was reprieved, to the fury of the populace. A contemporary account of
the sequel is to be found in the same volume of the _Gentleman's
Magazine_, p. 549.]
_Tuesday, 7 September._ Betwixt 9 and 10 at Night, a Body of Men enter'd
the West Port of _Edinburgh_, seiz'd the Drum, beat to Arms, and calling
out, _Here! All those who dare avenge innocent Blood!_ were instantly
attended by a numerous Crowd. Then they seized and shut up the City
Gates, and posted Guards at each to prevent Surprise by the King's
Forces, while another Detachment disarm'd the City Guards, and advanced
immediately to the Tolbooth or Prison, where not being able to break the
Door with hammers _&c._ they set it on Fire, but at the same Time
provided Water to keep the Flame within the Bounds. Before the outer
Door was near burnt down several rush'd thro' the Flames and oblig'd the
Keeper to open the inner Door and going into Capt. _Porteous'_
Apartment, call'd, _Where is the Villain Porteous?_ who said I'm here,
what is it you are to do with me? To which he was answered, We are to
carry you to the Place where you shed so much innocent Blood and Hang
you. He made some Resistance, but was soon overcome, for while some set
the whole Prisoners at Liberty, others caught him by the Legs and
dragged him down Stairs, and then led him to the _Grass Market_, where
they agreed to Hang him without further Ceremony.... After he had hung
till suppos'd to be dead, they nail'd the Rope to the Post, then
formally saluting one another, grounded their Arms, and on t'other Rapp
of the Drum retir'd out of Town."
LORD CHESTERFIELD'S SPEECH ON THE BILL FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
CENSORSHIP OF STAGE PLAYS (1737).
+Source.+--_Parliamentary History_, 1812. Vol. x., pp. 327-331, 338, 339.
My Lords; the Bill now before you I apprehend to be of a very
extraordinary, a very dangerous nature. It seems designed not only as a
restraint on the licentiousness of the stage, but it will prove a most
arbitrary restraint on the liberty of the stage; and I fear it looks yet
farther. I fear it tends towards a restraint on the liberty of the
press, which will be a long stride towards the destruction of liberty
itself....
... I am as much for restraining the licentiousness of the stage, and
every other sort of licentiousness, as any of your lordships can be;
but, my Lords, I am, I shall always be extremely cautious and fearful of
making the least incroachment upon liberty; and therefore, when a new
law is proposed against licentiousness, I shall always be for
considering it deliberately and maturely, before I venture to give my
consent to its being passed. This is a sufficient reason for my being
against passing this Bill at so unseasonable a time, and in so
extraordinary a manner[14]; but I have many reasons against passing the
Bill itself, some of which I shall beg leave to explain to your
lordships.... By this Bill you prevent a play's being acted, but you do
not prevent its being printed; therefore, if a licence should be refused
for its being acted, we may depend upon it, the play will be printed. It
will be printed and published, my Lords, with the refusal in capital
letters on the title page. People are always fond of what is forbidden.
_Libri prohibiti_ are in all countries diligently and generally sought
after. It will be much easier to procure a refusal, than ever it was to
procure a good house, or a good sale; therefore we may expect, that
plays will be wrote on purpose to have a refusal; this will certainly
procure a good house, or a good sale. Thus will satires be spread and
dispersed through the whole nation, and thus every man in the Kingdom
may, and probably will, read for sixpence, what a few only could have
seen acted, and that not under the expense of half-a-crown. We shall
then be told, What! will you allow an infamous libel to be printed and
dispersed, which you would not allow to be acted? You have agreed to a
law for preventing its being acted, can you refuse your assent to a law
forbidding its being printed and published? I should really, my Lords,
be glad to hear what excuse, what reason one could give for being
against the latter, after having agreed to the former; for, I protest, I
cannot suggest to myself the least shadow of an excuse. If we agree to
the Bill now before us, we must, perhaps next session, agree to a Bill
for preventing any plays being printed without a licence. Then satires
will be wrote by way of novels, secret histories, dialogues, or under
some such title; and thereupon we shall be told, What! will you allow an
infamous libel to be printed and dispersed, only because it does not
bear the title of a play?...
If poets and players are to be restrained, let them be restrained as
other subjects are, by the known laws of their country; if they offend,
let them be tried, as every Englishman ought to be, by God and their
country. Do not let us subject them to the arbitrary will and pleasure
of any one man. A power lodged in the hands of one single man, to judge
and determine, without any limitation, without any control or appeal, is
a sort of power unknown to our laws, inconsistent with our constitution.
It is a higher, a more absolute power than we trust even to the King
himself; and, therefore, I must think, we ought not to vest any such
power in his Majesty's lord chamberlain....
... The Bill now before us cannot so properly be called a Bill for
restraining licentiousness, as it may be called a Bill for restraining
the liberty of the stage, and for restraining it too in that branch
which in all countries has been the most useful; therefore I must look
upon the Bill as a most dangerous encroachment upon liberty in general.
Nay, farther, my Lords, it is not only an encroachment upon liberty, but
it is likewise an encroachment upon property. Wit, my Lords, is a sort
of property: it is the property of those that have it, and too often the
only property they have to depend on. It is, indeed, but a precarious
dependence. Thank God! we, my Lords, have a dependence of another kind;
we have a much less precarious support, and therefore cannot feel the
inconveniences of the Bill now before us; but it is our duty to
encourage and protect wit, whosoever's property it may be. Those
gentlemen who have any such property, are all, I hope, our friends: do
not let us subject them to any unnecessary and arbitrary restraint. I
must own, I cannot easily agree to the laying of any tax upon wit; but
by this Bill it is to be heavily taxed, it is to be excised;[15] for if
this Bill passes, it cannot be retailed in a proper way without a
permit; and the lord chamberlain is to have the honour of being chief
gauger, supervisor, commissioner, judge and jury: but what is still more
hard, though the poor author, the proprietor I should say, cannot
perhaps dine till he has found out and agreed with a purchaser: yet
before he can propose to seek for a purchaser, he must patiently submit
to have his goods rummaged at this new excise-office, where they may be
detained for fourteen days, and even then he may find them returned as
prohibited goods, by which his chief and best market will be for ever
shut against him; and that without any cause, without the least shadow
of reason, either from the laws of his country, or the laws of the
stage....
[14] It had been rushed through the House of Commons at the very end of
the session.
[15] Walpole's Excise Bill had been withdrawn under strong pressure
four years earlier (see p. 22). Hence the cogency of this allusion here.
DEATH OF QUEEN CAROLINE (1737): HER CHARACTER DESCRIBED BY GEORGE II.
+Source.+--Hervey's _Memoirs_. Vol. ii., pp. 531-533.
During this time [of the Queen's fatal illness in 1737] the King talked
perpetually to Lord Hervey, the physicians and surgeons, and his
children, who were the only people he ever saw out of the Queen's room,
of the Queen's good qualities, his fondness for her, his anxiety for her
welfare, and the irreparable loss her death would be to him; and
repeated every day, and many times in the day, all her merits in every
capacity with regard to him and every other body she had to do with. He
said she was the best wife, the best mother, the best companion, the
best friend, the best woman that ever was born; that she was the wisest,
the most agreeable, and the most useful body, man or woman, that he had
ever been acquainted with; that he firmly believed she never, since he
first knew her, ever thought of anything she was to do or say, but with
the view of doing or saying it in what manner it would be most agreeable
to his pleasure or most serviceable for his interest; that he had never
seen her out of humour in his life; that he had passed more hours with
her than he believed any other two people in the world had ever passed
together, and that he had never been tired in her company one minute;
and that he was sure he could have been happy with no other woman upon
earth for a wife, and that if she had not been his wife, he had rather
have had her for his mistress than any woman he had ever been acquainted
with; that he believed she never had had a thought of people or things
which she had not communicated to him; that she had the best head, the
best heart, and the best temper that God Almighty had ever given to any
human creature, man or woman; and that she had not only softened all his
leisure hours, but been of more use to him as a minister than any other
body had ever been to him or to any other prince; that with a patience
which he knew _he_ was not master of, she had listened to the nonsense
of all the impertinent fools that wanted to talk to him, and had taken
all that trouble off his hands, reporting nothing to him that was
unnecessary or that would have been tedious for him to hear, and never
forgetting anything that was material, useful, or entertaining for him
to know. He said that, joined to all the softness and delicacy of her
own sex, she had all the personal as well as political courage of the
finest and bravest man; that not only he and her family, but the whole
nation, would feel the loss of her if she died, and that, as to all the
_brillant_ and _enjouement_ of the Court, there would be an end of it
when she was gone; and that there would be no bearing a drawing-room
when the only body that ever enlivened it, and one that always enlivened
it, was no longer there. "Poor woman, how she always found something
obliging, agreeable, and pleasing to say to somebody, and always sent
people away from her better satisfied than they came! _Comme elle
soutenoit sa dignité avec grace, avec politesse, avec douceur!_"
THE WAR OF JENKINS' EAR (1739).
I.
REAR-ADMIRAL CHARLES STEWART'S LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR OF THE HAVANA AND
THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE.
+Source.+--_English Historical Review._ Vol. iv., pp. 743, 742.
_12 Sept., 1731._
... I have repeated assurances that you allow vessels to be fitted out
of your harbour, particularly one Fandino and others, who have committed
the most cruel piratical outrages on several ships and vessels of the
King my master's subjects, particularly about the 20th April last [N.S.]
sailed out of your harbour in one of those Guarda Costas [Spanish
revenue cutters], and met a ship of this island [Jamaica] bound for
England; and after using the captain in a most barbarous inhuman manner,
taking all his money, cutting off one of his ears, plundering him of
those necessaries which were to carry the ship safe home, without doubt
with the intent that she should perish in her passage; but as she has
providentially got safe home, and likewise several others that have met
with no better usage off the Havana, and the King my master having so
much reason to believe that these repeated insults on his subjects could
never be continued but by the connivance of several Spanish governors in
these parts, is determined for his own honour as well as for the honour
of his Catholic Majesty who he is now in the strictest friendship with,
to endeavour to put a stop to these piratical proceedings.
_12 Oct., 1731._
... It is without doubt irksome to every honest man to hear such
cruelties are committed in these seas; but give me leave to say that you
only hear one side of the question; and I can assure you the sloops that
sail from this island, manned and armed on that illicit trade, has
(_sic_) more than once bragged to me of their having murdered 7 or 8
Spaniards on their own shore.... It is, I think, a little unreasonable
for us to do injuries and not know how to bear them. But villainy is
inherent to this climate, and I should be partial if I was to judge
whether the trading part of the Island [Jamaica] or those we complain of
among the Spaniards are most exquisite in that trade....
I was a little surprised to hear of the usage Captain Jenkins met with
off the Havana, as I know the Governor there has the character of being
an honest good man, and don't find anybody thinks he would connive or
countenance such villainies.
II.
ACCOUNT OF THE EXAMINATION OF JENKINS BEFORE THE HOUSE OF COMMONS (1738).
+Source.+--Samuel Boyse: _An Historical Review of the Transactions of
Europe_. Vol. i., p. 29. Reading, 1747.
There was amongst the rest, one Instance that made so much Noise at this
time, it cannot well be omitted. One Capt. _Jenkins_, Commander of a
_Scotch_ Vessel, was in his Passage home boarded by a _Guarda Costa_,
the Captain of which was an _Irishman_. The _Spaniards_, after
rummaging, finding their Hopes disappointed, tearing off part of his
ear, and bidding him carry it to the _English King_, and tell him they
would serve him in the same manner if they had him in their Power: This
Villainy was attended with other Circumstances of Cruelty too shocking
to mention. The Captain, on his Return, was examined at the Bar of the
House of Commons; and being ask'd what his Sentiments were, when
threaten'd with Death? nobly reply'd, _That he recommended his Soul to
God, and his Cause to his Country_;--which Words, and the Sight of his
Ear, made a visible Impression on that great Assembly.
THE OPPOSITION SUSPECTS WALPOLE OF DOUBLE-DEALING.
+Source.+--Memorial from the Earl of Stair to Alexander Earl of
Marchmont, December, 1739. Printed in _Papers of the Earls of
Marchmont_, 1831. Vol. ii., pp. 170-172.
I shall take it for granted, that Great Britain has it in her power to
make a prosperous war against Spain, spite of all the opposition that
can possibly be made, even though France should meddle in the quarrel,
by taking the Havannah, which can be done by raising troops in our
colonies of America, headed by a very few regular troops sent from
Britain. I mention the Havannah only, because _cela décide la guerre_.
The Havannah once taken, the body of troops can be employed in several
other expeditions, which may be very useful and very practicable. I say
nothing of the method of raising these troops in America; that is a
consideration of another time and place. I shall only say, that by the
means of our colonies in America Britain should get the better of any
nation in a war in America. By a proper use made of our colonies, I do
not know what we are not able to do in America.
This proposition is demonstrably true; but, I believe, it is no less
true, that Sir Robert has no such intention. The disposition of raising
men in America would appear; but as no such disposition appears, we may
conclude, that Sir Robert's scheme is different. I am afraid, that it is
to make a treaty with Spain by the mediation of France. If that treaty
should be apparently good, Great Britain will find herself in the state
of the horse in Horace's fable:
"Sed postquam victor violens discessit at hoste,
Non equitem dorso, non frenum depulit ore."
This being the case, as I am afraid it is, that we can neither secure
our constitution at home, nor make a prosperous war abroad, whilst Sir
Robert has the sole direction of our affairs, foreign and domestic,
there is a preliminary absolutely necessary to the saving of the nation,
and that is, the removing of Sir Robert. The question is, How can that
be done? I shall freely tell my opinion, with great submission to better
judgments. In the first place, there must be a perfect union amongst the
leaders of the country party; they must make one common cause of
preserving their country, which indeed stands in the utmost danger; all
the operations must be directed by one common council. Though there are
many great and able men on the side of their country, yet in my opinion
the great strength of the party is the people, who are well-disposed to
follow their leaders, to save themselves and their country from
impending slavery. If the leaders will advise the communities to declare
their sentiments on a very few public points, and instruct their
representatives in Parliament accordingly, the strength of the country
party will very soon appear so very great, that it will very soon put
Sir Robert's gang out of countenance, and occasion a great many of them
to think of changing their side. At the same time, it will be impossible
for Sir Robert to continue to deceive his Majesty, by pretending that
either the nation is of his side, or that by means of the Houses of
Parliament, which are with him, he can govern the nation as he pleases.
This method of proceeding appears to me a certain one, which the leaders
of the opposition have entirely in their own power; I can see no
objection to the using of it. Does it hinder anything else? If there is
any good to be done by negociations, or other ways, does it hinder? On
the contrary, must not everybody feel, that the credit of the strength
of the people must be very favourable to negociations in either House of
Parliament?
I need say no more. In my opinion at this critical moment Britain may
not only be saved, but she may come out of this war with safety and
honour, nay, with great glory to her deliverers. But if the opportunity
of this session of Parliament is neglected, to-morrow will be Sir
Robert's and France's, without any possibility of relief.
ADMIRAL VERNON'S VICTORY AT PORTOBELLO (1740).
I. _ADMIRAL HOSIER'S GHOST._
_To the Tune of, "Come and Listen to my Ditty."_
+Source.+--Original broadside of 1740 in the British Museum.
[This ballad, by the Opposition poet and pamphleteer Richard Glover,
implies that Walpole would willingly have let Vernon and his fleet
perish in 1740 as Hosier and his fleet had perished in 1726.]
I.
As, near _Porto-Bello_ lying,
On the Gently swelling Flood,
At Midnight, with Streamers flying,
Our triumphant Navy rode,
There, while _Vernon_ sate all Glorious
From the _Spaniards_ late Defeat,
And his Crew with Shouts victorious
Drank Success to England's Fleet;
II.
On a sudden, shrilly sounding,
Hideous Yells and Shrieks were heard;
Then, each Heart with fear confounding,
A sad Troop of Ghosts appear'd;
All in dreary Hammocks shrouded,
Which for winding Sheets they wore;
And with Looks by Sorrow clouded,
Frowning on that hostile Shore.
III.
On them gleam'd the Moon's wan Lustre,
When the Shade of _Hosier_ brave
His Pale Bands was seen to muster,
Rising from their wat'ry Grave;
O'er the glimmering Wave he hy'd him,
Where the _Burford_[16] rear'd her Sail,
With three thousand Ghosts beside him,
And in Groans did _Vernon_ hail.
IV.
"Heed, oh heed our fatal Story!
"I am _Hosier's_ injur'd Ghost;
"You, who now have purchas'd Glory
"At this Place, where I was lost;
"Tho' in _Porto-Bello's_ ruin
"You now triumph, free from fears,
"When you think on our undoing,
"You will mix your Joy with Tears,
V.
"See these mournful Spectres sweeping,
"Ghastly, o'er this hated wave,
"Whose wan Cheeks are stain'd with _weeping_,
"These were English Captains brave;
"Mark those Numbers pale and horrid,
"Who were once my Sailors bold;
"Lo, each hangs his drooping forehead,
"While his dismal Fate is told.
VI.
"I by twenty Sail attended,
"Did this _Spanish_ Town affright,
"Nothing then its wealth defended,
"But my Orders not to fight;
"Oh that in this rolling Ocean
"I had cast them with disdain,
"And obey'd my heart's warm motion
"To reduce the Pride of _Spain_.
VII.
"For resistance I could fear none.
"But with twenty Ships had done,
"What thou, brave and happy _Vernon_,
"Hast achiev'd with Six alone.
"Then the Bastimentos never
"Had our foul Dishonour seen,
"Nor the Sea the sad Receiver
"Of this gallant train had been.
VIII.
"Thus, like thee, proud _Spain_ dismaying,
"And her Galleons leading home,
"Tho' condemn'd for disobeying,
"I had met a Traytor's Doom:
"To have fall'n, my Country crying
"He has play'd an _English_ part,
"Had been better far than Dying,
"Of a griev'd and broken Heart.
IX.
"Unrepining at thy Glory,
"Thy successful Arms we hail,
"But remember our sad Story
"And let _Hosier's_ wrongs prevail;
"After this proud Foe subduing,
"When your Patriot Friends you see,
"Think of Vengeance for my ruin,
"And for _England_ sham'd in me."
II. _GREAT BRITAIN'S GLORY; OR, THE STAY-AT-HOME FLEET._
A NEW BALLAD.
_Tune of, "Packington's Pound."_
+Source.+--First verse of original broadside in the British Museum.
Come, ye Lovers of Peace, who are said to have sold
Your Votes, that the War of Queen _ANNE_ it might cease;
Come, ye lovers of war, who 'tis certain, of old,
Would have hang'd, if ye could, all the lovers of peace;
Come, you _Whigg_ and you _Tory_,
Attend to my Story,
For you ne'er heard the like, nor your Fathers before ye;
How _Britain_, Great _Britain_! is Queen of the main,
And her Navies in Port are the terror of Spain.
[16] Admiral Vernon's ship.
THE NEW MINISTERS (1742).
I.
+Source.+--Hervey's _Memoirs_. Vol. ii., p. 581.