ether and the electro-dynamical phenomena to the living force. Now,
ought this elasticity itself to be explained, as Lord Kelvin thinks, by
rotations of small parts of the fluid? Different reasons may render
this hypothesis attractive; but it plays no essential part in the
theory of Maxwell, which is quite independent of it.
In the same way, I have made comparisons with divers mechanisms. But
they are only similes, and pretty rough ones. A complete mechanical
explanation of electrical phenomena is not to be sought in the volumes
of Maxwell, but only a statement of the conditions which any such
explanation has to satisfy. Precisely what will confer long life on the
work of Maxwell is its being unentangled with any special mechanical
hypothesis.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 36: Translated from a paper by M. Henri Poincaré.]
XXXIV
AUGUST WEISMANN
1834-1914
_August Weismann was born at Frankfort-on-Main, January 17, 1834,
and studied medicine at Göttingen, 1852-1856. He was physician to the
Austrian Archduke for two years (1860-62), but was compelled to retire
because of his poor eyesight. He was called to the chair of zoology
at Freiburg University. After a close study of Darwin’s theory, he
published in 1876 his “Studies in the Theories of Descent,” a book
which at once attracted much attention among scientists, for it
proposed the theory of the germ-plasm as the basis of heredity, and
denied the theory of the transmissibility of acquired characteristics.
He died at Freiburg-in-Baden, November 6, 1914._
THE CONTINUITY OF THE GERM-PLASM AS THE FOUNDATION OF A THEORY OF
HEREDITY[37]
INTRODUCTION
When we see that, in the higher organisms, the smallest structural
details, and the most minute peculiarities of bodily and mental
disposition, are transmitted from one generation to another; when we
find in all species of plants and animals a thousand characteristic
peculiarities of structure continued unchanged through long series of
generations; when we even see them in many cases unchanged throughout
whole geological periods; we very naturally ask for the causes of
such a striking phenomenon: and inquire how it is that such facts
become possible, how it is that the individual is able to transmit its
structural features to its offspring with such precision. And the
immediate answer to such a question must be given in the following
terms:--“A single cell out of the millions of diversely differentiated
cells which compose the body, becomes specialized as a sexual cell; it
is thrown off from the organism and is capable of reproducing all the
peculiarities of the parent body, in the new individual which springs
from it by cell-division and the complex process of differentiation.”
Then the more precise question follows: “How is it that such a single
cell can reproduce the _tout ensemble_ of the parent with all the
faithfulness of a portrait?”
The answer is extremely difficult; and no one of the many attempts
to solve the problem can be looked upon as satisfactory; no one of
them can be regarded as even the beginning of a solution or as a
secure foundation from which a complete solution may be expected in
the future. Neither Häeckel’s “Perigenesis of the Plastidule,” nor
Darwin’s “Pangenesis,” can be regarded as such a beginning. The former
hypothesis does not really treat of that part of the problem which
is here placed in the foreground, viz., the explanation of the fact
that the tendencies of heredity are present in single cells, but it
is rather concerned with the question as to the manner in which it
is possible to conceive the transmission of a certain tendency of
development into the sexual cell, and ultimately into the organism
arising from it. The same may be said of the hypothesis of His, who,
like Häeckel regards heredity as the transmission of certain kinds of
motion. On the other hand, it must be conceded that Darwin’s hypothesis
goes to the very root of the question, but he is content to give, as
it were, a provisional or purely formal solution, which, as he himself
says, does not claim to afford insight into the real phenomena, but
only to give us the opportunity of looking at all the facts of heredity
from a common standpoint. It has achieved this end, and I believe it
has unconsciously done more, in that the thoroughly logical application
of its principles has shown that the real causes of heredity cannot
lie in the formation of gemmules or in any allied phenomena. The
improbabilities to which any such theory would lead are so great that
we can affirm with certainty that its details cannot accord with
existing facts. Furthermore, Brooks’ well-considered and brilliant
attempt to modify the theory of Pangenesis cannot escape the reproach
that it is based upon possibilities, which one might certainly describe
as improbabilities. But although I am of the opinion that the whole
foundation of the theory of Pangenesis, however it may be modified,
must be abandoned, I think, nevertheless, its author deserves great
credit, and that its production has been one of those indirect roads
along which science has been compelled to travel in order to arrive
at the truth. Pangenesis is a modern revival of the oldest theory of
heredity, that of Democritus, according to which the sperm is secreted
from all parts of the body of both sexes during copulation, and is
animated by a bodily force; according to this theory also, the sperm
from each part of the body reproduces the same part.
If, according to the received physiological and morphological ideas
of the day, it is impossible to imagine that gemmules produced by
each cell of the organism are at all times to be found in all parts
of the body, and furthermore that these gemmules are collected in the
sexual cells, which are then able to reproduce again in a certain
order each separate cell of the organism, so that each sexual cell is
capable of developing into the likeness of the parent body; if all
this is inconceivable, we must inquire for some other way in which we
can arrive at a foundation for the true understanding of heredity. My
present task is not to deal with the whole question of heredity, but
only with the single although fundamental question--“How is it that a
single cell of the body can contain within itself all the hereditary
tendencies of the whole organism?” I am here leaving out of account
the further question as to the forces and the mechanism by which these
tendencies are developed in the building-up of the organism. On this
account I abstain from considering at present the views of Nägeli, for
as will be shown later on, they only slightly touch this fundamental
question, although they may certainly claim to be of the highest
importance with respect to the further question alluded to above.
Now if it is impossible for the germ-cell to be, as it were, an extract
of the whole body, and for all the cells of the organism to dispatch
small particles to the germ-cells, from which the latter derive their
power of heredity; then there remain, as it seems to me, only two other
possible, physiologically conceivable, theories as to the origin of
germ-cells, manifesting such powers as we know they possess. Either
the substance of the parent germ-cell is capable of undergoing a
series of changes which, after the building-up of a new individual
leads back again to identical germ-cells; or the germ-cells are not
derived at all, as far as their essential and characteristic substance
is concerned, from the body of the individual, but they are derived
directly from the parent germ-cell.
I believe that the latter view is the true one: I have expounded it
for a number of years, and have attempted to defend it, and to work
out its further details in various publications. I propose to call it
the theory of “The Continuity of the Germ-plasm,” for it is founded
upon the idea that heredity is brought about by the transference from
one generation to another of a substance with a definite chemical,
and above all, molecular constitution. I have called this substance
“germ-plasm,” and have assumed that it possesses a highly complex
structure, conferring upon it the power of developing into a complex
organism. I have attempted to explain heredity by supposing that in
each ontogeny a part of the specific germ-plasm contained in the
parent egg-cell is not used up in the construction of the body of
the offspring, but is reserved unchanged for the formation of the
germ-cells of the following generation.
It is clear that this view of the origin of germ-cells explains the
phenomena of heredity very simply, inasmuch as heredity becomes thus
a question of growth and of assimilation,--the most fundamental of
all vital phenomena. If the germ-cells of successive generations are
directly continuous, and thus only form, as it were, different parts
of the same substance, it follows that these cells must, or at any
rate may, possess the same molecular constitution, and that they
would therefore pass through exactly the same stages under certain
conditions of development, and would form the same final product. The
hypothesis of the continuity of the germ-plasm gives an identical
starting point to each successive generation, and thus explains how it
is that an identical product arises from all of them. In other words,
the hypothesis explains heredity as part of the underlying problems
of assimilation and of the causes which act directly during ontogeny;
it therefore builds a foundation from which the explanation of these
phenomena can be attempted.
It is true that this theory also meets with difficulties, for it seems
to be unable to do justice to a certain class of phenomena, viz.,
the transmission of so-called acquired characters. I therefore gave
immediate and special attention to this point in my first publication
on heredity, and I believe that I have shown that the hypothesis of
the transmission of acquired characters--up to that time generally
accepted--is, to say the least, very far from being proved, and
that entire classes of facts which have been interpreted under this
hypothesis may be quite as well interpreted otherwise, while in many
cases they must be explained differently. I have shown that there is
no ascertained fact which, at least up to the present time, remains
in irrevocable conflict with the hypothesis of the continuity of
the germ-plasm; and I do not know any reason why I should modify
this opinion to-day, for I have not heard of any objection which
appears to be feasible. E. Roth has objected that in pathology we
everywhere meet with the fact that acquired local disease may be
transmitted to the offspring as a predisposition; but all such cases
are exposed to the serious criticism that the very point that first
needs to be placed on a secure footing is incapable of proof, viz.,
the hypothesis that the causes which in each particular case led to
the predisposition were really acquired. It is not my intention, on
the present occasion, to enter fully into the question of acquired
characters; I hope to be able to consider the subject in greater detail
at a future date. But in the meantime I should wish to point out that
we ought, above all, to be clear as to what we really mean by the
expression “acquired character.” An organism cannot acquire anything
unless it already possesses the predisposition to acquire it: acquired
characters are therefore no more than local or sometimes general
variations which arise under the stimulus provided by certain external
influences. If by the long-continued handling of a rifle, the so-called
“_Exercierknochen_” (a bony growth caused by the pressure of
the weapon in drilling) is developed, such a result depends upon
the fact that the bone in question, like every other bone, contains
within itself a predisposition to react upon certain mechanical
stimuli, by growth in a certain direction and to a certain extent. The
predisposition towards an “_Exercierknochen_” is therefore already
present, or else the growth could not be formed; and the same reasoning
applies to all other “acquired characters.”
Nothing can arise in an organism unless the predisposition to it is
pre-existent, for every acquired character is simply the reaction
of the organism upon a certain stimulus. Hence I should never have
thought of asserting that predispositions cannot be transmitted, as
E. Roth appears to believe. For instance, I freely admit that the
predisposition to an “_Exercierknochen_” varies, and that a
strongly marked predisposition may be transmitted from father to son,
in the form of bony tissue with a more susceptible constitution. But
I should deny that the son could develop an “_Exercierknochen_”
without having drilled, or that, after having drilled, he could
develop it more easily than his father, on account of the drilling
through which the latter first acquired it. I believe that this is as
impossible as that the leaf of an oak should produce a gall without
having been pierced by a gall-producing insect, as a result of the
thousands of antecedent generations of oaks which have been pierced by
such insects, and have thus “acquired” the power of producing galls. I
am also far from asserting that the germ-plasm--which, as I hold, is
transmitted as the basis of heredity from one generation to another--is
absolutely unchangeable or totally uninfluenced by forces residing in
the organism within which it is transformed into germ-cells. I am also
compelled to admit that it is conceivable that organisms may exert a
modifying influence upon their germ-cells, and even that such a process
is to a certain extent inevitable. The nutrition and growth of the
individual must exercise some influence upon its germ-cells; but in the
first place this influence must be extremely slight, and in the second
place it cannot act in the manner in which it is usually assumed that
it takes place. A change of growth at the periphery of an organism,
as in the case of an “_Exercierknochen_,” can never cause such a
change in the molecular structure of the germ-plasm as would augment
the predisposition to an “_Exercierknochen_,” so that the son
would inherit an increased susceptibility of the bony tissue or even of
the particular bone in question. But any change produced will result
from the reaction of the germ-cell upon changes of nutrition caused by
alteration in growth at the periphery, leading to some change in the
size, number, or arrangement of its molecular units. In the present
state of our knowledge there is reason for doubting whether such
reaction can occur at all; but, if it can take place, at all events
the quality of the change in the germ-plasm can have nothing to do
with the quality of the acquired character, but only with the way in
which the general nutrition is influenced by the latter. In the case of
the “_Exercierknochen_” there would be practically no change in
the general nutrition, but if such a bony growth could reach the size
of a carcinoma, it is conceivable that a disturbance of the general
nutrition of the body might ensue. Certain experiments on plants--on
which Nägeli showed that they can be submitted to strongly varied
conditions of nutrition for several generations, without the production
of any visible hereditary change--show that the influence of nutrition
upon the germ-cells must be very slight, and that it may possibly leave
the molecular structure of the germ-plasm altogether untouched. This
conclusion is also supported by comparing the uncertainty of these
results with the remarkable precision with which heredity acts in the
case of those characters which are known to be transmitted. In fact,
up to the present time, it has never been proved that any changes in
general nutrition can modify the molecular structure of the germ-plasm,
and far less has it been rendered by any means probable that the
germ-cells can be affected by acquired changes which have no influence
on general nutrition. If we consider that each so-called predisposition
(that is, a power of reacting upon a certain stimulus in a certain way,
possessed by any organism or by one of its parts) must be innate, and
further that each acquired character is only the predisposed reaction
of some part of an organism upon some external influence; then we must
admit that only one of the causes which produce any acquired character
can be transmitted, the one which was present before the character
itself appeared, viz., the predisposition; and we must further
admit that the latter arises from the germ, and that it is quite
immaterial to the following generation whether such predisposition
comes into operation or not. The continuity of the germ-plasm is amply
sufficient to account for such a phenomenon, and I do not believe that
any objection to my hypothesis, founded upon the actually observed
phenomena of heredity, will be found to hold. If it be accepted, many
facts will appear in a light different from that which has been cast
upon them by the hypothesis which has been hitherto received,--a
hypothesis which assumes that the organism produces germ-cells afresh,
again and again, and that it produces them entirely from its own
substance. Under the former theory the germ-cells are no longer looked
upon as the product of the parent’s body, at least as far as their
essential part--the specific germ-plasm--is concerned: they are rather
considered as something which is to be placed in contrast with the
_tout ensemble_ of the cells which make up the parent’s body, and
the germ-cells of succeeding generations stand in a similar relation
to one another as a series of generations of unicellular organisms,
arising by a continued process of cell-division. It is true that in
most cases the generations of germ-cells do not arise immediately
from one another as complete cells, but only as minute particles of
germ-plasm. This latter substance, however forms the foundation of the
germ-cells of the next generation, and stamps them with their specific
character. Previous to the publication of my theory, C. Jäger, and
later M. Nussbaum, have expressed ideas upon heredity which come very
near to my own. Both of these writers started with the hypothesis that
there must be a direct connection between the germ-cells of succeeding
generations, and they tried to establish such a continuity by supposing
that the germ-cells of the offspring are separated from the parent
germ-cell before the beginning of embryonic development, or at least
before any histological differentiation has taken place. In this form
their suggestion cannot be maintained, for it is in conflict with
numerous facts. A continuity of the germ-cells does not now take place,
except in very rare instances; but this fact does not prevent us from
adopting a theory of the continuity of the germ-plasm, in favour of
which much weighty evidence can be brought forward. In the following
pages I shall attempt to develop further the theory of which I have
just given a short account, to defend it against any objections which
have been brought forward, and to draw from it new conclusions which
may perhaps enable us more thoroughly to appreciate facts which are
known, but imperfectly understood. It seems to me that this theory of
continuity of the germ-plasm deserves at least to be examined in all
its details, for it is the simplest theory upon the subject, and the
one which is most obviously suggested by the facts of the case, and we
shall not be justified in forsaking it for a more complex theory until
proof that it can be no longer maintained is forthcoming. It does not
presuppose anything except facts which can be observed at any moment,
although they may not be understood,--such as assimilation, or the
development of like organisms from like germs; while every other theory
of heredity is founded on hypotheses which cannot be proved. It is
nevertheless possible that continuity of the germ-plasm does not exist
in the manner in which I imagine that it takes place, for no one can at
present decide whether all the ascertained facts agree with and can be
explained by it. Moreover, the ceaseless activity of research brings to
light new facts every day, and I am far from maintaining that my theory
may not be disproved by some of these. But even if it should have to
be abandoned at a later period, it seems to me that, at the present
time, it is a necessary stage in the advancement of our knowledge, and
one which must be brought forward and passed through, whether it prove
right or wrong, in the future. In this spirit I offer the following
considerations, and it is in this spirit that I should wish them to be
received.
THE GERM-PLASM
I entirely agree with Strasburger when he says, “The specific qualities
of organisms are based upon nuclei”; and I further agree with him in
many of his ideas as to the relation between the nucleus and cell-body:
“Molecular stimuli proceed from the nucleus into the surrounding
cytoplasm; stimuli which, on the one hand, control the phenomena of
assimilation in the cell, and, on the other hand, give to the growth
of the cytoplasm, which depends upon nutrition, a certain character
peculiar to the species.” “The nutritive cytoplasm assimilates, while
the nucleus controls the assimilation, and hence the substances
assimilated possess a certain constitution and nourish in a certain
manner the cyto-idioplasm and the nuclear idioplasm. In this way the
cytoplasm takes part in the phenomena of construction, upon which the
specific form of the organism depends. This constructive activity
of the cyto-idioplasm depends upon the regulative influence of the
nuclei.” The nuclei therefore “determine the specific direction in
which an organism develops.”
The opinion--derived from the recent study of the phenomena of
fertilization--that the nucleus impresses its specific character
upon the cell, has received conclusive and important confirmation
in the experiments upon the regeneration of Infusoria, conducted
simultaneously by M. Nussbaum at Bonn, and by A. Gruber at Freiburg.
Nussbaum’s statement that an artificially separated portion of a
_Paramaecium_, which does not contain any nuclear substance,
immediately dies, must not be accepted as of general application, for
Gruber has kept similar fragments of other Infusoria alive for several
days. Moreover, Gruber had previously shown that individual Protozoa
occur, which live in a normal manner, and are yet without a nucleus,
although this structure is present in other individuals of the same
species. But the meaning of the nucleus is made clear by the fact,
published by Gruber, that such artificially separated fragments of
Infusoria are incapable of regeneration, while on the other hand those
fragments which contain nuclei always regenerate. It is therefore only
under the influence of the nucleus that the cell substance re-develops
into the full type of the species. In adopting the view that the
nucleus is the factor which determines the specific nature of the cell,
we stand on a firm foundation upon which we can build with security.
If therefore the first segmentation nucleus contains, in its molecular
structure, the whole of the inherited tendencies of development, it
must follow that during segmentation and subsequent cell-division, the
nucleoplasm will enter upon definite and varied changes which must
cause the differences appearing in the cells which are produced; for
identical cell-bodies depend, _ceteris paribus_, upon identical
nucleoplasm, and conversely different cells depend upon differences
in the nucleoplasm. The fact that the embryo grows more strongly in
one direction than in another, that its cell-layers are of different
nature and are ultimately differentiated into various organs and
tissues,--forces us to accept the conclusion that the nuclear substance
has also been changed in nature, and that such changes take place
during ontogenetic development in a regular and definite manner.
This view is also held by Strasburger, and it must be the opinion of
all who seek to derive the development of inherited tendencies from
the molecular structure of the germ-plasm, instead of from preformed
gemmules.
We are thus led to the important question as to the forces by which the
determining substance or nucleoplasm is changed, and as to the manner
in which it changes during the course of ontogeny, and on the answer
to this question our further conclusions must depend. The simplest
hypothesis would be to suppose that, at each division of the nucleus,
its specific substance divides into two halves of unequal quality, so
that the cell-bodies would also be transformed; for we have seen that
the character of a cell is determined by that of its nucleus. Thus in
any Metazoon the first two segmentation spheres would be transformed in
such a manner that one only contained the hereditary tendencies of the
endoderm and the other those of the ectoderm, and therefore, at a later
stage, the cells of the endoderm would arise from the one and those of
the ectoderm from the other; and this is actually known to occur. In
the course of further division the nucleoplasm of the first ectoderm
cell would again divide unequally, _e. g._, into the nucleoplasm
containing the hereditary tendencies of the nervous system, and into
that containing the tendencies of the external skin. But even then,
the end of the unequal division of nuclei would not have been nearly
reached; for, in the formation of the nervous system, the nuclear
substance which contains the hereditary tendencies of the sense-organs
would, in the course of further cell-division, be separated from that
which contains the tendencies of the central organs, and the same
process would continue in the formation of all single organs, and in
the final development of the most minute histological elements. This
process would take place in a definitely ordered course, exactly as
it has taken place throughout a very long series of ancestors; and
the determining and directing factor is simply and solely the nuclear
substance, the nucleoplasm, which possesses such a molecular structure
in the germ-cell that all such succeeding stages of its molecular
structure in future nuclei must necessarily arise from it, as soon as
the requisite external conditions are present. This is almost the same
conception of ontogenetic development as that which has been held by
embryologists who have not accepted the doctrine of evolution: for we
have only to transfer the primary cause of development, from an unknown
source within the organism, into the nuclear substance, in order to
make the views identical.
I believe I have shown that theoretically hardly any objection can be
raised against the view that the nuclear substance of somatic cells
may contain unchanged germ-plasm, or that this germ-plasm may be
transmitted along certain lines. It is true that we might imagine _a
priori_ that all somatic nuclei contain a small amount of unchanged
germ-plasm. In Hydroids such an assumption cannot be made, because only
certain cells in a certain succession possess the power of developing
into germ-cells; but it might well be imagined that in some organisms
it would be a great advantage if every part possessed the power of
growing up into the whole organism and of producing sexual cells under
appropriate circumstances. Such cases might exist if it were possible
for all somatic nuclei to contain a minute fraction of unchanged
germ-plasm. For this reason, Strasburger’s other objection against my
theory also fails to hold; viz., that certain plants can be propagated
by pieces of rhizomes, roots, or even by means of leaves, and that
plants produced in this manner may finally give rise to flowers, fruit
and seeds, from which new plants arise. “It is easy to grow new plants
from the leaves of begonia which have been cut off and merely laid upon
moist sand, and yet in the normal course of ontogeny the molecules of
germ-plasm would not have been compelled to pass through the leaf; and
they ought therefore to be absent from its tissue. Since it is possible
to raise from the leaf a plant which produces flower and fruit, it is
perfectly certain that special cells containing the germ-substance
cannot exist in the plant.” But I think that this fact only proves
that in begonia and similar plants all the cells of the leaves or
perhaps only certain cells contain a small amount of germ-plasm, and
that consequently these plants are specially adapted for propagation
by leaves. How is it then that all plants cannot be reproduced in this
way? No one has ever grown a tree from the leaf of the lime or oak,
or a flowering plant from the leaf of the tulip or convolvulus. It
is insufficient to reply that in the last mentioned cases the leaves
are more strongly specialized, and have thus become unable to produce
germ-substance; for the leaf-cells in these different plants have
hardly undergone histological differentiation in different degrees.
If, notwithstanding, the one can produce a flowering plant, while the
others have not this power, it is of course clear that reasons other
than the degree of histological differentiation must exist; and,
according to my opinion, such a reason is to be found in the admixture
of a minute quantity of unchanged germ-plasm with some of their nuclei.
In Sach’s excellent lectures on the physiology of plants, we read on
page 723--“In the true mosses almost any cell of the roots, leaves and
shoot-axes, and even of the immature sporogonium, may grow out under
favourable conditions, become rooted, form new shoots, and give rise to
an independent living plant.” Since such plants produce germ-cells at
a later period, we have here a case which requires the assumption that
all or nearly all cells must contain germ-plasm.
The theory of the continuity of the germ-plasm seems to me to be
still less disproved or even rendered improbable by the facts of the
alternation of generations. If the germ-plasm may pass on from the egg
into certain somatic cells of an individual, and if it can be further
transmitted along certain lines, there is no difficulty in supposing
that it may be transmitted through a second, third, or through any
number of individuals produced from the former by budding. In fact, in
the Hydroids, on which my theory of the continuity of the germ-plasm
has been chiefly based, alternation of generations is the most
important means of propagation.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE POLAR BODIES
We have already seen that the specific nature of a cell depends upon
the molecular structure of its nucleus; and it follows from this
conclusion that my theory is further, and as I believe strongly,
supported, by the phenomenon of the expulsion of polar bodies, which
has remained inexplicable for so long a time.
For if the specific molecular structure of a cell-body is caused
and determined by the structure of the nucleoplasm, every kind of
cell which is histologically differentiated must have a specific
nucleoplasm. But the egg-cell of most animals, at any rate during
the period of growth, is by no means an indifferent cell of the most
primitive type. At such a period its cell-body has to perform quite
peculiar and specific functions; it has to secrete nutritive substances
of a certain chemical nature and physical constitution, and to store
up this food material in such a manner that it may be at the disposal
of the embryo during its development. In most cases the egg-cell
also forms membranes which are often characteristic of particular
species of animals. The growing egg-cell is therefore histologically
differentiated: and in this respect resembles a somatic cell. It
may perhaps be compared to a gland-cell, which does not expel its
secretion, but deposits it within its own substance. To perform such
specific functions it requires a specific cell-body, and the latter
depends upon a specific nucleus. It therefore follows that the growing
egg-cell must possess nucleoplasm of specific molecular structure,
which directs the above mentioned secretory functions of the cell.
The nucleoplasm of histologically differentiated cells may be called
histogenetic nucleoplasm, and the growing egg-cell must contain such
a substance, and even a certain specific modification of it. This
nucleoplasm cannot possibly be the same as that which, at a later
period, causes embryonic development. Such development can only be
produced by the true germ-plasm of immensely complex constitution, such
as I have previously attempted to describe. It therefore follows that
the nucleus of the egg-cell contains two kinds of nucleoplasm:--germ
and a peculiar modification of histogenetic nucleoplasm, which
may be called ovogenetic nucleoplasm. This substance must greatly
preponderate in the young egg-cell, for, as we have already seen, it
controls the growth of the latter. The germ-plasm, on the other hand,
can only be present in minute quantity at first, but it must undergo
considerable increase during the growth of the cell. But in order
that the germ-plasm may control the cell-body, or, in other words, in
order that embryonic development may begin, the still preponderating
ovogenetic nucleoplasm must be removed from the cell. This removal
takes place in the same manner as that in which differing nuclear
substances are separated during the ontogeny of the embryo: viz., by
nuclear division, leading to cell-division. The expulsion of the polar
bodies is nothing more than the removal of ovogenetic nucleoplasm from
the egg-cell. That the ovogenetic nucleoplasm continues greatly to
preponderate in the nucleus up to the very last, may be concluded from
the fact that two successive divisions of the latter and the expulsion
of two polar bodies appear to be the rule. If in this way a small part
of the cell-body is expelled from the egg, the extrusion must in all
probability be considered as an inevitable loss, without which the
removal of the ovogenetic nucleoplasm cannot be effected.
ON THE NATURE OF PARTHENOGENESIS
It is well known that the formation of polar bodies has been repeatedly
connected with the sexuality of germ-cells, and that it has been
employed to explain the phenomena of parthenogenesis. I may now perhaps
be allowed to develop the views as to the nature of parthenogenesis at
which I have arrived under the influence of my explanation of polar
bodies.
The theory of parthenogenesis adopted by Minot and Balfour is
distinguished by its simplicity and clearness, among all other
interpretations which had been hitherto offered. Indeed, their
explanation follows naturally and almost as a matter of course, if the
assumption made by these observers be correct, that the polar body is
the male part of the hermaphrodite egg-cell. An egg which has lost its
male part cannot develop into an embryo until it has received a new
male part in fertilization. On the other hand, an egg which does not
expel its male part may develop without fertilization, and thus we are
led to the obvious conclusion that parthenogenesis is based upon the
non-expulsion of polar bodies. Balfour distinctly states “that the
function of forming polar cells has been acquired by the ovum for the
express purpose of preventing parthenogenesis.”
It is obvious that I cannot share this opinion, for I regard the
expulsion of polar bodies as merely the removal of the ovogenetic
nucleoplasm, on which depended the development of the specific
histological structure of the egg-cell. I must assume that the
phenomena of maturation in the parthenogenetic egg and in the sexual
egg are precisely identical, and that in both, the ovogenetic
nucleoplasm must in some way be removed before embryonic development
can begin.
Unfortunately the actual proof of this assumption is not so complete
as might be desired. In the first place, we are as yet uncertain
whether polar bodies are or are not expelled by parthenogenetic eggs;
for in no single instance has such expulsion been established beyond
doubt. It is true that this deficiency does not afford any support
to the explanation of Minot and Balfour, for in all cases in which
polar bodies have not been found in parthenogenetic eggs, these
structures are also absent from the eggs which require fertilization
in the same species. But although the expulsion of polar bodies in
parthenogenesis has not yet been proved to occur, we must assume it to
be nearly certain that the phenomena of maturation, whether connected
or unconnected with the expulsion of polar bodies, are the same in the
eggs which develop parthenogenetically and in those which are capable
of fertilization, in one and the same species. This conclusion depends,
above all, upon the phenomena of reproduction in bees, in which,
as a matter of fact, the same egg may be fertilized or may develop
parthenogenetically, as I shall have occasion to describe in greater
detail at a later period.
Hence when we see that the eggs of many animals are capable of
developing without fertilization, while in other animals such
development is impossible, the difference between the two kinds of eggs
must rest upon something more than the mode of transformation of the
nucleus of the germ-cell into the first segmentation nucleus. There
are, indeed, facts which distinctly point to the conclusion that the
difference is based upon quantitative and not qualitative relations.
A large number of insects are exceptionally reproduced by the
parthenogenetic method, _e. g._, in Lepidoptera. Such development
does not take place in all the eggs laid by an unfertilized female,
but only in part, and generally a small fraction of the whole, while
the rest die. But among the latter there are some which enter upon
embryonic development without being able to complete it, and the
stage at which development may cease also varies. It is also known
that the eggs of higher animals may pass through the first stages of
segmentation without having been fertilized. This was shown to be
the case in the egg of the frog by Leuckart, in that of the fowl by
Oellacher, and even in the egg of mammals by Hensen.
Hence in such cases it is not the impulse to development, but the power
to complete it, which is absent. We know that force is always bound up
with matter, and it seems to me that such instances are best explained
by the supposition that too small an amount of that form of matter
is present, which, by its controlling agency, effects the building
up of the embryo by the transformation of mere nutritive material.
This substance is the germ-plasm of the segmentation nucleus, and I
have assumed above that it is altered in the course of ontogeny by
changes which arise from within, so that when sufficient nourishment
is afforded by the cell-body, each succeeding stage necessarily
results from the preceding one. I believe that changes arise in the
constitution of the nucleoplasm at each cell-division which takes place
during the building up of the embryo, changes which either correspond
or differ in the two halves of each nucleus. If, for the present, we
neglect the minute amount of unchanged germ-plasm which is reserved
for the formation of the germ-cells, it is clear that a great many
different stages in the development of somatic nucleoplasm are thus
formed, which may be denominated as stages 1, 2, 3, 4, etc., up to
_n_. In each of these stages the cells differ more as development
proceeds, and as the number by which the stage is denominated becomes
higher. Thus, for instance, the two first segmentation spheres would
represent the first stage of somatic nucleoplasm, a stage which may
be considered as but slightly different in its molecular structure
from the nucleoplasm of the segmentation nucleus; the first four
segmentation spheres would represent the second stage; the succeeding
eight spheres the third, and so on. It is clear that at each successive
stage the molecular structure of the nucleoplasm must be further
removed from that of the germ-plasm, and that, at the same time, the
cells of each successive stage must also diverge more widely among
themselves in the molecular structure of their nucleoplasm. Early in
development each cell must possess its own peculiar nucleoplasm, for
the further course of development is peculiar to each cell. It is
only in the later stages that equivalent or nearly equivalent cells
are formed in large numbers, cells in which we must also suppose the
existence of equivalent nucleoplasm.
If we may assume that a certain amount of germ-plasm must be contained
in the segmentation nucleus in order to complete the whole process of
the ontogenetic differentiation of this substance; if we may further
assume that the quantity of germ-plasm in the segmentation nucleus
varies in different cases; then we should be able to understand why
one egg can only develop after fertilization, while another can
begin its development without fertilization, but cannot finish it,
and why a third is even able to complete its development. We should
also understand why one egg only passes through the first stages of
segmentation and is then arrested, while another reaches a few more
stages in advance, and a third develops so far that the embryo is
nearly completely formed. These differences would depend upon the
extent to which the germ-plasm, originally present in the egg, was
sufficient for the development of the latter; development will be
arrested as soon as the nucleoplasm is no longer capable of producing
the succeeding stage, and is thus unable to enter upon the following
nuclear division.
From a general point of view such a theory would explain many
difficulties, and it would render possible an explanation of the
phyletic origin of parthenogenesis, and an adequate understanding
of the strange and often apparently abrupt and arbitrary manner
of its occurrence. In my works on Daphnidae I have already laid
especial stress upon the proposition that parthenogenesis in insects
and Crustacea certainly cannot be an ancestral condition which has
been transmitted by heredity, but that it has been derived from a
sexual condition. In what other way can we explain the fact that
parthenogenesis is present in certain species or genera, but absent
in others closely allied to them; or the fact that males are entirely
wanting in species of which the females possess a complete apparatus
for fertilization? I will not repeat all the arguments with which I
attempted to support this conclusion. Such a conclusion may be almost
certainly accepted for the Daphnidae, because parthenogenesis does not
occur in their still living ancestors, the Phyllopods, and especially
the Estheridae. In Daphnidae the cause and object of the phyletic
development of parthenogenesis may be traced more clearly than in any
other group of animals. In Daphnidae we can accept the conclusion with
greater certainty than in all other groups, except perhaps the Aphidae,
that parthenogenesis is extremely advantageous to species in certain
conditions of life; and that it has only been adopted when, and as far
as, it has been beneficial; and further, that at least in this group
parthenogenesis became possible and was adopted in each species as soon
as it became useful. Such a result can be easily understood if it is
only the presence of more or less germ-plasm which decides whether an
egg is or is not capable of development without fertilization.
If we now examine the foundations of this hypothesis we shall find that
we may at once accept one of its assumptions, viz., that fluctuations
occur in the quantity of germ-plasm in the segmentation nucleus; for
there can never be absolute equality in any single part of different
individuals. As soon therefore as these fluctuations become so great
that parthenogenesis is produced, it may become, by the operation of
natural selection, the chief mode of reproduction of the species or
of certain generations of the species. In order to place this theory
upon a firm basis, we have simply to decide whether the quantity of
germ-plasm contained in the segmentation nucleus is the factor which
determines development; although for the present it will be sufficient
if we can render this view to some extent probable, and show that it is
not a contradiction of established facts.
At first sight this hypothesis seems to encounter serious difficulties.
It will be objected that neither the beginning nor the end of embryonic
development can possibly depend upon the quantity of nucleoplasm in the
segmentation nucleus, since the amount may be continually increased
by growth; for it is well known that during embryonic development
the nuclear substance increases with astonishing rapidity. By an
approximate calculation I found that in the egg of a Cynips the
quantity of nuclear substance present at the time when the blastoderm
was about to be formed, and when there were twenty-six nuclei, was even
then seven times as great as the quantity which had been contained
in the segmentation nucleus. How then can we imagine that embryonic
development would ever be arrested from want of nuclear substance, and
if such deficiency really acted as an arresting force, how then could
development begin at all? We might suppose that when germ-plasm is
present in sufficient quantity to start segmentation, it must also be
sufficient to complete the development; for it grows continuously, and
must presumably always possess a power equal to that which it possessed
at the beginning, and which was just sufficient to start the process of
segmentation. If at each ontogenetic stage the quantity of nucleoplasm
is just sufficient to produce the following stage, we might well
imagine that the whole ontogeny would necessarily be completed.
The flaw in this argument lies in the erroneous assumption that the
growth of nuclear substance is, when the quality of the nucleus and
the conditions of nutrition are equal, unlimited and uncontrolled. The
intensity of growth must depend upon the quantity of nuclear substance
with which growth and the phenomena of segmentation commenced. There
must be an optimum quantity of nucleoplasm with which the growth of
the nucleus proceeds most favourably and rapidly, and this optimum
will be represented in the normal size of the segmentation nucleus.
Such a size is just sufficient to produce, in a certain time and
under certain external conditions, the nuclear substance necessary
for the construction of the embryo, and to start the long series
of cell-divisions. When the segmentation nucleus is smaller, but
large enough to enter upon segmentation, the nuclei of the two first
embryonic cells will fall rather more below the normal size, because
the growth of the segmentation nucleus, during and after division will
be less rapid on account of its unusually small size. The succeeding
generations of nuclei will depart more and more from the normal size in
each respective stage, because they do not pass into a resting stage
during embryonic development, but divide again immediately after their
formation. Hence nuclear growth would become less vigorous as the
nuclei fell more and more below the optimum size, and at last a moment
would arrive when they would be unable to divide, or would be at least
unable to control the cell-body in such a manner as to lead to its
division.
The first event of importance for embryonic development is the
maturation of the egg, _i. e._, the transformation of the
nucleus of the germ-cell into a nuclear spindle and the removal of
the ovogenetic nucleoplasm by the separation of polar bodies, or by
some analogous process. There must be some cause for this separation,
and I have already tried to show that it may lie in the quantitative
relations which obtain between the two kinds of nucleoplasm contained
in the nucleus of the egg. I have suggested that the germ-plasm, at
first small in quantity, undergoes a gradual increase, so that it
can finally oppose the ovogenetic nucleoplasm. I will not further
elaborate this suggestion, for the ascertained facts are insufficient
for the purpose. But the appearances witnessed in nuclear division
indicate that there are opposing forces, and that such a contest is
the motive cause of division; and Roux may be right in referring the
opposition to electrical forces. However this may be, it is perfectly
certain that the development of this opposition is based upon internal
conditions arising during growth in the nucleus itself. The quantity
of nuclear thread cannot by itself determine whether the nucleus can
or cannot enter upon division; if so, it would be impossible for two
divisions to follow each other in rapid succession, as is actually
the case in the separation of the two polar bodies, and also in their
subsequent division. In addition to the effects of quantity, the
internal conditions of the nucleus must also play an important part in
these phenomena. Quantity alone does not necessarily produce nuclear
division, or the nucleus of the egg would divide long before maturation
is complete, for it contains much more nucleoplasm than the female
pronucleus, which remains in the egg after the expulsion of the polar
bodies, and which is in most cases capable of further division. But
the fact that segmentation begins immediately after the conjugation of
male and female pronuclei, also shows that quantity is an essential
requisite. The effect of fertilization has been represented as
analogous to that of the spark which kindles the gunpowder. In the
latter case an explosion ensues, in the former segmentation begins.
Even now many authorities are inclined to refer the polar repulsion
manifested in the nuclear division which immediately follows
fertilization, to the antagonism between male and female elements. But,
according to the important discoveries of Flemming and van Beneden, the
polar repulsion in each nuclear division is not based on the antagonism
between male and female loops, but depends upon the antagonism and
mutual repulsion between the two halves of the same loop. The loops of
the father and those of the mother remain together and divide together
throughout the whole ontogeny.
What can be the explanation of the fact that nuclear division follows
immediately after fertilization, but that without fertilization it
does not occur in most cases? There is only one possible explanation,
viz., the fact that the quantity of the nucleus has been suddenly
doubled, as the result of conjugation. The difference between the male
and female pronuclei cannot serve as an explanation, even though the
nature of this difference is entirely unknown, because polar repulsion
is not developed between the male and female halves of the nucleus, but
within each male and each female half. We are thus forced to conclude
that increase in the quantity of the nucleus affords an impulse for
division, the disposition towards it being already present. It seems
to me that this view does not encounter any theoretical difficulties,
and that it is an entirely feasible hypothesis to suppose that, besides
the internal conditions of the nucleus, its quantitative relation to
the cell-body must be taken into especial account. It is imaginable, or
perhaps even probable, that the nucleus enters upon division as soon
as its idioplasm has attained a certain strength, quite apart from the
supposition that certain internal conditions are necessary for this
end. As above stated, such conditions may be present, but division may
not occur because the right quantitative relation between nucleus and
cell-body, or between the different kinds of nuclear idioplasm has not
been established. I imagine that such a quantitative deficiency exists
in an egg which, after the expulsion of the ovogenetic nucleoplasm
in the polar bodies, requires fertilization in order to begin
segmentation. The fact that the polar bodies were expelled proves that
the quantity of the nucleus was sufficient to cause division, while
afterwards it was no longer sufficient to produce such a result.
This suggestion will be made still clearer by an example. In _Ascaris
megalocephala_ the nuclear substance of the female pronucleus
forms two loops, and the male pronucleus does the same; hence the
segmentation nucleus contains four loops, and this is also the case
with the first segmentation spheres. If we suppose that in embryonic
development the first nuclear division requires such an amount of
nuclear substance as is necessary for the formation of four loops,--it
follows that an egg, which can only form two or three loops from its
nuclear reticulum, would not be able to develop parthenogenetically,
and that not even the first division would take place. If we further
suppose that, while four loops are sufficient to start nuclear
division, these loops must be of a certain size and quantity in order
to complete the whole ontogeny (in a certain species), it follows
that eggs possessing a reticulum which contains barely enough nuclear
substance to divide into four segments, would be able to produce
the first division and perhaps also the second and third, or some
later division, but that at a certain point during ontogeny, the
nuclear substance would become insufficient, and development would be
arrested. This will occur in eggs which enter upon development without
fertilization, but are arrested before its completion. One might
compare this retardation leading to the final arrest of development,
to a railway train which is intended to meet a number of other trains
at various junctions, and which can only travel slowly because of some
defect in the engine. It will be a little behind time at the first
junction, but it may just catch the train, and it may also catch the
second or even the third; but it will be later at each successive
junction, and will finally arrive too late for a certain train; and
after that it will miss all the trains at the remaining junctions. The
nuclear substance grows continuously during development, but the rate
at which it increases depends upon the nutritive conditions together
with its initial quantity. The nutritive changes during the development
of an egg depend upon the quantity of the cell-body which was present
at the outset, and which cannot be increased. If the quantity of
the nuclear substance is rather too small at the beginning, it will
become more and more insufficient in succeeding stages, as its growth
becomes less vigorous, and differs more from the standard it would
have reached if the original quantity had been normal. Consequently it
will gradually fall more and more short of the normal quantity, like
the train which arrives later and later at each successive junction,
because its engine, although with the full pressure of steam, is unable
to attain the normal speed.
It will be objected that four loops cannot be necessary for nuclear
division in _Ascaris_, since such division takes place in the
formation of the polar bodies, resulting in the appearance of the
female pronucleus with only two loops. But this fact only shows that
the quantity of nuclear substance necessary for the formation of four
loops is not necessary for all nuclear divisions; it does not disprove
the assumption that such a quantity is required for the division of
the segmentation nucleus. In addition to these considerations we must
not leave the substance of the cell-body altogether out of account,
for, although it is not the bearer of the tendencies of heredity, it
must be necessary for every change undergone by the nucleus, and it
surely also possesses the power of influencing changes to a large
extent. There must be some reason for the fact that in all animal eggs
with which we are acquainted, the nucleus moves to the surface of the
egg at the time of maturation, and there passes through its well known
transformation. It is obvious that it is there subjected to different
influences from those which would have acted upon it in the center of
the cell-body, and it is clear that such an unequal cell-division as
takes place in the separation of the polar bodies could not occur if
the nucleus remained in the center of the egg.
This explanation of the necessity for fertilization does not exclude
the possibility that, under certain circumstances, the substance of the
egg-nucleus may be larger, so that it is capable of forming four loops.
Eggs which thus possess sufficient nucleoplasm, viz., germ-plasm, for
the formation of the requisite four loops of normal size (namely, of
the size which would have been produced by fertilization), can and must
develop by the parthenogenetic method.
Of course the assumption that four loops must be formed has only
been made for the sake of illustration. We do not yet know whether
there are always exactly four loops in the segmentation nucleus. I
may add that, although the details by which these considerations are
illustrated are based on arbitrary assumptions, the fundamental view
that the development of the egg depends, _ceteris paribus_, upon
the quantity of nuclear substance, is certainly right, and follows as
a necessary conclusion from the ascertained facts. It is not unlikely
that such a view may receive direct proof in the results of future
investigations. Such proof might, for instance, be forthcoming if we
were to ascertain, in the same species, the number of loops present
in the segmentation nucleus of fertilization, as compared with those
present in the segmentation nucleus of parthenogenesis.
The reproductive process in bees will perhaps be used as an argument
against my theory. In these insects the same egg will develop into a
female or male individual, according as fertilization has or has not
taken place, respectively. Hence one and the same egg is capable of
fertilization, and also of parthenogenetic development, if it does
not receive a spermatozoon. It is in the power of the queen-bee to
produce male or female individuals: by an act of will she decides
whether the egg she is laying is to be fertilized or unfertilized.
She “knows beforehand” whether an egg will develop into a male or a
female animal, and deposits the latter kind in the cells of queens and
workers, the former in the cells of drones. It has been shown by the
discoveries of Leuckart and von Siebold that all the eggs are capable
of developing into male individuals, and that they are only transformed
into “female eggs” by fertilization. This fact seems to be incompatible
with my theory as to the cause of parthenogenesis, for if the same
egg, possessing exactly the same contents, and above all the same
segmentation nucleus, may develop sexually or parthenogenetically, it
appears that the power of parthenogenetic development must depend on
some factor other than the quantity of germ-plasm.
Although this appears to be the case, I believe that my theory
encounters no real difficulty. I have no doubt whatever that the same
egg may develop with or without fertilization. From a careful study of
the numerous excellent investigations upon this point which have been
conducted in a particularly striking manner by Bessels (in addition
to the observers quoted above), I have come to the conclusion that
the fact is absolutely certain. It must be candidly admitted that
the same egg will develop into a drone when not fertilized, or into
a worker or queen when fertilized. One of Bessels’ experiments is
sufficient to prove this assertion. He cut off the wings of a young
queen and thus rendered her incapable of taking “the nuptial flight.”
He then observed that all the eggs which she laid developed into
male individuals. This experiment was made in order to prove that
drones are produced by unfertilized eggs; but it also proves that the
assertion mentioned above is correct, for the eggs which ripen first
and are therefore first laid, would have been fertilized had the queen
been impregnated. The supposition that, at certain times, the queen
produces eggs requiring fertilization, while at other times her eggs
develop parthenogenetically, is quite excluded by this experiment; for
it follows from it that the eggs must all be of precisely the same
kind, and that there is no difference between the eggs which require
fertilization and those which do not.
But does it therefore follow that the quantity of germ-plasm in
the segmentation nucleus is not the factor which determines the
beginning of embryonic development? I believe not. It can be very
well imagined that the nucleus of the egg, having expelled the
ovogenetic nucleoplasm, may be increased to the size requisite for the
segmentation nucleus in one of two ways: either by conjugation with
a sperm-nucleus, or by simply growing to double its size. There is
nothing improbable in this latter assumption, and one is even inclined
to inquire why such growth does not take place in all unfertilized
eggs. The true answer to this question must be that nature pursues
the sexual method of reproduction, and that the only way in which the
general occurrence of parthenogenesis could be prevented was by the
production of eggs which remained sterile unless they were fertilized.
This was effected by a loss of the capability of growth on the part of
the egg-nucleus after it had expelled the ovogenetic nucleoplasm.
The case of the bee proves in a very striking manner that the
difference between eggs which require fertilization, and those which
do not, is not produced until after the maturation of the egg and the
removal of the ovogenetic nucleoplasm. The increase in the quantity of
the germ-plasm cannot have taken place at any earlier period, or else
the nucleus of the egg would always start embryonic development by
itself, and the egg would probably be incapable of fertilization. For
the relation between egg-nucleus and sperm-nucleus is obviously based
upon the fact that each of them is insufficient by itself, and requires
completion. If such completion had taken place at an early stage the
egg-nucleus would either cease to exercise any attractive force upon
the sperm-nucleus, or else conjugation would be effected, as in Fol’s
interesting experiments upon fertilization by many spermatozoa; and,
as in these experiments, malformation of the embryo would result. In
Daphnidae I believe I have shown that the summer eggs are not only
developed parthenogenetically, but also that they are never fertilized;
and the explanation of this incapacity for fertilization may perhaps be
found in the fact that their segmentation nucleus is already formed.
We may therefore conclude that, in bees, the nucleus of the egg, formed
during maturation, may either conjugate with the sperm-nucleus, or
else if no spermatozoon reaches it the egg may, under the stimulus of
internal causes, grow to double its size, thus attaining the dimensions
of the segmentation nucleus. For our present purpose we may leave
out of consideration the fact that in the latter case the individual
produced is a male, and in the former case a female.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 37: From _Essays upon Heredity and Kindred Biological
Problems_, Vol. I (1889).]
XXXV
SIR NORMAN LOCKYER
1836-1920
_Sir Joseph Norman Lockyer, born at Rugby, England, May 17, 1836,
entered the War Office in 1857. Through his own exertions he educated
himself in science and was one of the first to suggest the hypothesis
that the earth and other spheres were the result of the aggregation
of meteorites. He was also the first to apply the spectroscope to
the corona of the sun, revealing the chemical composition of solar
prominences as chiefly hydrogen, calcium, and helium. He died at
Sidmouth, Devonshire, August 16, 1920._
THE CHEMISTRY OF THE STARS[38]
The importance of practical work, the educational value of the seeking
after truth by experiment and observation on the part of even young
students, are now generally recognized. That battle has been fought
and won. But there is a tendency in the official direction of seats of
learning to consider what is known to be useful, because it is used,
in the first place. The fact that the unknown, that is, the unstudied,
is the mine from which all scientific knowledge with its million
applications has been won is too often forgotten.
Bacon, who was the first to point out the importance of experiment in
the physical sciences, and who predicted the applications to which I
have referred, warns us that “_lucifera experimenta non fructifera
quaerenda_”; and surely we should highly prize those results which
enlarge the domain of human thought and help us to understand the
mechanism of the wonderful universe in which our lot is cast, as well
as those which add to the comfort and the convenience of our lives.
It would be also easy to show by many instances how researches,
considered ideally useless at the time they were made, have been the
origin of the most tremendous applications. One instance suffices.
Faraday’s trifling with wires and magnets has already landed us in one
of the greatest revolutions which civilization has witnessed; and where
the triumphs of electrical science will stop no man can say.
This is a case in which the useless has been rapidly sublimed into
utility so far as our material wants are concerned.
I propose to bring to your notice another “useless” observation
suggesting a line of inquiry which I believe sooner or later is
destined profoundly to influence human thought along many lines.
Fraunhofer at the beginning of this century examined sunlight and
starlight through a prism. He found that the light received from the
sun differed from that of the stars. So useless did his work appear
that we had to wait for half a century till any considerable advance
was made. It was found at last that the strange “lines” seen and named
by Fraunhofer were precious indications of the chemical substances
present in worlds immeasurably remote. We had, after half a century’s
neglect, the foundation of solar and stellar chemistry, an advance in
knowledge equaling any other in its importance.
In dealing with my subject I shall first refer to the work which
has been done in more recent years with regard to this chemical
conditioning of the atmospheres of stars, and afterwards very briefly
show how this work carries us into still other new and wider fields of
thought.
The first important matter which lies on the surface of such a general
inquiry as this is that if we deal with the chemical elements as judged
by the lines in their spectra we know for certain of the existence of
oxygen, of nitrogen, of argon, representing one class of gases, in no
celestial body whatever; whereas, representing other gases, we have a
tremendous demonstration of the existence of all the known lines of
hydrogen and helium.
We see, then, that the celestial sorting out of gases is quite
different from the terrestrial one.
Taking the substances classed by the chemist as non-metals, we find
carbon and silicium--I prefer, on account of its stellar behavior, to
call it silicium, though it is old fashioned--present in celestial
phenomena. We have evidence of this in the fact that we have a
considerable development of carbon in some stars and an indication
of silicium in others. But these are the only non-metals observed.
Now, with regard to the metallic substances which we find, we deal
chiefly with calcium, strontium, iron, and magnesium. Others are not
absolutely absent, but their percentage quantity is so small that they
are negligible in a general statement.
Now do these chemical elements exist indiscriminately in all the
celestial bodies, so that practically, from a chemical point of view,
the bodies appear to us of similar chemical constitution? No; it is not
so.
From the spectra of those stars which resemble the sun, in that they
consist of an interior nucleus surrounded by an atmosphere which
absorbs the light of the nucleus, and which, therefore, we study by
means of this absorption, it is to be gathered that the atmospheres
of some stars are chiefly gaseous--i. e., consisting of elements we
recognize as gases here--of others chiefly metallic, of others again
mainly composed of carbon or compounds of carbon.
Here, then, we have spectroscopically revealed the fact that there is
considerable variation in the chemical constituents which build up the
stellar atmospheres.
This, though a general, is still an isolated statement. Can we connect
it with another? One of the laws formulated by Kirchhoff in the infancy
of spectroscopic inquiry has to do with the kind of radiation given
out by bodies at different temperatures. A poker placed in a fire
first becomes red, and, as it gets hotter, white hot. Examined in a
spectroscope, we find that the red condition comes from the absence of
blue light; that the white condition comes from the gradual addition of
blue as the temperature increases.
The law affirms that the hotter a mass of matter is the farther its
spectrum extends into the ultraviolet.
Hence the hotter a star is the farther does its complete or continuous
spectrum lengthen out toward the ultraviolet and the less it is
absorbed by cooler vapors in its atmosphere.
Now, to deal with three of the main groups of stars, we find the
following very general result:
Gaseous stars Longest spectrum.
Metallic stars Medium spectrum.
Carbon stars Shortest spectrum.
We have now associated two different series of phenomena, and we are
enabled to make the following statement:
Gaseous stars Highest temperature.
Metallic stars Medium temperature.
Carbon stars Lowest temperature.
Hence the differences in apparent chemical constitutions are associated
with differences of temperature.
Can we associate with the two to which I have already called attention
still a third class of facts? Laboratory work enables us to do this.
When I began my inquiries the idea was, one gas or vapor, one spectrum.
We now know that this is not true; the systems of bright lines given
out by radiating substances change with the temperature.
We can get the spectrum of a well known compound substance--say
carbonic oxide; it is one special to the compound; we increase the
temperature so as to break up the compound, and we then get the spectra
of its constituents, carbon and oxygen.
But the important thing in the present connection is that the spectra
of the chemical elements behave exactly in the same way as the spectra
of known compounds do when we employ temperatures far higher than those
which break up the compounds; and indeed in some cases the changes
are more marked. For brevity I will take for purposes of illustration
three substances, and deal with one increase of temperature only, a
considerable one and obtainable by rendering a substance incandescent,
first by a direct current of electricity, as happens in the so-called
“arc lamps” employed in electric lighting, and next by the employment
of a powerful induction coil and battery of Leyden jars. In laboratory
parlance we pass thus from the arc to the jar-spark. In the case of
magnesium, iron, and calcium, the changes observed on passing from
the temperature of the arc to that of the spark have been minutely
observed. In each, new lines are added or old ones are intensified at
the higher temperature. Such lines have been termed “enhanced lines.”
These enhanced lines are not seen alone; outside the region of high
temperature in which they are produced, the cooling vapors give us the
cool lines. Still we can conceive the enhanced lines to be seen alone
at the highest temperature in a space sufficiently shielded from the
action of all lower temperatures, but such a shielding is beyond our
laboratory expedients.
In watching the appearance of these special enhanced lines in stellar
spectra we have a third series of phenomena available, and we find that
the results are absolutely in harmony with what has gone before. Thus:
Gaseous stars Highest temperature Strong helium and faint
enhanced lines.
Metallic stars Feeble helium and strong
Medium temperature enhanced lines.
Carbon stars No helium and strong arc lines.
Lowest temperature Faint arc lines.
It is clear now, not only that the spectral changes in stars are
associated with, or produced by, changes of temperature, but that
the study of the enhanced spark and the arc lines lands us in the
possibility of a rigorous stellar thermometry, such lines being more
easy to observe than the relative lengths of spectrum.
Accepting this, we can take a long stride forward and, by carefully
studying the chemical revelations of the spectrum, classify the stars
along a line of temperature. But which line? Were all the stars in
popular phraseology created hot? If so, we should simply deal with
the running down of temperature, and because all the hottest stars
are chemically alike, all cooler stars would be alike. But there are
two very distinct groups of coolest stars; and since there are two
different kinds of coolest stars, and only one kind of hottest stars,
it cannot be merely a question either of a running up or a running down
of temperature.
Many years of very detailed inquiry have convinced me that all stars
save the hottest must be sorted out into two series--those getting
hotter and those, like our sun, getting cooler, and that the hottest
stage in the history of a star is reached near the middle of its life.
The method of inquiry adopted has been to compare large-scale
photographs of the spectra of the different stars taken by my
assistants at South Kensington; the complete harmony of the results
obtained along various lines of other work carries conviction with it.
We find ourselves here in the presence of minute details exhibiting the
workings of a chemical law, associated distinctly with temperature;
and more than this, we are also in the presence of high temperature
furnaces, entirely shielded by their vastness from the presence of
those distracting phenomena which we are never free from in the most
perfect conditions of experiment we can get here.
What, then, is the chemical law? It is this: In the very hottest
stars we deal with the gases hydrogen, helium, and doubtless others
still unknown, almost exclusively. At the next lowest temperatures we
find these gases being replaced by metals in the state in which they
are observed in our laboratories when the most powerful jar-spark is
employed. At a lower temperature still the gases almost disappear
entirely, and the metals exist in the state produced by the electric
arc. Certain typical stars showing these chemical changes may be
arranged as follows:
This, then, is the result of our first inquiry into the existence of
the various chemical elements in the atmospheres of stars generally.
We get a great diversity, and we know that this diversity accompanies
changes of temperature. We have also found that the sun, which we
independently know to be a cooling star, and Arcturus are identical
chemically.
We have now dealt with the presence of the various chemical elements
generally in the atmospheres of stars. The next point we have to
consider is, whether the absorption which the spectrum indicates for
us takes place from top to bottom of the atmosphere or only in certain
levels.
In many of these stars the atmosphere may be millions of miles high. In
each the chemical substances in the hottest and coldest portions may be
vastly different. The region, therefore, in which this absorption takes
place, which spectroscopically enables us to discriminate star from
star, must be accurately known before we can obtain the greatest amount
of information from our inquiries.
Our next duty then, clearly, is to study the sun--a star so near us
that we can examine the different parts of its atmosphere, which we
cannot do in the case of the more distant stars. By doing this we
may secure facts which will enable us to ascertain in what parts of
the atmosphere the absorption takes place which produces the various
phenomena on which the chemical classification has been based.
It is obvious that the general spectrum of the sun, like that of stars
generally, is built up of all the absorptions which can make themselves
felt in every layer of its atmosphere from bottom to top; that is, from
the photosphere to the outermost part of the corona. Let me remind you
that this spectrum is changeless from year to year.
Now, sun-spots are disturbances produced in the photosphere; and the
chromosphere, with its disturbances, called prominences, lies directly
above it. Here, then, we are dealing with the lowest part of the sun’s
atmosphere. We find first of all that, in opposition to the changeless
general spectrum, great changes occur with the sun-spot period, both in
the spots and chromosphere.
The spot spectrum is indicated, as was found in 1866, by the widening
of certain lines; the chromospheric spectrum, as was found in 1868, by
the appearance at the sun’s limb of certain bright lines. In both cases
the lines affected, seen at any one time, are relatively few in number.
In the spot spectrum, at a sun-spot minimum, we find iron lines chiefly
affected; at a maximum they are chiefly of unknown or unfamiliar
origin. At the present moment the affected lines are those recorded
in the spectra of vanadium and scandium, with others never seen in
a laboratory. That we are here far away from terrestrial chemical
conditions is evidenced by the fact that there is not a gram of
scandium available for laboratory use in the world at the present time.
Then we have the spectrum of the prominences and the chromosphere. That
spectrum we are enabled to observe every day when the sun shines, as
conveniently as we can observe that of sun spots. The chromosphere is
full of marvels. At first, when our knowledge of spectra was very much
more restricted than now, almost all the lines observed were unknown.
In 1868 I saw a line in the yellow, which I found behaved very much
like hydrogen, though I could prove that it was not due to hydrogen;
for laboratory use the substance which gave rise to it I called helium.
Next year I saw a line in the green at 1474 of Kirchhoff’s scale. That
was an unknown line, but in some subsequent researches I traced it to
iron. From that day to this we have observed a large number of lines.
They have gradually been dragged out from the region of the unknown,
and many are now recognized as enhanced lines, to which I have already
called attention as appearing in the spectra of metals at a very high
temperature.
But useful as the method of observing the chromosphere without an
eclipse, which enables us
“... to feel from world to world,”
as Tennyson has put it, has proved, we want an eclipse to see it face
to face.
A tremendous flood of light has been thrown upon it by the use of large
instruments constructed on a plan devised by Respighi and myself in
1871. These give us an image of the chromosphere painted in each one
of its radiations, so that the exact locus of each chemical layer is
revealed. One of the instruments employed during the Indian eclipse of
this year is that used in photographing the spectra of stars, so that
it is now easy to place photographs of the spectra of the chromosphere
obtained during a total eclipse and of the various stars side by side.
I have already pointed out that the chemical classification indicated
that the stars next above the sun in temperature are represented by γ
Cygni and Procyon, one on the ascending, the other on the descending
branch of the temperature curve.
Studying the spectra photographed during the eclipse of this year we
see that practically the lower part of the sun’s atmosphere, if present
by itself, would give us the lines which specialize the spectra of γ
Cygni or Procyon.
I recognize in this result a veritable Rosetta stone, which will enable
us to read the celestial hieroglyphics presented to us in stellar
spectra, and help us to study the spectra and to get at results much
more distinctly and certainly than ever before.
One of the most important conclusions we draw from the Indian eclipse
is that, for some reason or other, the lowest, hottest part of the
sun’s atmosphere does not write its record among the lines which build
up the general spectrum so effectively as does a higher one.
There was another point especially important on which we hoped for
information, and that was this: Up to the employment of the prismatic
camera insufficient attention had been directed to the fact that in
observations made by an ordinary spectroscope no true measure of the
height to which the vapors or gases extended above the sun could be
obtained; early observations, in fact, showed the existence of glare
between the observer and the dark moon; hence it must exist between us
and the sun’s surroundings.
The prismatic camera gets rid of the effects of this glare, and its
results indicate that the effective absorbing layer--that, namely,
which gives rise to the Fraunhofer lines--is much more restricted in
thickness than was to be gathered from the early observations.
We are justified in extending these general conclusions to all the
stars that shine in the heavens.
So much, then, in brief, for solar teachings in relation to the record
of the absorption of the lower parts of stellar atmospheres.
Let us next turn to the higher portions of the solar surroundings, to
see if we can get any effective help from them.
In this matter we are dependent absolutely upon eclipses, and I shall
fulfill my task very badly if I do not show you that the phenomena
then observable when the so-called corona is visible, full of awe and
grandeur to all, are also full of precious teaching to the student
of science. This also varies like the spots and prominences with the
sun-spot period.
It happened that I was the only person that saw both the eclipse of
1871 at the maximum of the sun-spot period and that of 1878 at minimum;
the corona of 1871 was as distinct from the corona of 1878 as anything
could be. In 1871 we got nothing but bright lines, indicating the
presence of gases; namely, hydrogen and another, since provisionally
called coronium. In 1878 we got no bright lines at all, so I stated
that probably the changes in the chemistry and appearance of the corona
would be found to be dependent upon the sun-spot period, and recent
work has borne out that suggestion.
I have now specially to refer to the corona as observed and
photographed this year in India by means of the prismatic camera,
remarking that an important point in the use of the prismatic camera is
that it enables us to separate the spectrum of the corona from that of
the prominences.
One of the chief results obtained is the determination of the position
of several lines of probably more than one new gas, which, so far, have
not been recognized as existing on the earth.
Like the lowest hottest layer, for some reason or other, this upper
layer does not write its record among the lines which build up the
general spectrum.
GENERAL RESULTS REGARDING THE LOCUS OF ABSORPTION IN STELLAR ATMOSPHERES
We learn from the sun, then, that the absorption which defines the
spectrum of a star is the absorption of a middle region, one shielded
both from the highest temperature of the lowest reaches of the
atmosphere, where most tremendous changes are continually going on and
the external region where the temperature must be low, and where the
metallic vapors must condense.
If this is true for the sun it must be equally true for Arcturus,
which exactly resembles it. I go further than this, and say that in
the presence of such definite results as those I have brought before
you it is not philosophical to assume that the absorption may take
place at the bottom of the atmosphere of one star or at the top of the
atmosphere of another. The _onus probandi_ rests upon those who
hold such views.
So far I have only dealt in detail with the hotter stars, but I have
pointed out that we have two distinct kinds of coolest ones, the
evidence of their much lower temperature being the shortness of their
spectra. In one of these groups we deal with absorption alone, as in
those already considered; we find an important break in the phenomena
observed; helium, hydrogen, and metals have practically disappeared,
and we deal with carbon absorption alone.
But the other group of coolest stars presents us with quite new
phenomena. We no longer deal with absorption alone, but accompanying
it we have radiation, so that the spectra contain both dark lines and
bright ones. Now, since such spectra are visible in the case of new
stars, the ephemera of the skies, which may be said to exist only for
an instant relatively, and when the disturbance which gives rise to
their sudden appearance has ceased, we find their places occupied by
nebulæ, we cannot be dealing here with stars like the sun, which has
already taken some millions of years to slowly cool, and requires more
millions to complete the process into invisibility.
The bright lines seen in the large number of permanent stars which
resemble these fleeting ones--new stars, as they are called--are those
discerned in the once mysterious nebulæ which, so far from being stars,
were supposed not many years ago to represent a special order of
created things.
Now the nebulæ differ from stars generally in the fact that in their
spectra we have practically to deal with radiation alone; we study them
by their bright lines; the conditions which produce the absorption by
which we study the chemistry of the hottest stars are absent.
A NEW VIEW OF STARS
Here, then, we are driven to the perfectly new idea that some of the
cooler bodies in the heavens, the temperature of which is increasing
and which appear to us as stars, are really disturbed nebulæ.
What, then, is the chemistry of the nebulæ? It is mainly gaseous;
the lines of helium and hydrogen and the flutings of carbon, already
studied by their absorption in the groups of stars to which I have
already referred, are present as bright ones.
The presence of the lines of the metals iron, calcium, and probably
magnesium, shows us that we are not dealing with gases merely.
Of the enhanced metallic lines there are none; only the low temperature
lines are present, so far as we yet know. The temperature, then, is
low, and lowest of all in those nebulæ where carbon flutings are seen
almost alone.
A NEW VIEW OF NEBULÆ
Passing over the old views, among them one that the nebulæ were holes
in something dark which enabled us to see something bright beyond, and
another that they were composed of a fiery fluid, I may say that not
long ago, they were supposed to be masses of gases only, existing at a
very high temperature.
Now, since gases may glow at a low temperature as well as at a high
one, the temperature evidence must depend upon the presence of cool
metallic lines and the absence of the enhanced ones.
The nebulæ, then, are relatively cool collections of some of the
permanent gases and of some cool metallic vapors, and both gases and
metals are precisely those I have referred to as writing their records
most visibly in stellar atmosphere.
Now, can we get more information concerning this association of certain
gases and metals? In laboratory work it is abundantly recognized that
all meteorites (and many minerals) when slightly heated give out
permanent gases, and under certain conditions the spectrum of the
nebulæ may in this way be closely approximated to. I have not time to
labor this point, but I may say that a discussion of all the available
observations to my mind demonstrates the truth of the suggestion, made
many years ago by Professor Tait before any spectroscopic facts were
available, that the nebulæ are masses of meteorites rendered hot by
collisions.
Surely human knowledge is all the richer for this indication of the
connection between the nebulæ, hitherto the most mysterious bodies in
the skies, and the “stones that fall from heaven.”
CELESTIAL EVOLUTION
But this is, after all, only a stepping stone, important though it be.
It leads us to a vast generalization. If the nebulæ are thus composed,
they are bound to condense to centers, however vast their initial
proportions, however irregular the first distribution of the cosmic
clouds which compose them. Each pair of meteorites in collision puts us
in mental possession of what the final stage must be. We begin with a
feeble absorption of metallic vapors round each meteorite in collision;
the space between the meteorites is filled with the permanent gases
driven out farther afield and having no power to condense. Hence
dark metallic and bright gas lines. As time goes on the former must
predominate, for the whole swarm of meteorites will then form a gaseous
sphere with a strongly heated center, the light of which will be
absorbed by the exterior vapor.
The temperature order of the group of stars with bright lines as well
as dark ones in their spectra has been traced, and typical stars
indicating the chemical changes have been as carefully studied as those
in which absorption phenomena are visible alone, so that now there are
no breaks in the line connecting the nebulæ with the stars on the verge
of extinction.
Here we are brought to another tremendous outcome--that of the
evolution of all cosmical bodies from meteorites, the various stages
recorded by the spectra being brought about by the various conditions
which follow from the conditions.
These are, shortly, that at first collisions produce luminosity among
the colliding particles of the swarm, and the permanent gases are given
off and fill the interspaces. As condensation goes on, the temperature
at the center of condensation always increasing, all the meteorites
in time are driven into a state of gas. The meteoritic bombardment
practically now ceases for lack of material, and the future history
of the mass of gas is that of a cooling body, the violent motions in
the atmosphere while condensation was going on now being replaced by a
relative calm.
The absorption phenomena in stellar spectra are not identical at
the same mean temperature on the ascending and descending sides of
the curve, on account of the tremendous difference in the physical
conditions.
In a condensing swarm, the center of which is undergoing meteoritic
bombardment from all sides, there cannot be the equivalent of the
solar chromosphere; the whole mass is made up of heterogeneous vapor
at different temperatures and moving with different velocities in
different regions.
In a condensed swarm, of which we can take the sun as a type, all
action produced from without has practically ceased; we get relatively
a quiet atmosphere and an orderly assortment of the vapors from top to
bottom, disturbed only by the fall of condensed metallic vapors. But
still, on the view that the differences in the spectra of the heavenly
bodies chiefly represent differences in degree of condensation and
temperature, there can be _au fond_, no great chemical difference
between bodies of increasing and bodies of decreasing temperature.
Hence we find at equal mean temperatures on opposite sides of the
temperature curve this chemical similarity of the absorbing vapors
proved by many points of resemblance in the spectra, especially the
identical behavior of the enhanced metallic and cleveite lines.
CELESTIAL DISSOCIATION
The time you were good enough to put at my disposal is now exhausted,
but I cannot conclude without stating that I have not yet exhausted
all the conceptions of a high order to which Fraunhofer’s apparently
useless observation has led us.
The work which to my mind has demonstrated the evolution of the cosmos
as we know it from swarms of meteorites, has also suggested a chemical
evolution equally majestic in its simplicity.
A quarter of a century ago I pointed out that all the facts then
available suggested the hypothesis that in the atmospheres of the sun
and stars various degrees of “celestial dissociation” were at work,
a “dissociation” which prevented the coming together of the finest
particles of matter which at the temperature of the earth and at all
artificial temperature yet attained here compose the metals, the
metalloids and compounds.
On this hypothesis the so-called atoms of the chemist represent not the
origins of things, but only early stages of the evolutionary process.
At the present time we have tens of thousands of facts which were not
available twenty-five years ago. All these go to the support of the
hypothesis, and among them I must indicate the results obtained at the
last eclipse, dealing with the atmosphere of the sun in relation to
that of the various stars of higher temperature to which I called your
attention. In this way we can easily explain the enhanced lines of iron
existing practically alone in Alpha Cygni. I have yet to learn any
other explanation.
I have nothing to take back, either from what I then said or what I
have said since on this subject, and although the view is not yet
accepted, I am glad to know that many other lines of work which are now
being prosecuted tend to favor it.
I have no hesitation in expressing my conviction that in a not distant
future the inorganic evolution to which we have been finally led by
following up Fraunhofer’s useless experiment will take its natural
place side by side with that organic evolution, the demonstration of
which has been one of the glories of the nineteenth century.
And finally now comes the moral of my address. If I have helped to show
that observations having no immediate practical bearing may yet help
on the thought of mankind, and that this is a thing worth the doing,
let me express a hope that such work shall find no small place in the
future University of Birmingham.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 38: From an address delivered at the University of Birmingham
(1900).]
XXXVI
ROBERT KOCH
1843-1910
_Robert Koch, born at Klausthal, Hanover, Germany, December 11,
1843, graduated from Göttingen in 1866. After a short period as
assistant surgeon in the General Hospital in Hamburg, he practised
medicine at Langenhagen, Kackwitz, and Wollstein from 1872 to 1880,
during which time he began his researches in bacteriology. By 1878 he
had placed bacteriology on a scientific basis. In 1880 he was called
to Berlin as chief of the Sanitary Institute, where he continued his
studies of tuberculosis and cholera. After inventing new microscopical
appliances and a new technique, in 1882 he stated his discovery of
the tubercle bacillus. In 1883, after publishing a method for the
prevention of anthrax by inoculation, he was sent by his government
to Egypt and India to investigate cholera. During that work he
discovered the cholera bacillus. In 1884 he returned to Germany and
in the following year went to France as cholera commissioner. In 1888
he published a paper on the prophylaxis of infectious diseases in the
army. In later years he investigated the bubonic plague, malaria, and
sleeping-sickness. He died at Baden-Baden, May 28, 1910._
THEORY OF BACTERIA[39]
I am well aware that the investigations above described are very
imperfect. It was necessary, in order to have time for those parts
of the investigation which seemed the most important and essential,
to omit the examination of many organs, such as the brain, heart,
retina, etc., which ought not to pass unnoticed in researches on
infective diseases. For the same reason no record was kept of the
temperature, although this would undoubtedly have yielded most
interesting results. I have intentionally refrained from entering into
details of morbid anatomy, as only the etiology interested me, and as
I did not feel qualified to undertake a study of the morbid anatomy of
traumatic infective diseases. I must therefore leave this part of the
investigation to those who are better able to undertake it.
Nevertheless I consider that the results of my researches are
sufficiently definite to enable me to deduce from them some well
founded conclusions.
In this summary I shall, however, confine myself to the most obvious
conclusions. It has indeed of late become too common to draw the most
sweeping conclusions as to infective diseases in general from the
most unimportant observations on bacteria. I shall not follow this
custom, although the material at my command would furnish rich food
for meditation. For the longer I study infective diseases the more am
I convinced that generalisations of new facts are here a mistake, and
that every individual infective disease or group of closely allied
diseases must be investigated for itself.
As regards the artificial traumatic infective diseases observed by me,
the conditions which must be established before their parasitic nature
can be proved, we completely fulfilled in the case of the first five,
but only partially in that of the sixth. For the infection was produced
by such small quantities of fluid (blood, serum, pus, etc.) that the
result cannot be attributed to a merely chemical poison.
In the materials used for inoculation bacteria were without exception
present, and in each disease a different and well marked form of
organism could be demonstrated.
At the same time, the bodies of those animals which died of the
artificial traumatic infective diseases contained bacteria in
such numbers that the symptoms and the death of the animals were
sufficiently explained. Further, the bacteria found were identical
with those which were present in the fluid used for inoculation, and a
definite form of organisms corresponded in every instance to a distinct
disease.
These artificial traumatic infective diseases bear the greatest
resemblance to human traumatic infective diseases, both as regards
their origin from putrid substances, their course, and the result of
post-mortem examination. Further, in the first case, just as in the
last, the parasitic organisms could be only imperfectly demonstrated
by the earlier methods of investigation; not till an improved method of
procedure was introduced was it possible to obtain complete proof that
they were parasitic diseases. We are therefore justified in assuming
that human traumatic infective diseases will in all probability be
proved to be parasitic when investigated by these improved methods.
On the other hand, it follows from the fact that a definite pathogenic
bacterium, e. g., the septicæmic bacillus, cannot be inoculated on
every variety of animal (a similar fact is also true with regard to the
bacillus anthracis); that the septicæmia of mice, rabbits, and man are
not under all circumstances produced by the same bacterial form. It is
of course possible that one or other of the bacteric forms found in
animals also play a part in such diseases in the human subject. That,
however, must be especially demonstrated for each case; _a priori_
one need only expect that bacteria are present; as regards form, size
and conditions of growth, they may be similar, but not always the same,
even in what appear to be similar diseases in different animals.
Besides the pathogenic bacteria already found in animals there are no
doubt many others. My experiments refer only to those diseases which
ended fatally. Even these are in all probability not exhausted in the
six forms mentioned. Further experiments on many different species
of animals, with the most putrid substances and with every possible
modification in the method of application, will doubtless bring to
light a number of other infective diseases, which will lead to further
conclusions regarding infective diseases and pathogenic bacteria.
But even in the small series of experiments which I was able to carry
out, one fact was so prominent that I must regard it as constant,
and, as it helps to remove most of the obstacles to the admission of
the existence of a centagium vivum for traumatic infective diseases,
I look on it as the most important result of my work. I refer to
the differences which exist between pathogenic bacteria and to the
constancy of their characters. A distinct bacteric form corresponds, as
we have seen, to each disease, and this form always remains the same,
however often the disease is transmitted from one animal to another.
Further, when we succeed in reproducing the same disease _de novo_
by the injection of putrid substances, only the same bacteric form
occurs which was before found to be specific for that disease.
Further, the differences between these bacteria are as great as could
be expected between particles which border on the invisible. With
regard to these differences, I refer not only to the size and form
of the bacteria, but also to the conditions of their growth, which
can be best recognized by observing their situation and grouping. I
therefore study not only the individual alone, but the whole group of
bacteria, and would, for example, consider a micrococcus which in one
species of animal occurred only in masses (i. e., in a zooglæa form),
as different from another which in the same variety of animal, under
the same conditions of life, was only met with as isolated individuals.
Attention must also be paid to the physiological effect, of which I
scarcely know a more striking example than the case of the bacillus
and the chain-like micrococcus growing together in the cellular tissue
of the ear; the one passing into the blood and penetrating into the
white blood corpuscles, the other spreading out slowly into the tissues
in its vicinity and destroying everything around about; or again, the
case of the septicæmic and pyæmic micrococci of the rabbit in their
different relations to the blood; or lastly, the bacilli only extending
over the surface of the aural cartilage in the erysipetalous disease,
as contrasted with the bacillus anthracis, likewise inoculated on the
rabbit’s ear, but quickly passing into the blood.
As, however, there corresponds to each of the diseases investigated a
form of bacterium distinctly characterized by its physiological action,
by its conditions of growth, size, and form, which, however often the
disease be transmitted from one animal to another, always remains the
same and never passes over into another form, e. g., from the spherical
to the rod shaped, we must in the meantime regard these different forms
of pathogenic bacteria as distinct and constant species.
This is, however, an assertion that will be much disputed by botanists,
to whose special province this subject really belongs.
Amongst those botanists who have written against the subdivision of
bacteria into species, is Nägeli, who says, “I have for ten years
examined thousands of different forms of bacteria, and I have not yet
seen any absolute necessity for dividing them even into two distinct
species.”
Brefeld also states that he can only admit the existence of specific
forms justifying the formation of distinct species when the whole
history of development has been traced by cultivation from spore to
spore in the most nutritive fluids.
Although Brefeld’s demand is undoubtedly theoretically correct it
cannot be made a _sine qua non_ in every investigation on
pathogenic bacteria. We should otherwise be compelled to cease our
investigations into the etiology of infective diseases till botanists
have succeeded in finding out the different species of bacteria by
cultivation and development from spore to spore. It might then very
easily happen that the endless trouble of pure cultivation would be
expended on some form of bacterium which would finally turn out to be
scarcely worthy of attention. In practice only the opposite method can
work. In the first place certain peculiarities of a particular form of
bacterium different from those of other forms, and in the second place
its constancy, compel us to separate it from other less known and less
interesting, and provisionally to regard it as a species. And now, to
verify this provisional supposition, the cultivation from spore to
spore may be undertaken. If this succeeds under conditions which cut
out all sources of fallacy, and if it furnishes a result corresponding
to that obtained by the previous observations, then the conclusions
which were drawn from these observations and which led to its being
ranked as a distinct species must be regarded as valid.
On this, which as it seems to me is the only correct practical method,
I take my stand, and, till the cultivation of bacteria from spore to
spore shows that I am wrong, I shall look on pathogenic bacteria as
consisting of different species.
In order, however, to show that I do not stand alone in this view, I
shall here mention the opinion of some botanists who have already come
to a similar conclusion.
Cohn states that, in spite of the fact that many dispute the necessity
of separating bacteria into genera or species, he must nevertheless
adhere to the method as yet followed by him, and separate bacteria
of a different form and fermenting power from each other, so long as
complete proof of their identity is not given.
From his investigations on the effects of different temperatures and
of desiccation on the development of bacterium termo, Eidam came to
the conclusion that different forms of bacteria require different
conditions of nutriment, and that they behave differently towards
physical and chemical influences. He regards these facts as a further
proof of the necessity of dividing organisms into distinct species.
I shall bring forward another reason to show the necessity of looking
on the pathogenic bacteria which I have described as distinct species.
The greatest stress, in investigations on bacteria, is justly laid on
the so-called pure cultivations, in which only one definite form of
bacterium is present. This evidently arises from the view that if, in a
series of cultivations, the same form of bacterium is always obtained,
a special significance must attach to this form: it must indeed be
accepted as a constant form, or in a word as a species. Can, then,
a series of pure cultivations be carried out without admixture of
other bacteria? It can in truth be done, but only under very limited
conditions. Only such bacteria can be cultivated pure, with the aids
at present at command, which can always be known to be pure, either by
their size and easily recognizable form, as the bacillus anthracis, or
by the production of a characteristic coloring matter as the pigment
bacteria. When, during a series of cultivations, a strange species of
bacteria has by chance got in, as may occasionally happen under any
circumstances, it will in these cases be at once observed, and the
unsuccessful experiment will be thrown out of the series without the
progress of investigation being thereby necessarily interfered with.
But the case is quite different when attempts are made to carry
out cultivations of very small bacteria, which, perhaps, cannot be
distinguished at all without staining; how are we then to discover the
occurrence of contamination? It is impossible to do so, and therefore
all attempts at pure cultivation in apparatus, however skilfully
planned and executed, must, as soon as small bacteria with but little
characteristic appearances are dealt with, be considered as subject to
unavoidable sources of fallacy, and in themselves inconclusive.
But nevertheless a pure cultivation is possible, even in the case
of the bacteria which are smallest and most difficult to recognise.
This, however, is not conducted in cultivation apparatus, but in
the animal body. My experiments demonstrate this. In all the cases
of a distinct disease, e. g., of septicæmia of mice, only the small
bacilli were present, and no other form of bacterium was ever found
with it, unless in the case where that causing the tissue gangrene was
intentionally inoculated at the same time. In fact, there exists no
better cultivation apparatus for pathogenic bacteria than the animal
body itself. Only a very limited number of bacteria can grow in the
body, and the penetration of organisms into it is so difficult that
the uninjured living body may be regarded as completely isolated
with respect to other forms of bacteria than those intentionally
introduced. It is quite evident, from a careful consideration of
the two diseases produced in mice--septicæmia and gangrene of the
tissue--that I have succeeded in my experiments in obtaining a pure
cultivation. In the putrefying blood, which was the cause of these two
diseases, the most different forms of bacteria were present, and yet
only two of these found in the living mouse the conditions necessary
for their existence. All the others died, and these two alone, a small
bacillus and a chain-like micrococcus, remained and grew. These could
be transferred from one animal to another as often as was desired,
without suffering any alteration in their characteristic form, in
their specific physiological action and without any other variety of
bacteria at any time appearing. And further, as I have demonstrated, it
is quite in the power of the experimenter to separate these two forms
of bacteria from each other. When the blood in which only the bacilli
are present is used, these alone are transmitted, and thenceforth are
obtained quite pure; while on the other hand, when a field mouse is
inoculated with both forms of bacteria, the bacilli disappear, and
the micrococcus can be then cultivated pure. Doubtless an attempt to
unite these two forms again in the same animal by inoculation would
have been successful. In short, one has it completely in one’s power
to cultivate several varieties of bacteria together, to separate them
from each other, and eventually to combine them again. Greater demands
can hardly be made on a pure cultivation, and I must therefore regard
the successive transmission of artificial infective diseases as the
best and surest method of pure cultivation. And it can further claim
the same power of demonstrating the existence of specific forms of
bacteria, as must be conceded to any faultless cultivation experiments.
From the fact that the animal body is such an excellent apparatus for
pure cultivation, and that, as we have seen, when the experiments are
properly arranged and sufficient optical aids used, only one specific
form of bacterium can be found in each distinct case of artificial
traumatic infective disease, we may now further conclude that when, in
examining a traumatic infective disease, several different varieties
of bacteria are found, as e. g., chains of small granules, rods, and
long, oscillating threads--such as were seen together by Coze and Feltz
in the artificial septicæmia of rabbits--we have to do either with a
combined infective disease,--that is, not a pure one,--or, what in the
case cited is more probable, an inexact and inaccurate observation.
When, therefore, several species of bacteria occur together in any
morbid process, before definite conclusions are drawn as to the
relations of the disease in question to the organisms, either proof
must be furnished that they are all concerned in the morbid process,
or an attempt must be made to isolate them and to obtain a true
pure cultivation. Otherwise we cannot avoid the objection that the
cultivation was not pure, and therefore not conclusive. I shall only
briefly refer to a further necessary consequence of the admission of
the existence of different species of pathogenic bacteria. The number
of the species of these bacteria is limited; for, of the numerous
diverse forms present in putrid fluids, one or but few can in the most
favorable cases develop in the animal body. Those which disappear
are, for that species of animal at least, not pathogenic bacteria.
If, however, as follows from the foregoing, there exist hurtful and
harmless bacteria, experiments performed on animals with the latter,
e. g., with bacterium termo, prove absolutely nothing for or against
the behavior of the former--the pathogenic--forms. But almost all the
experiments of this nature have been carried out with the first mixture
of different species of bacteria which came to hand without there being
any certainty that pathogenic bacteria were in reality present in the
mixture. It is therefore evident that none of these experiments can
be regarded as furnishing evidence of any value for or against the
parasitic nature of infective diseases.
In all my experiments, not only have the form and size of the bacteria
been constant, but the greatest uniformity in their actions on the
animal organisms has been observed, though no increase of virulence, as
described by Coze and Feltz, Davaine, and others. This leads me to make
some remarks on the supposed law of the increasing virulence of blood
when transmitted through successive animals, discovered or confirmed by
the investigators just named.
The discovery of this law has, as is well known, been received with
great enthusiasm, and it has excited no little interest owing to its
intimate bearing on the doctrine of natural selection (Anpassung and
Vererbung). Some investigators, who are in other things very exact,
have allowed themselves to be blinded by the seductive theory that
the insignificant action of a single putrefactive bacterium may, by
continued natural selection in passing from animal to animal, be
increased in virulence till it becomes deadly though a drop of the
infective liquid be diluted in a quadrillion times. They have founded
thereon the most beautiful practical applications, not suspecting that
the bacteria in question have never been certainly demonstrated.
The original works of Coze and Feltz, as also that of Davaine, are
not at my disposal for reference; and I cannot therefore enter into
a complete criticism of them. So far, however, as I can gather from
the references accessible to me, especially from the detailed notices
in Virchow and Hirch’s “Jahnesbericht,” no complete proof that the
virulence of septicæmic blood increases from generation to generation
seems to have been furnished. Apparently blood more and more diluted
was injected, and astonishment was felt when this always acted, the
effect being then ascribed to its increasing virulence. But controlling
experiments to ascertain whether the septicæmic blood were not already
as virulent in the second and third generations as in the twenty-fifth,
do not seem to have been made. My experiments so far support and are in
accordance with those of Coze, Feltz, and Davaine in that for the first
infection of an animal relatively large quantities of putrid fluid are
necessary; but in the second generation, or at the latest in the third,
the full virulence was attained, and afterwards remained constant.
Of my artificial infective diseases the septicæmia of the mouse has
the greatest correspondence with the artificial septicæmia described
by Davaine. If we were to experiment with this disease in the same
manner as Davaine experimented, we would, if no controlling experiments
were employed, find the same increase in virulence of the disease. It
would only be necessary to use blood in slowly decreasing quantities in
order to obtain in this way any progressive increase of the virulence
that might be desired. I, however, took from the second or third
animal the smallest possible quantity of material for inoculation, and
thus arrived more quickly at the greatest degree of virulence. Till,
therefore, I am assured that, in the septicæmia observed by Davaine,
such controlling experiments were made, I can only look on an increase
in virulence as holding good for the earlier generations. In order
to explain this we do not, however, require to have recourse to the
magical wand of natural selection; a feasible explanation can be very
naturally furnished. Let us take again the septicæmia of mice, as being
the most suitable example.
If two drops of putrefying blood be injected into such an animal
there is introduced not only a number of totally distinct species
of bacteria, but also a certain amount of dissolved putrid poison
(sepsin), not sufficient to produce a fatal effect, but yet certainly
not without influence on the health of the animal. Different factors
must therefore be considered as affecting the health of the animal. On
the one hand there is the dissolved poison, on the other the different
species of bacteria, of which, however, perhaps only two, as in the
example before us, can multiply in the body of the mouse and there
exert a continuous noxious influence. Only one of these two species can
penetrate into the blood, and if the blood alone be used for further
inoculations, only this one variety will come victorious out of the
battle for existence. The further development of the experiment depends
entirely on the quantity of the putrid poison, and on the relation
of the two forms of bacteria to each other in point of numbers. If
one injects a large amount of septic poison and a large number of
that variety of bacteria which increase locally (in this case the
chain-like micrococci causing the gangrene of the tissue), but only a
very small number of the bacteria which pass into the blood (here the
bacilli), the first animal experimented on will die, as a result of the
preponderation influence of the first two factors before many bacilli
can have got into the blood and multiplied there. Of the blood of this
first animal, containing, as it does, proportionately very few bacilli,
one-fifth to one-tenth of a drop must be inoculated in order to convey
the disease with certainty. In the second animal, however, only the
bacilli are introduced, and these develop undisturbed in the blood. For
the infection of the third animal the smallest quantity of this blood
which can produce an effect is then sufficient, and after this third
generation the virulence of the blood remains uniform.
We may also imagine another case in which the increase of the virulence
may go on through more than two generations without any modification
resulting from natural selection and transmission from animal to
animal. This would take place if several species of bacteria capable
of passing into the blood were introduced into the animal at the first
injection. Let us suppose, for example, that in the same putrefying
blood which served for the foregoing experiment, the bacilli of
anthrax were also present, there would then be contained in the blood
of the first animal not only the septicæmic bacillus, but also
bacillus anthracis, and of each only a small number; of the anthrax
bacilli there would be even fewer than of the other, because in mice
they are deposited chiefly in the spleen, lungs, etc.; while in the
blood of the heart they are, even in the most favorable cases, only
sparsely distributed. On the other hand, the anthrax bacilli have
this advantage, that, provided they be inoculated in considerable
numbers, they kill even within twenty hours, while the septicæmic
bacilli only destroy life after fifty hours. In the blood of the second
animal, therefore, both species of bacilli would be present in larger
numbers than in the first, although not yet so numerous as if either
organism had been inoculated singly. Hence a larger quantity of blood
is necessary to ensure transmission to a third animal. Perhaps this
might be the case even in the fourth generation, till finally one or
other variety of bacillus would alone be present in the blood injected.
Probably this would be the septicæmic bacillus.
In this way the experiments of Coze, Feltz, and Davaine may admit of
simple explanation and be brought into harmony with my results.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 39: From the English translation (1880) of _Untersuchungen
über die Aetiologie der Wundinfectionskrankheiten_ (1878).]
=TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES=
Simple typographical errors have been silently corrected; unbalanced
quotation marks were remedied when the change was obvious, and
otherwise left unbalanced.
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a
predominant preference was found in the original book; otherwise they
were not changed.