CHAPTER VI

Anti-foreign Yu-H’sien appointed Governor of Shansi--A slap in

the face for England and America--An alarming telegram--Imperial

decree satisfactory as far as it went, in Sir Claude MacDonald’s

opinion--The decree.

Another slap in the face from the Chinese was reported on March 15,

when the late Governor of Shantung, Yu-H’sien--who was the main

instigator of the outrages in that province, concerning whom the

United States Minister had formally demanded that he should never be

re-employed, and upon whose punishment for the murder of Mr. Brooks the

British Minister had insisted--was with great pomp appointed Governor

of Shansi.

If a man of the stamp of Sir Harry Parkes, instead of one of the stamp

of Sir Claude MacDonald, had been in Pekin at this juncture, he might

have thought that the time had come to set his foot firmly down and

seriously to demand what the Chinese Government meant by this open

encouragement of the anti-foreign movement. Sir Claude, however, seemed

satisfied to let the Chinese temporise, and accepted their usual

far-fetched excuses as plausible.

The telegram of the missionaries from P’ing Yin and T’ai An: “Outlook

very black, daily marauding; constant danger; edict suppressing

(Boxers) published; troops present but useless; officials’

complete inaction, T’ai An prefect blocks; secret orders from

Throne to encourage,” was represented by Sir Claude as exaggerated,

notwithstanding that every non-official person in China knew it to be

but too correct.

[Sidenote: AN INFLAMMATORY DECREE]

Sir Claude asked the Yamên Ministers to telegraph to the new Governor,

Yuan, that he had called at the Yamên that day (January 11) to complain

of the conduct of the prefect, T’ai An.

A wonderful feat of strength of character, equalled by the following

threat, which Sir Claude MacDonald no doubt believed made the Chinese

tremble in their shoes, whereas they, more likely, smiled behind his

back.

[Illustration: JUNK ON THE PEI-HO RIVER]

“I requested,” he writes, “that my words might be carefully recorded

for submission to the Throne....” and continues: “Whether these

negotiations take a friendly line or the reverse depends entirely on

the behaviour of the local authorities, and the manner in which they

carry out the commands of the Emperor as expressed in the edict.”

The Imperial decree, so much desired, was at last issued, and was

approved by Sir Claude, who reported it to be “satisfactory as far as

it went.”

It is sufficient to read the edict itself to be aghast at the attitude

of our Representative in Pekin. Never was a more openly revolutionary

and inflammatory decree published in more hypocritical words. Sir

Claude does not appear to have seen through the veil. He innocently

hints, in a letter to Lord Salisbury, that the decree is regarded in

some quarters with misgivings, but he had not thought it expedient as

yet to make any remarks on the subject to the Tsung-li-Yamên.

In justice to Sir Claude MacDonald, and to prove my words, it will be

well to give the Imperial decree itself, dated January 11, 1900:

[_Translation_]:

“Of late in all the provinces brigandage has been daily more

prevalent, and missionary cases have recurred with frequency. Most

critics point to seditious societies as the cause, and ask for

vigorous suppression and punishment of these. But reflection shows

that societies are of different kinds. When worthless vagabonds

form themselves into bands and sworn confederacies, and, relying on

their numbers, create disturbances, the law can show absolutely no

leniency to them. On the other hand, when peaceful and _law-abiding

people practise their skill in mechanical arts for the preservation

of themselves and their families_, or when they combine in village

communities for the mutual protection of their rural population, this

is in accordance with the public-spirited principle (enjoined by

Mencius) of ‘_keeping mutual watch and giving mutual help_.’[2]

[2] The italics are my own.

“Some local authorities, when a case arises, do not regard this

distinction, but, listening to false and idle rumours, regard all

alike as seditious societies, and involve all in one indiscriminate

slaughter. The result is that, no distinction being made between the

good and the evil, men’s minds are thrown into fear and doubt. This

is, indeed, ‘adding fuel to stop a fire,’ ‘driving fish to the deep

part of the pool to catch them.’ It means, not that the people are

disorderly, but that the administration is bad.

[Sidenote: CRITICAL TIMES]

“The profound compassion and favour of our dynasty have blessed the

country for over two hundred years; the people eat our produce and

tread our soil; they have natural goodness implanted in them; how can

they of their own free will come to adopt bandit ways, and bring down

punishment upon themselves?

“The essential thing is that the Viceroys and Governors of the

provinces should select officers worthy of confidence, who should

rule their districts well, and give rest to their people. When

litigation arises between converts and people, it should be dealt

with according to justice, without the slightest partiality for

either side. Such conduct serves as a matter of course to fulfil

the people’s trustful hopes and to quiet popular feeling in time of

trouble, changing serious affairs to trifles, and causing trifling

ones to disappear. The stability of the country’s institutions, and

the consolidation of international relations, alike depend on this.

“The Viceroys and Governors of the provinces have received the

fullest and weightiest marks of our favour. If they offer their

united services in these critical times, they must be able to carry

into effect the determination of the Throne to treat the matter with

paternal kindness, and to regard all men with equal benevolence. Let

them give strict orders to the local authorities that in dealing

with cases of this kind they should only inquire whether so-and-so

is or is not guilty of rebellion, whether he has or has not stirred

up strife, and should not consider whether he belong to a society or

not, whether he is or is not an adherent of a religion.

“As for our common people, let them give thought to the protection

and security of their native places, their persons and their homes.

Let them not give ear to those who would unsettle their minds, and

so bring upon themselves calamities and military operations. Nor let

them on the other hand presume upon influence and authority to oppose

their fellow villagers.

“It is our earnest hope that in this way the hamlets will be at

peace, and that thus we may be relieved of our anxious care by day

and night.

“Let this decree be published abroad.”

It is not difficult, even for one not versed in Chinese affairs, to

read plainly between the lines of this hypocritical decree, and to

see by many of its allusions that, far from being a decree to spread

peace and quiet among the masses, this was an inflammatory placard

spread abroad to instigate citizens against foreigners. In fact, it

begins by showing the Imperial approval of “the law-abiding people who

practise their skill in mechanical arts for their self-preservation,”

&c. These people were merely the Boxers, and their mechanical arts

the manufacture of spears, swords, and guns. It even goes so far as

admonishing them to keep mutual watch and give mutual help.

It is curious that our Minister should approve of such a decree

as satisfactory, even “as far as it went.” Indeed, it would seem

sufficiently plain that the publication of such a decree could only

produce an effect contrary to that of the decree demanded of the

Emperor by the foreign Ministers, and by Sir Claude MacDonald in

particular. But possibly Sir Claude was a person easily pleased.

[Illustration: 念彼觀音力

雲雷鼓拆閃

LIGHTNING, THUNDER, AND WIND

(_From a Chinese painting_)]

China and the allies, vol. 1 (of 2) · 第 6 / 68 章