds.

"Also I direct that thirty copies of the eight Divinity Lecture

Sermons shall be always printed within two months after they are

preached; and one copy shall be given to the Chancellor of the

University, and one copy to the head of every College, and one copy to

the Mayor of the City of Oxford, and one copy to be put into the

Bodleian Library; and the expense of printing them shall be paid out

of the revenue of the Land or Estates given for establishing the

Divinity Lecture Sermons; and the Preacher shall not be paid, nor

entitled to the revenue, before they are printed.

"Also I direct and appoint, that no person shall be qualified to

preach the Divinity Lecture Sermons, unless he hath taken the degree

of Master of Arts at least, in one of the two Universities of Oxford

or Cambridge; and that the same person shall never preach the Divinity

Lecture Sermons twice."

PREFACE

The first of the subjects which, according to the will of Canon

Bampton, are prescribed for the Lecturers upon his foundation, is the

confirmation and establishment of the Christian faith. This is the aim

which I have kept in view in preparing this volume; and I should wish

my book to be judged as a contribution to apologetics, rather than as

a historical sketch of Christian Mysticism. I say this because I

decided, after some hesitation, to adopt a historical framework for

the Lectures, and this arrangement may cause my object to be

misunderstood. It seemed to me that the instructiveness of tracing the

development and operation of mystical ideas, in the forms which they

have assumed as active forces in history, outweighed the disadvantage

of appearing to waver between apology and narrative. A series of

historical essays would, of course, have been quite unsuitable in the

University pulpit, and, moreover, I did not approach the subject from

that side. Until I began to prepare the Lectures, about a year and a

half before they were delivered, my study of the mystical writers had

been directed solely by my own intellectual and spiritual needs. I was

attracted to them in the hope of finding in their writings a

philosophy and a rule of life which would satisfy my mind and

conscience. In this I was not disappointed; and thinking that others

might perhaps profit by following the same path, I wished to put

together and publish the results of my thought and reading. In such a

scheme historical details are either out of place or of secondary

value; and I hope this will be remembered by any historians who may

take the trouble to read my book.

The philosophical side of the subject is from my point of view of much

greater importance. I have done my best to acquire an adequate

knowledge of those philosophies, both ancient and modern, which are

most akin to speculative Mysticism, and also to think out my own

position. I hope that I have succeeded in indicating my general

standpoint, and that what I have written may prove fairly consistent

and intelligible; but I have felt keenly the disadvantage of having

missed the systematic training in metaphysics given by the Oxford

school of _Literæ Humaniores_, and also the difficulty (perhaps I

should say the presumption) of addressing metaphysical arguments to an

audience which included several eminent philosophers. I wish also that

I had had time for a more thorough study of Fechner's works; for his

system, so far as I understand it, seems to me to have a great

interest and value as a scheme of philosophical Mysticism which does

not clash with modern science.

I have spoken with a plainness which will probably give offence of the

debased supernaturalism which usurps the name of Mysticism in Roman

Catholic countries. I desire to insult no man's convictions; and it

is for this reason that I have decided not to print my analysis of

Ribet's work (_La Mystique Divine, distinguée des Contrefaçons

diaboliques_. Nouvelle Edition, Paris, 1895, 3 vols.), which I

intended to form an Appendix. It would have opened the eyes of some of

my readers to the irreconcilable antagonism between the Roman Church

and science; but though I translated and summarised my author

faithfully, the result had all the appearance of a malicious travesty.

I have therefore suppressed this Appendix; but with regard to Roman

Catholic "Mysticism" there is no use in mincing matters. Those who

find edification in signs and wonders of this kind, and think that

such "supernatural phenomena," even if they were well authenticated

instead of being ridiculous fables, could possibly establish spiritual

truths, will find little or nothing to please or interest them in

these pages. But those who reverence Nature and Reason, and have no

wish to hear of either of them being "overruled" or "suspended," will,

I hope, agree with me in valuing highly the later developments of

mystical thought in Northern Europe.

There is another class of "mystics" with whom I have but little

sympathy--the dabblers in occultism. "Psychical research" is, no

doubt, a perfectly legitimate science; but when its professors invite

us to watch the breaking down of the middle wall of partition between

matter and spirit, they have, in my opinion, ceased to be scientific,

and are in reality hankering after the beggarly elements of the later

Neoplatonism.

The charge of "pantheistic tendency" will not, I hope, be brought

against me without due consideration. I have tried to show how the

Johannine Logos-doctrine, which is the basis of Christian Mysticism,

differs from Asiatic Pantheism, from Acosmism, and from (one kind of)

evolutionary Idealism. Of course, speculative Mysticism is nearer to

Pantheism than to Deism; but I think it is possible heartily to eschew

Deism without falling into the opposite error.

I have received much help from many kind friends; and though some of

them would not wish to be associated with all of my opinions, I cannot

deny myself the pleasure of thanking them by name. From my mother and

other members of my family, and relations, especially Mr. W.W. How,

Fellow of Merton, I have received many useful suggestions. Three past

or present colleagues have read and criticised parts of my work--the

Rev. H. Rashdall, now Fellow of New College; Mr. H.A. Prichard, now

Fellow of Trinity; and Mr. H.H. Williams, Fellow of Hertford. Mr. G.L.

Dickinson, Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, lent me an unpublished

dissertation on Plotinus. The Rev. C. Bigg, D.D., whose Bampton

Lectures on the Christian Platonists are known all over Europe, did me

the kindness to read the whole of the eight Lectures, and so added to

the great debt which I owe to him for his books. The Rev. J.M. Heald,

formerly Scholar of Trinity, Cambridge, lent me many books from his

fine library, and by inquiring for me at Louvain enabled me to procure

the books on Mysticism which are now studied in Roman Catholic

Universities. The Rev. Dr. Lindsay, who has made a special study of

the German mystics, read my Lectures on that period, and wrote me a

very useful letter upon them. Miss G.H. Warrack of Edinburgh kindly

allowed me to use her modernised version of Julian of Norwich.

I have ventured to say in my last Lecture--and it is my earnest

conviction--that a more general acquaintance with mystical theology

and philosophy is very desirable in the interests of the English

Church at the present time. I am not one of those who think that the

points at issue between Anglo-Catholics and Anglo-Protestants are

trivial: history has always confirmed Aristotle's famous dictum about

parties--[Greek: gignontai ai staseis ou peri mikrôn all' ek mikrôn,

stasiazousi de peri megalôn]--but I do not so far despair of our

Church, or of Christianity, as to doubt that a reconciling principle

must and will be found. Those who do me the honour to read these

Lectures will see to what quarter I look for a mediator. A very short

study would be sufficient to dispel some of the prejudices which still

hang round the name of Mysticism--e.g., that its professors are

unpractical dreamers, and that this type of religion is antagonistic

to the English mind. As a matter of fact, all the great mystics have

been energetic and influential, and their business capacity is

specially noted in a curiously large number of cases. For instance,

Plotinus was often in request as a guardian and trustee; St. Bernard

showed great gifts as an organiser; St. Teresa, as a founder of

convents and administrator, gave evidence of extraordinary practical

ability; even St. Juan of the Cross displayed the same qualities; John

Smith was an excellent bursar of his college; Fénelon ruled his

diocese extremely well; and Madame Guyon surprised those who had

dealings with her by her great aptitude for affairs. Henry More was

offered posts of high responsibility and dignity, but declined them.

The mystic is not as a rule ambitious, but I do not think he often

shows incapacity for practical life, if he consents to mingle in it.

And so far is it from being true that Great Britain has produced but

few mystics, that I am inclined to think the subject might be

adequately studied from English writers alone. On the more

intellectual side we have (without going back to Scotus Erigena) the

Cambridge Platonists, Law and Coleridge; of devotional mystics we have

attractive examples in Hilton and Julian of Norwich; while in verse

the lofty idealism[1] and strong religious bent of our race have

produced a series of poet-mystics such as no other country can rival.

It has not been possible in these Lectures to do justice to George

Herbert, Vaughan "the Silurist," Quarles, Crashaw, and others, who

have all drunk of the same well. Let it suffice to say that the

student who desires to master the history of Mysticism in Britain will

find plenty to occupy his time. But for the religious public in

general the most useful thing would be a judicious selection from the

mystical writers of different times and countries. Those who are more

interested in the practical and devotional than the speculative side

may study with great profit some parts of St. Augustine, the sermons

of Tauler, the _Theologia Germanica_, Hilton's _Scale of Perfection_,

the Life of Henry Suso, St. Francis de Sales and Fénelon, the Sermons

of John Smith and Whichcote's _Aphorisms_, and the later works of

William Law, not forgetting the poets who have been mentioned. I can

think of no course of study more fitting for those who wish to revive

in themselves and others the practical idealism of the primitive

Church, which gained for it its greatest triumphs.

I conclude this Preface with a quotation from William Law on the value

of the mystical writers. "Writers like those I have mentioned," he

says in a letter to Dr. Trapp, "there have been in all ages of the

Church, but as they served not the ends of popular learning, as they

helped no people to figure or preferment in the world, and were

useless to scholastic controversial writers, so they dropt out of

public uses, and were only known, or rather unknown, under the name of

mystical writers, till at last some people have hardly heard of that

very name: though, if a man were to be told what is meant by a

mystical divine, he must be told of something as heavenly, as great,

as desirable, as if he was told what is meant by a real, regenerate,

living member of the mystical body of Christ; for they were thus

called for no other reason than as Moses and the prophets, and the

saints of the Old Testament, may be called the spiritual Israel, or

the true mystical Jews. These writers began their office of teaching

as John the Baptist did, after they had passed through every kind of

mortification and self-denial, every kind of trial and purification,

both inward and outward. They were deeply learned in the mysteries of

the kingdom of God, not through the use of lexicons, or meditating

upon critics, but because they had passed from death unto life. They

highly reverence and excellently direct the true use of everything

that is outward in religion; but, like the Psalmist's king's daughter,

they are all glorious within. They are truly sons of thunder, and sons

of consolation; they break open the whited sepulchres; they awaken the

heart, and show it its filth and rottenness of death: but they leave

it not till the kingdom of heaven is raised up within it. If a man has

no desire but to be of the spirit of the gospel, to obtain all that

renovation of life and spirit which alone can make him to be in Christ

a new creature, it is a great unhappiness to him to be unacquainted

with these writers, or to pass a day without reading something of what

they wrote."

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: It is really time that we took to burning that travesty

of the British character--the John Bull whom our comic papers

represent "guarding his pudding"--instead of Guy Fawkes. Even in the

nineteenth century, amid all the sordid materialism bred of commercial

ascendancy, this country has produced a richer crop of imaginative

literature than any other; and it is significant that, while in

Germany philosophy is falling more and more into the hands of the

empirical school, our own thinkers are nearly all staunch idealists.]

CONTENTS

LECTURE

I. General Characteristics of Mysticism

II. The Mystical Element in the Bible

III. Christian Platonism and Speculative Mysticism--(1) In the East

IV. Christian Platonism and Speculative Mysticism--(2) In the West

V. Practical and Devotional Mysticism

VI. Practical and Devotional Mysticism--_continued_

VII. Nature-Mysticism and Symbolism

VIII. Nature-Mysticism--_continued_

APPENDIX A. Definitions of "Mysticism" and "Mystical Theology"

APPENDIX B. The Greek Mysteries and Christian Mysticism

APPENDIX C. The Doctrine of Deification

APPENDIX D. The Mystical Interpretation of the Song of Solomon

INDEX

LECTURE I

[Greek: "Hêmin de apodeikteon hôs ep' eutuchia tê megistê para Theôn

hê toiautê mania didotai hê de dê apodeixis estai deinois men

apistos, sophois de pistê"]

PLATO, _Phædrus_, p. 245.

"_Thoas_. Es spricht kein Gott; es spricht dein eignes Herz.

_Iphigenia_. Sie reden nur durch unser Herz zu uns."

GOETHE, _Iphigenie_.

"Si notre vie est moins qu'une journée

En l'éternel; si l'an qui fait le tour

Chasse nos jours sans espoir de retour;

Si périssable est toute chose née;

Que songes-tu, mon âme emprisonnée?

Pourquoi te plaît l'obscur de notre jour,

Si, pour voler en un plus clair séjour,

Tu as au dos l'aile bien empennée!

Là est le bien que tout esprit désire,

Là, le repos ou tout le monde aspire,

Là est l'amour, là le plaisir encore!

Là, ô mon âme, au plus haut ciel guidée,

Tu y pourras reconnaître l'idée

De la beauté qu'en ce monde j'adore!"

OLD POET.

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF MYSTICISM

"Beloved, now are we children of God, and it is not yet made manifest

what we shall be. We know that, if He shall be manifested, we shall be

like Him; for we shall see Him even as He is."--I JOHN iii. 2, 3.

No word in our language--not even "Socialism"--has been employed more

loosely than "Mysticism." Sometimes it is used as an equivalent for

symbolism or allegorism, sometimes for theosophy or occult science;

and sometimes it merely suggests the mental state of a dreamer, or

vague and fantastic opinions about God and the world. In Roman

Catholic writers, "mystical phenomena" mean supernatural suspensions

of physical law. Even those writers who have made a special study of

the subject, show by their definitions of the word how uncertain is

its connotation.[2] It is therefore necessary that I should make clear

at the outset what I understand by the term, and what aspects of

religious life and thought I intend to deal with in these Lectures.

The history of the _word_ begins in close connexion with the Greek

mysteries.[3] A mystic [Greek: mystês] is one who has been, or is

being, initiated into some esoteric knowledge of Divine things, about

which he must keep his mouth shut ([Greek: myein]); or, possibly, he is

one whose _eyes_ are still shut, one who is not yet an [Greek:

epoptês].[4] The word was taken over, with other technical terms of

the mysteries, by the Neoplatonists, who found in the existing

mysteriosophy a discipline, worship, and rule of life congenial to

their speculative views. But as the tendency towards quietism and

introspection increased among them, another derivation for "Mysticism"

was found--it was explained to mean deliberately shutting the eyes to

all external things.[5] We shall see in the sequel how this later

Neoplatonism passed almost entire into Christianity, and, while

forming the basis of mediæval Mysticism, caused a false association to

cling to the word even down to the Reformation.[6]

The phase of thought or feeling which we call Mysticism has its

origin in that which is the raw material of all religion, and perhaps

of all philosophy and art as well, namely, that dim consciousness of

the _beyond_, which is part of our nature as human beings. Men have

given different names to these "obstinate questionings of sense and

outward things." We may call them, if we will, a sort of higher

instinct, perhaps an anticipation of the evolutionary process; or an

extension of the frontier of consciousness; or, in religious language,

the voice of God speaking to us. Mysticism arises when we try to bring

this higher consciousness into relation with the other contents of our

minds. Religious Mysticism may be defined as the attempt to realise

the presence of the living God in the soul and in nature, or, more

generally, as _the attempt to realise, in thought and feeling, the

immanence of the temporal in the eternal, and of the eternal in the

temporal_. Our consciousness of the beyond is, I say, the raw material

of all religion. But, being itself formless, it cannot be brought

directly into relation with the forms of our thought. Accordingly, it

has to express itself by symbols, which are as it were the flesh and

bones of ideas. It is the tendency of all symbols to petrify or

evaporate, and either process is fatal to them. They soon repudiate

their mystical origin, and forthwith lose their religious content.

Then comes a return to the fresh springs of the inner life--a revival

of spirituality in the midst of formalism or unbelief. This is the

historical function of Mysticism--it appears as an independent active

principle, the spirit of reformations and revivals. But since every

active principle must find for itself appropriate instruments,

Mysticism has developed a speculative and practical system of its

own. As Goethe says, it is "the scholastic of the heart, the dialectic

of the feelings." In this way it becomes possible to consider it as a

type of religion, though it must always be remembered that in becoming

such it has incorporated elements which do not belong to its inmost

being.[7] As a type of religion, then, Mysticism seems to rest on the

following propositions or articles of faith:--

First, _the soul_ (as well as the body) _can see and

perceive_--[Greek: esti de psychês aisthêsis tis], as Proclus says.

We have an organ or faculty for the discernment of spiritual truth,

which, in its proper sphere, is as much to be trusted as the organs of

sensation in theirs.

The second proposition is that, since we can only know what is akin to

ourselves,[8] _man, in order to know God, must be a partaker of the

Divine nature_. "What we are, that we behold; and what we behold,

that we are," says Ruysbroek. The curious doctrine which we find in

the mystics of the Middle Ages, that there is at "the apex of the

mind" a spark which is consubstantial with the uncreated ground of the

Deity, is thus accounted for. We could not even begin to work out our

own salvation if God were not already working in us. It is always "in

His light" that "we see light." The doctrine has been felt to be a

necessary postulate by most philosophers who hold that knowledge of

God is possible to man. For instance, Krause says, "From finite reason

as finite we might possibly explain the thought of itself, but not the

thought of something that is outside finite reasonable beings, far

less the absolute idea, in its contents infinite, of God. To become

aware of God in knowledge we require certainly to make a freer use of

our finite power of thought, but the thought of God itself is

primarily and essentially an eternal operation of the eternal

revelation of God to the finite mind." But though we are made in the

image of God, our _likeness_ to Him only exists potentially.[9] The

Divine spark already shines within us, but it has to be searched for

in the innermost depths of our personality, and its light diffused

over our whole being.

This brings us to the third proposition--"_Without holiness no man may

see the Lord_"; or, as it is expressed positively in the Sermon on the

Mount, "Blessed are the pure in heart: for they shall see God."

Sensuality and selfishness are absolute disqualifications for knowing

"the things of the Spirit of God." These fundamental doctrines are

very clearly laid down in the passage from St. John which I read as

the text of this Lecture. The filial relation to God is already

claimed, but the vision is inseparable from _likeness_ to Him, which

is a hope, not a possession, and is only to be won by "purifying

ourselves, even as He is pure."

There is one more fundamental doctrine which we must not omit.

Purification removes the obstacles to our union with God, but our

guide on the upward path, _the true hierophant of the mysteries of

God, is love_[10]. Love has been defined as "interest in its highest

power";[11] while others have said that "it is of the essence of love

to be disinterested." The contradiction is merely a verbal one. The

two definitions mark different starting-points, but the two "ways of

love" should bring us to the same goal. The possibility of

disinterested love, in the ordinary sense, ought never to have been

called in question. "Love is not love" when it asks for a reward. Nor

is the love of man to God any exception. He who tries to be holy in

order to be happy will assuredly be neither. In the words of the

_Theologia Germanica_, "So long as a man seeketh his own highest good

_because_ it is his, he will never find it." The mystics here are

unanimous, though some, like St. Bernard, doubt whether perfect love

of God can ever be attained, pure and without alloy, while we are in

this life.[12] The controversy between Fénelon and Bossuet on this

subject is well known, and few will deny that Fénelon was mainly in

the right. Certainly he had an easy task in justifying his statements

from the writings of the saints. But we need not trouble ourselves

with the "mystic paradox," that it would be better to be with Christ

in hell than without Him in heaven--a statement which Thomas à Kempis

once wrote and then erased in his manuscript. For wherever Christ is,

there is heaven: nor should we regard eternal happiness as anything

distinct from "a true conjunction of the mind with God.[13]" "God is

not without or above law: He _could_ not make men either sinful or

miserable.[14]" To believe otherwise is to suppose an irrational

universe, the one thing which a rational man cannot believe in.

The mystic, as we have seen, makes it his life's aim to be transformed

into the likeness of Him in whose image he was created.[15] He loves

to figure his path as a ladder reaching from earth to heaven, which

must be climbed step by step. This _scala perfectionis_ is generally

divided into three stages. The first is called the purgative life,

the second the illuminative, while the third, which is really the goal

rather than a part of the journey, is called the unitive life, or

state of perfect contemplation.[16] We find, as we should expect, some

differences in the classification, but this tripartite scheme is

generally accepted.

The steps of the upward path constitute the ethical system, the rule

of life, of the mystics. The first stage, the purgative life, we read

in the _Theologia Germanica_, is brought about by contrition, by

confession, by hearty amendment; and this is the usual language in

treatises intended for monks. But it is really intended to include the

civic and social virtues in this stage.[17] They occupy the lowest

place, it is true; but this only means that they must be acquired by

all, though all are not called to the higher flights of contemplation.

Their chief value, according to Plotinus, is to teach us the meaning

of _order_ and _limitation_ ([Greek: taxis] and [Greek: peras]), which

are qualities belonging to the Divine nature. This is a very valuable

thought, for it contradicts that aberration of Mysticism which calls

God the Infinite, and thinks of Him as the Indefinite, dissolving all

distinctions in the abyss of bare indetermination. When Ewald says,

"the true mystic never withdraws himself wilfully from the business

of life, no, not even from the smallest business," he is, at any rate,

saying nothing which conflicts with the principles of Mysticism.[18]

The purgative life necessarily includes self-discipline: does it

necessarily include what is commonly known as asceticism? It would be

easy to answer that asceticism means nothing but _training_, as men

train for a race, or more broadly still, that it means simply "the

acquisition of some greater power by practice.[19]" But when people

speak of "asceticism," they have in their minds such severe

"buffeting" of the body as was practised by many ancient hermits and

mediæval monks. Is this an integral part of the mystic's "upward

path"? We shall find reason to conclude that, while a certain degree

of austere simplicity characterises the outward life of nearly all the

mystics, and while an almost morbid desire to suffer is found in many

of them, there is nothing in the system itself to encourage men to

maltreat their bodies. Mysticism enjoins a dying life, not a living

death. Moreover, asceticism, when regarded as a virtue or duty in

itself, tends to isolate us, and concentrates our attention on our

separate individuality. This is contrary to the spirit of Mysticism,

which aims at realising unity and solidarity everywhere. Monkish

asceticism (so far as it goes beyond the struggle to live unstained

under unnatural conditions) rests on a dualistic view of the world

which does not belong to the essence of Mysticism. It infected all the

religious life of the Middle Ages, not Mysticism only.[20]

The second stage, the illuminative life, is the concentration of all

the faculties, will, intellect, and feeling, upon God. It differs from

the purgative life, not in having discarded good works, but in having

come to perform them, as Fénelon says, "no longer as virtues," that is

to say, willingly and almost spontaneously. The struggle is now

transferred to the inner life.

The last stage of the journey, in which the soul presses towards the

mark, and gains the prize of its high calling, is the unitive or

contemplative life, in which man beholds God face to face, and is

joined to Him. Complete union with God is the ideal limit of religion,

the attainment of which would be at once its consummation and

annihilation. It is in the continual but unending approximation to it

that the life of religion subsists.[21] We must therefore beware of

regarding the union as anything more than an infinite process, though,

as its end is part of the eternal counsel of God, there is a sense in

which it is already a fact, and not merely a thing desired. But the

word deification holds a very large place in the writings of the

Fathers, and not only among those who have been called mystics. We

find it in Irenæus as well as in Clement, in Athanasius as well as in

Gregory of Nyssa. St. Augustine is no more afraid of "deificari" in

Latin than Origen of [Greek: theopoieisthai] in Greek. The subject is

one of primary importance to anyone who wishes to understand mystical

theology; but it is difficult for us to enter into the minds of the

ancients who used these expressions, both because [Greek: theos] was a

very fluid concept in the early centuries, and because our notions of

_personality_ are very different from those which were prevalent in

antiquity. On this latter point I shall have more to say presently;

but the evidence for the belief in "deification," and its continuance

through the Middle Ages, is too voluminous to be given in the body of

these Lectures.[22] Let it suffice to say here that though such bold

phrases as "God became man, that we might become God," were

commonplaces of doctrinal theology at least till after Augustine, even

Clement and Origen protest strongly against the "very impious" heresy

that man is "a part of God," or "consubstantial with God.[23]" The

attribute of Divinity which was chiefly in the minds of the Greek

Fathers when they made these statements, was that of _imperishableness_.

As to the means by which this union is manifested to the

consciousness, there is no doubt that very many mystics believed in,

and looked for, ecstatic revelations, trances, or visions. This,

again, is one of the crucial questions of Mysticism.

Ecstasy or vision begins when thought ceases, _to our consciousness_,

to proceed from ourselves. It differs from dreaming, because the

subject is awake. It differs from hallucination, because there is no

organic disturbance: it is, or claims to be, a temporary enhancement,

not a partial disintegration, of the mental faculties. Lastly, it

differs from poetical inspiration, because the imagination is passive.

That perfectly sane people often experience such visions there is no

manner of doubt. St. Paul fell into a trance at his conversion, and

again at a later period, when he seemed to be caught up into the third

heaven. The most sober and practical of the mediæval mystics speak of

them as common phenomena. And in modern times two of the sanest of our

poets have recorded their experiences in words which may be worth

quoting.

Wordsworth, in his well-known "Lines composed above Tintern Abbey,"

speaks of--

"That serene and blessed mood,

In which ... the breath of this corporeal frame,

And even the motion of our human blood,

Almost suspended, we are laid asleep

In body, and become a living soul:

While with an eye made quiet by the power

Of harmony, and the deep power of joy,

We see into the life of things."

And Tennyson says,[24] "A kind of waking trance I have often had,

quite from boyhood, when I have been all alone. This has generally

come upon me through repeating my own name two or three times to

myself silently, till all at once, out of the intensity of the

consciousness of individuality, the individual itself seemed to

dissolve and fade away into boundless being: and this not a confused

state, but the clearest of the clearest, and the surest of the surest,

the weirdest of the weirdest, utterly beyond words, where death was an

almost laughable impossibility, the loss of personality (if so it

were) seeming no extinction, but the only true life."

Admitting, then, that these psychical phenomena actually occur, we

have to consider whether ecstasy and kindred states are an integral

part of Mysticism. In attempting to answer this question, we shall

find it convenient to distinguish between the Neoplatonic vision of

the super-essential One, the Absolute, which Plotinus enjoyed several

times, and Porphyry only once, and the visions and "locutions" which

are reported in all times and places, especially where people have not

been trained in scientific habits of thought and observation. The

former was held to be an exceedingly rare privilege, the culminating

point of the contemplative life. I shall speak of it in my third

Lecture; and shall there show that it belongs, not to the essence of

Mysticism, and still less to Christianity, but to the Asiatic leaven

which was mixed with Alexandrian thought, and thence passed into

Catholicism. As regards visions in general, they were no invention of

the mystics. They played a much more important part in the life of the

early Church than many ecclesiastical historians are willing to admit.

Tertullian, for instance, says calmly, "The majority, almost, of men

learn God from visions.[25]" Such implicit reliance was placed on the

Divine authority of visions, that on one occasion an ignorant peasant

and a married man was made Patriarch of Alexandria against his will,

because his dying predecessor had a vision that the man who should

bring him a present of grapes on the next day should be his successor!

In course of time visions became rarer among the laity, but continued

frequent among the monks and clergy. And so the class which furnished

most of the shining lights of Mysticism was that in which these

experiences were most common.

But we do not find that the masters of the spiritual life attached

very much importance to them, or often appealed to them as aids to

faith.[26] As a rule, visions were regarded as special rewards

bestowed by the goodness of God on the struggling saint, and

especially on the beginner, to refresh him and strengthen him in the

hour of need. Very earnest cautions were issued that no efforts must

be made to induce them artificially, and aspirants were exhorted

neither to desire them, nor to feel pride in having seen them. The

spiritual guides of the Middle Ages were well aware that such

experiences often come of disordered nerves and weakened digestion;

they believed also that they are sometimes delusions of Satan. Richard

of St. Victor says, "As Christ attested His transfiguration by the

presence of Moses and Elias, so visions should not be believed unless

they have the authority of Scripture." Albertus Magnus tries to

classify them, and says that those which contain a sensuous element

are always dangerous. Eckhart is still more cautious, and Tauler

attaches little value to them. Avila, the Spanish mystic, says that

only those visions which minister to our spiritual necessities, and

make us _more humble_, are genuine. Self-induced visions inflate us

with pride, and do irreparable injury to health of mind and body.[27]

It hardly falls within my task to attempt to determine what these

visions really are. The subject is one upon which psychological and

medical science may some day throw more light. But this much I must

say, to make my own position clear: I regard these experiences as

neither more nor less "supernatural" than other mental phenomena. Many

of them are certainly pathological;[28] about others we may feel

doubts; but some have every right to be considered as real

irradiations of the soul from the light that "for ever shines," real

notes of the harmony that "is in immortal souls." In illustration of

this, we may appeal to three places in the Bible where revelations of

the profoundest truths concerning the nature and counsels of God are

recorded to have been made during ecstatic visions. Moses at Mount

Horeb heard, during the vision of the burning bush, a proclamation of

God as the "I am"--the Eternal who is exalted above time. Isaiah, in

the words "Holy, Holy, Holy," perceived dimly the mystery of the

Trinity. And St. Peter, in the vision of the sheet, learned that God

is no respecter of persons or of nationalities. In such cases the

highest intuitions or revelations, which the soul can in its best

moments just receive, but cannot yet grasp or account for, make a

language for themselves, as it were, and claim the sanction of

external authority, until the mind is elevated so far as to feel the

authority not less Divine, but no longer external. We may find fairly

close analogies in other forms of that "Divine madness," which Plato

says is "the source of the chiefest blessings granted to men"--such as

the rapture of the poet, or (as Plato adds) of the lover.[29] And

even the philosopher or man of science may be surprised into some such

state by a sudden realisation of the sublimity of his subject. So at

least Lacordaire believed when he wrote, "All at once, as if by

chance, the hair stands up, the breath is caught, the skin contracts,

and a cold sword pierces to the very soul. It is the sublime which has

manifested itself![30]" Even in cases where there is evident

hallucination, e.g. when the visionary sees an angel or devil sitting

on his book, or feels an arrow thrust into his heart, there need be no

insanity. In periods when it is commonly believed that such things may

and do happen, the imagination, instead of being corrected by

experience, is misled by it. Those who honestly expect to see miracles

will generally see them, without detriment either to their

truthfulness or sanity in other matters.

The mystic, then, is not, as such, a visionary; nor has he any interest

in appealing to a faculty "above reason," if reason is used in its

proper sense, as the logic of the whole personality. The desire to find

for our highest intuitions an authority wholly external to reason and

independent of it,--a "purely supernatural" revelation,--has, as

Récéjac says, "been the cause of the longest and the most dangerous of

the aberrations from which Mysticism has suffered." This kind of

supernaturalism is destructive of _unity_ in our ideas of God, the

world, and ourselves; and it casts a slur on the faculties which are the

appointed organs of communication between God and man. A revelation

absolutely transcending reason is an absurdity: no such revelation could

ever be made. In the striking phrase of Macarius, "the human mind is the

throne of the Godhead." The supremacy of the reason is the favourite

theme of the Cambridge Platonists, two of whom, Whichcote and Culverwel,

are never tired of quoting the text, "The spirit of man is the candle of

the Lord." "Sir, I oppose not rational to spiritual," writes Whichcote

to Tuckney, "for spiritual is most rational." And again, "Reason is the

Divine governor of man's life: it is the very voice of God.[31]" What we

can and must transcend, if we would make any progress in Divine

knowledge, is not reason, but that shallow rationalism which regards the

data on which we can reason as a fixed quantity, known to all, and which

bases itself on a formal logic, utterly unsuited to a spiritual view of

things. Language can only furnish us with poor, misleading, and wholly

inadequate images of spiritual facts; it supplies us with abstractions

and metaphors, which do not really represent what we know or believe

about God and human personality. St. Paul calls attention to this

inadequacy by a series of formal contradictions: "I live, yet not I";

"dying, and behold we live"; "when I am weak, then I am strong," and so

forth; and we find exactly the same expedient in Plotinus, who is very

fond of thus showing his contempt for the logic of identity. When,

therefore, Harnack says that "Mysticism is nothing else than rationalism

applied to a sphere above reason," he would have done better to say that

it is "reason applied to a sphere above rationalism.[32]"

For Reason is still "king.[33]" Religion must not be a matter of

_feeling_ only. St. John's command to "try every spirit" condemns all

attempts to make emotion or inspiration independent of reason. Those

who thus blindly follow the inner light find it no "candle of the

Lord," but an _ignis fatuus_; and the great mystics are well aware of

this. The fact is that the tendency to separate and half personify the

different faculties--intellect, will, feeling--is a mischievous one.

Our object should be so to _unify_ our personality, that our eye may

be single, and our whole body full of light.

We have considered briefly the three stages of the mystic's upward

path. The scheme of life therein set forth was no doubt determined

empirically, and there is nothing to prevent the simplest and most

unlettered saint from framing his conduct on these principles. Many of

the mediæval mystics had no taste for speculation or philosophy;[34]

they accepted on authority the entire body of Church dogma, and

devoted their whole attention to the perfecting of the spiritual life

in the knowledge and love of God. But this cannot be said of the

leaders. Christian Mysticism appears in history largely as an

intellectual movement, the foster-child of Platonic idealism; and if

ever, for a time, it forgot its early history, men were soon found to

bring it back to "its old loving nurse the Platonic philosophy." It

will be my task, in the third and fourth Lectures of this course, to

show how speculative Christian Mysticism grew out of Neoplatonism; but

we shall not be allowed to forget the Platonists even in the later

Lectures. "The fire still burns on the altars of Plotinus," as

Eunapius said.

Mysticism is not itself a philosophy, any more than it is itself a

religion. On its intellectual side it has been called "formless

speculation.[35]" But until speculations or intuitions have entered

into the forms of our thought, they are not current coin even for the

thinker. The part played by Mysticism in philosophy is parallel to the

part played by it in religion. As in religion it appears in revolt

against dry formalism and cold rationalism, so in philosophy it takes

the field against materialism and scepticism.[36] It is thus possible

to speak of speculative Mysticism, and even to indicate certain

idealistic lines of thought, which may without entire falsity be

called the philosophy of Mysticism. In this introductory Lecture I

can, of course, only hint at these in the barest and most summary

manner. And it must be remembered that I have undertaken to-day to

delineate the general characteristics of Mysticism, not of Christian

Mysticism. I am trying, moreover, in this Lecture to confine myself to

those developments which I consider normal and genuine, excluding the

numerous aberrant types which we shall encounter in the course of our

survey.

The real world, according to thinkers of this school, is created by

the thought and will of God, and exists in His mind. It is therefore

spiritual, and above space and time, which are only the forms under

which reality is set out as a process.

When we try to represent to our minds the highest reality, the

spiritual world, as distinguished from the world of appearance, we are

obliged to form images; and we can hardly avoid choosing one of the

following three images. We may regard the spiritual world as endless

duration opposed to transitoriness, as infinite extension opposed to

limitation in space, or as substance opposed to shadow. All these are,

strictly speaking, symbols or metaphors,[37] for we cannot regard any

of them as literally true statements about the nature of reality; but

they are as near the truth as we can get in words. But when we think

of time as a piece cut off from the beginning of eternity, so that

eternity is only in the future and not in the present; when we think

of heaven as a place somewhere else, and therefore not here; when we

think of an upper ideal world which has sucked all the life out of

this, so that we now walk in a vain shadow,--then we are paying the

penalty for our symbolical representative methods of thought, and must

go to philosophy to help us out of the doubts and difficulties in

which our error has involved us. One test is infallible. Whatever view

of reality deepens our sense of the tremendous issues of life in the

world wherein we move, is _for us_ nearer the truth than any view

which diminishes that sense. The truth is revealed to us that we may

have _life_, and have it more abundantly.

The world as it is, is the world as God sees it, not as we see it. Our

vision is distorted, not so much by the limitations of finitude, as by

sin and ignorance. The more we can raise ourselves in the scale of

being, the more will our ideas about God and the world correspond to

the reality. "Such as men themselves are, such will God Himself seem

to them to be," says John Smith, the English Platonist. Origen, too,

says that those whom Judas led to seize Jesus did not know who He was,

for the darkness of their own souls was projected on His features.[38]

And Dante, in a very beautiful passage, says that he felt that he was

rising into a higher circle, because he saw Beatrice's face becoming

more beautiful.[39]

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