When on a raid warriors carry beautifully carved shields, bows and
arrows, spears, and fighting knives (Plates LIV-LV). They are in bad
repute with the coast natives, but are really far less warlike and
troublesome than any of their neighbors. Their isolated dwellings serve
as protection against invaders, but at the same time make it difficult
to gather large bodies of men for raiding purposes. It is only when
urged on by an invasion of their country, by a desire for revenge for
real or fancied wrongs, or when a victim is needed for a sacrifice that
great raids are planned. Before a war party is to start against an enemy
the leader takes eight pieces of betel nut and some leg bands and
placing them on his shield, bids his followers lay their weapons upon
them. Addressing the guardian spirit of the warriors, he speaks as
follows: "Now listen Lamot ta Mangayo, let the person who killed my
brother come to meet us even though his head does ache, for now we offer
to you. Give us good fortune in the fight." Upon returning from the fray
they place eight whole betel nuts, together with leaves, on a plate, and
having set it outside the house, one of the warriors calls to MElu
saying: "If the brother of the man we have killed in payment for my
brother calls on you for aid, you must not give heed, for here we make a
present to you."
There are no restrictions placed upon a pregnant woman, who, as a rule,
continues her regular duties until near the time of delivery.[66] When
the first pains begin an old man or woman offers four pieces of betel
nut to MElu, and to the spirit of the child's grandfather, if deceased.
The midwife prepares a drink which is supposed to aid in the delivery,
and after the birth she cuts the umbilical cord with a bamboo knife. She
also assists about the house for a time, and for these services receives
two or three Chinese plates, some small knives, rings for the right arm,
and some needles. The father is not under any restrictions at this time,
but for a day of two he will gather young _patina_ palms and from them
prepare food for his wife.
[66] A woman does not work during her periods, and any food prepared by
her at that time would be refused by all who knew her condition.
From birth until marriage the career of the child is without special
event. He is a welcome addition to the family, but no ceremonies attend
either his naming, or his arrival at the age of puberty.
As a rule, a youth does not take a wife until he is near twenty years of
age, and then his mate is generally of his own choosing. Having decided
upon a suitable girl he informs his parents and the friends he may wish
to accompany him when he goes to her home to press his suit. Arrived at
the house, the father of the suitor expresses his belief that his son
wishes to reside there since he now asks the daughter for his wife. In
reply he is told that the family is poor, having neither agongs,
animals, or other things of value. The suitor at once makes an offering
of some of these desired articles, but whatever the gift may be, a
return present equal to half its value must be made.[67] Should the
girl's parents reject the gift all negotiations would be called off and
the guests return home, but as a rule, both families are well aware of
and favorable to the expected wedding sometime before the visit of the
groom's parents. After the exchange of gifts, food is furnished first to
the guests and later to the couple, who in the presence of all the
friends, feed each other with rice and are henceforth considered as
husband and wife. Until after the birth of a child the couple live with
the girl's family and the groom serves his father-in-law. After the
birth of an heir the couple establish a home of their own and to it the
husband may bring other wives if he desires. He pays a price for these
new wives, but does not give any services to their families. The first
mate is considered superior to the others, and in case her husband dies,
she acts as administrator of his property; however, the children of a
second wife share equally with those by the first marriage.
[67] Note the similarity to the Bagobo custom. Page 101.
The evening following a death, the friends gather and throughout the
night sing of the virtues of the deceased and of their own sorrow. The
body is placed on a mat in the center of the house and for three days is
watched over by the relatives, who, during this time, abstain from
music, dancing, shouting, or loud talking. The women cease from weaving
and the men refrain from all labor. A breaking of this taboo would
result in the certain death of the offender, for the spirit of the dead
man is still near at hand and is sure to wreak his vengeance on those
who show him disrespect. Finally, the body is wrapped in mats and is
buried at some little distance from the house. All the people return to
the dwelling, where the headman makes a cup out of leaves, and having
placed in it a narrow belt or string, together with betel leaves, sets
it adrift on a near-by stream, while all the men shout.[68] This removes
the ban, so that all the people can resume their regular occupations.
[68] See pp. 157 and 161. [Transcriber's note: This is page 144.]
If the deceased has been a person of great importance, the death should
be followed eight days later by a human sacrifice. This rite, while less
common than with the Bagobo, is by no means infrequent, and may be
occasioned by several causes beside that of death. For instance, if a
person has been ill for a long time and his relatives have become
convinced that an enemy has used magic to bring about the misfortune,
they may seize and sacrifice him, even though he be a member of their
own community. A case is known where a thief was put to death in this
manner. As there is considerable variation in the accounts of this
important ceremony the writer has thought it wise to give the
descriptions of two eye-witnesses.
The first informant was an eighteen year old Bila-an boy of Labau named
Lantingari. His account is as follows:
"Sololin of Ma-al, the wife of Karan, a Bila-an living near Digos, died
and her husband, in company with Umook, Gamban, and Bunod, Bagobos of
Digos, and the people of Labau, decided that a sacrifice was necessary
both because of the death and in order that the size, wealth, and fame
of the tribe might be increased. About this time Dianon, a Bila-an of
Latian (now deceased), caught a man named Saligon stealing camotes,
sugar-cane, and corn from the land.[69] He bound and tied the man, and
after a conference with Karan, Dianon agreed to turn over his prisoner
for the sacrifice if paid five agongs and one gun.
[69] The woman Sololin had planted this sugar-cane and is reported to
have eaten some of it just prior to her death. The cane stolen was from
the patch, but the informant could not say whether or not this had
anything to do with later developments.
"The sacrifice took place on a stream called Matinao near Labau during
the new moon. Two poles were sunk into the ground seven feet apart, and
a cross-piece attached about six feet above the ground. The culprit was
tied with hands crossed, one on each side of the horizontal pole so that
his arms were high above his head, and his feet were fastened to a
stake.
"The men gathered close around the poles, but the women and children
stood at a distance. Karan took his stand just back and to the right of
the victim, and Umook stood in front on the left side. Both unsheathed
their knives and then they called upon the spirits Dwata, MElu and Lamot
ta Mangayo to look and see that they were killing the man because of his
great fault; if this were not true they surely would not kill him.[70]
At this point Saligon, the victim, told the men that he was not afraid
to die, that if they killed him, their fault would be great, but that if
they would release him, he would return at once to his home in Bilawan
and would not cause them any trouble because of what they had proposed
to do. When he stopped talking, Karan struck him from in front just
below the ribs with his fighting knife, and Umook struck him from in
back. The other men present who were willing to pay for the privilege
then struck at the body with their knives. The body was then cut down
and buried in a shallow grave already prepared for it. No parts were
carried away, although in some cases the women take the long hairs of
the victim and sew them in the designs on the men's trousers in place of
black thread."[71]
[70] The informant here added that if the man had not been guilty, Karan
and Umook would surely have been punished with sickness; but since they
were not ill, it is certain that he was bad, and that Dwata had taken
his body up and would not punish his murderers.
[71] The informant further volunteered, that the Bila-an make a
sacrifice every two years, and that several years ago his uncle named KE
was the victim. At that time he was too young to remember the details.
Datu Baklay who now lives near the Padada river, but was formerly a
resident of the Malalag cogon plains, claims that the ceremony is not a
yearly event, as is the case with the Bagobo, neither does it follow
each death; but if the deceased has been a person of great importance or
a member of the ruler's family it should take place in eight days,
regardless of the phase of the moon or the position of the stars. He
further insists that neither _Balatik_ nor any other constellation
governs the time of an offering, nor does such a ceremony insure better
crops or success in war. He describes the sacrifice following the death
of Datu Kalayan, his father, as follows:
"A Bila-an slave was purchased for one agong and preparations made for a
sacrifice. A small house without floor or sides was built in the forest
some distance from the town, and in this were two upright poles which
supported a crossbeam at a height of about seven feet. Near them and
inside the house a shallow grave was dug and then the victim was brought
in. He was tied to the horizontal pole, hands crossed one on each side
of the beam. The men filled the house, leaving a free place only near
the victim, and the women and children crowded close around in the yard.
After addressing the spirits, Lamot ta Mangayo, MElu, and Dwata, I
placed my spear to the man's side, and then all the male relatives took
hold of the shaft and at my signal forced the weapon through the body.
Other men then cut at the body with their knives, finally releasing it
from the pole. While it lay on the ground the women and boys were
allowed to enter the house and throw spears at it, after which it was
buried."
Baloey, a Kagan living at Padada, claims to have seen a Bila-an
sacrifice at Ma-al, about ten years ago, while Bagobo Datu Ansig of
Talun, and Tongkaling of Cibolan claim to have witnessed several of
these events. As their accounts agree in most particulars with the two
just recorded, it seems probable that we have here a fairly accurate
account of a rite which no white man has seen or can hope to see.
In studying the decorative art of this people a person encounters the
same difficulties as with the Bagobo. Nearly all garments are covered
with elaborate patterns (Plates LVI-LX), to some of which all the people
will give the same names and explanations; but by far the greater
portion of the designs have only pattern names which are unexplained.
Many designs are readily identified as men and alligators. In Fig. 41
the forms marked a are identified as men and women, while the
conventionalized crocodile is shown in the same plates by the figures
marked b. Fig. 42 is perhaps the most interesting since it shows in one
garment the process of conventionalization. Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4, are
realistic representations of the human form; in 5 and 6 the heads are
lacking but the figures are easily recognized, while the balance have
lost all resemblance to the original, except for the uplifted arms and
spread legs, However, the great majority of decorative patterns on
clothing are without meaning to the mass of the people, and this is true
also of the designs on baskets, in mats, the incised designs often seen
on pottery jars, and of the carvings which frequently cover hangers,
tobacco tubes, and the like.