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Bell's English History Source Books
General Editors: S. E. WINBOLT, M.A., and KENNETH BELL, M.A.
WALPOLE AND CHATHAM (1714-1760)
Compiled by
KATHARINE A. ESDAILE
Some Time Scholar of Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford
[Illustration: bell]
London
G. Bell & Sons, Ltd.
1912
INTRODUCTION
This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any
ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown
that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct to the
history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively
illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing,
before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of
problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion,
and are admirably illustrated in a _History of England for Schools_,
Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish
to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his
craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto
not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of
the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every
secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active
part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw
material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.
Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of
historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys
in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What
differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so
much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read
into or extract from it.
In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the
natural demand for certain "stock" documents of vital importance, we
hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that
the majority of the extracts should be lively in style--that is,
personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan--and
should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for
inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under
contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates,
and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life
generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.
The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being
numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is
modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in
reading.
We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us
suggestions for improvement.
S. E. WINBOLT.
KENNETH BELL.
NOTE TO THIS VOLUME
I have to thank the Editors of the _English Historical Review_ for
permission to reprint the passages dealing with the War of Jenkins' Ear,
published by Sir John Laughton in the fourth volume of the _Review_, and
the Scottish History Society for a similar permission with regard to the
Proclamation of James III. and the Landing of the Young Pretender. The
Letters of Horace Walpole are quoted throughout under the dates and
names of correspondents, not from any particular edition, as this
enables a letter to be found without difficulty in any edition;
otherwise the sources are given in full.
The lover of the eighteenth century is born, but he is also made. It is
the aim of this little book to help in the making.
K. A. E.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
STATE OF PARTIES AT THE QUEEN'S DEATH (1714) 1
PROCLAMATION OF GEORGE I. (1714) 4
CHARACTER AND PERSON OF GEORGE I. (1660-1727) 5
PUBLIC FEELING AS TO THE NEW DYNASTY (1714) 6
THE '15:
I. THE PRETENDER'S DECLARATION 9
II. THE PROCLAMATION OF JAMES III. 14
III. FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION EXPLAINED 16
THE SEPTENNIAL ACT (1716) 18
DEFEAT OF THE SPANISH FLEET OFF SICILY BY ADMIRAL SIR GEORGE
BYNG, JULY 31, 1718 19
THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE (1720):
I. THE PROPOSALS: THE SECOND SCHEME OF THE SOUTH SEA COMPANY 21
II. THE BUBBLE BURST 25
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE AS PRIME MINISTER (1721-1741) 27
WOOD'S HALFPENCE: THE FIRST DRAPIER's LETTER (1724) 29
CHARACTER OF GEORGE II. (1683-1760) 36
THE CONDITION OF THE FLEET PRISON, AS REVEALED BY A PARLIAMENTARY
ENQUIRY (1729):
(_a_) DESCRIPTION OF THE WARDEN, THOMAS BAMBRIDGE 38
(_b_) HIS CRUELTY 39
(_c_) FINDINGS OF THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE 40
THE EXCISE BILL (1733) 42
THE PORTEOUS RIOTS (1736) 45
LORD CHESTERFIELD'S SPEECH ON THE BILL FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF THE CENSORSHIP OF STAGE PLAYS (1737) 47
DEATH OF QUEEN CAROLINE (1737): HER CHARACTER DESCRIBED
BY GEORGE II. 49
THE WAR OF JENKINS' EAR (1739) 51
THE OPPOSITION SUSPECTS WALPOLE OF DOUBLE-DEALING (1739) 53
ADMIRAL VERNON'S VICTORY AT PORTOBELLO (1740):
I. "ADMIRAL HOSIER'S GHOST" 55
II. "GREAT BRITAIN'S GLORY; OR, THE STAY-AT-HOME FLEET" 58
THE NEW MINISTERS (1742):
I. HERVEY'S ACCOUNT OF THE MINISTRY 58
II. EPIGRAM ON THE MINISTRY 60
III. EPIGRAM ON PULTENEY'S ACCEPTANCE OF A PEERAGE 60
THE ORIGIN OF THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR (1741-1748) 61
THE '45:
I. LANDING OF THE YOUNG PRETENDER; THE RAISING OF THE
STANDARD; SURRENDER OF EDINBURGH 65
II. TREATMENT OF THE VANQUISHED--
(_a_) AFTER PRESTON PANS 74
(_b_) AFTER CULLODEN 76
III. COLLINS'S "ODE WRITTEN IN THE BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 1746" 79
IV. AN ADVENTURE OF CHARLES EDWARD 79
TRIAL OF THE REBEL LORDS (1746) 81
TREATY OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE (1748):
I. LORD BOLINGBROKE ON THE PRELIMINARIES 84
II. THE ARTICLES OF PEACE 86
III. A CONTEMPORARY VIEW OF THE PEACE 88
LORD CHESTERFIELD'S ACT FOR THE REFORM OF THE CALENDAR (1751):
I. HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE BILL 89
II. LORD CHESTERFIELD'S OWN ACCOUNT 93
SMOLLETT'S CHARACTER OF THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE 94
THE TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF ADMIRAL BYNG (1759):
I. HORACE WALPOLE TO SIR HORACE MANN 97
II. THOMAS POTTER TO MR. GRENVILLE 101
THE COALITION GOVERNMENT OF 1757 102
THE ENGLISH IN INDIA (1757-1759):
I. THE BLACK HOLE OF CALCUTTA DESCRIBED BY A SURVIVOR 103
II. CLIVE TO PITT ON ENGLAND'S OPPORTUNITY 105
THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM, SEPTEMBER 13, 1759:
I. THE NIGHT ATTACK 109
II. THE BATTLE 110
"THE HEAVEN-BORN MINISTER": HORACE WALPOLE's HOMAGE TO PITT:
I. IN THE GREAT YEAR (1759) 113
II. CHARACTER OF WILLIAM PITT DESCRIBED IN THE LIGHT
OF SUBSEQUENT HISTORY 114
DEATH OF GEORGE II. (1760) 115
APPENDIX: LONDON IN 1725-1736:
(_a_) DEFOE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON IN 1725 117
(_b_) PRESENTMENT OF THE MIDDLESEX GRAND JURY (1736) 119
WALPOLE AND CHATHAM
1714-1760
STATE OF PARTIES AT THE QUEEN'S DEATH (1714).
+Source.+--_Letter to Sir William Windham_, Bolingbroke's Works, 1754.
Vol. i., pp. 28-31.
The thunder had long grumbled in the air, and yet when the bolt [the
Queen's death] fell, most of our party appeared as much surprised as if
they had had no reason to expect it. There was a perfect calm and
universal submission throughout the whole kingdom. The Chevalier indeed
set out as if his design had been to gain the coast and to embark for
Great Britain, and the Court of France made a merit to themselves of
stopping him and obliging him to return. But this, to my certain
knowledge, was a farce acted by concert, to keep up an opinion of his
character, when all opinion of his cause seemed to be at an end. He
owned this concert to me at Bar, on the occasion of my telling him that
he would have found no party ready to receive him, and that the
enterprise would have been to the last degree extravagant. He was at
this time far from having any encouragement: no party, numerous enough
to make the least disturbance, was formed in his favour. On the King's
arrival the storm arose. The menaces of the Whigs, backed by some very
rash declarations, by little circumstances of humor which frequently
offend more than real injuries, and by the entire change of all the
persons in employment, blew up the coals.
At first many of the tories had been made to entertain some faint hopes
that they would be permitted to live in quiet. I have been assured that
the King left Hanover in that resolution. Happy had it been for him and
for us if he had continued in it; if the moderation of his temper had
not been overborne by the violence of party, and his and the national
interest sacrificed to the passions of a few. Others there were among
the tories who had flattered themselves with much greater expectations
than these, and who had depended, not on such imaginary favor and
dangerous advancement as was offered them afterwards, but on real credit
and substantial power under the new government. Such impressions on the
minds of men had rendered the two houses of parliament, which were then
sitting, as good courtiers to King George, as ever they had been to
queen Anne. But all these hopes being at once and with violence
extinguished, despair succeeded in their room.
Our party began soon to act like men delivered over to their passions,
and unguided by any other principle; not like men fired by a just
resentment and a reasonable ambition to a bold undertaking. They treated
the government like men who were resolved not to live under it, and yet
they took no one measure to support themselves against it. They
expressed, without reserve or circumspection, an eagerness to join in
any attempt against the establishment which they had received and
confirmed, and which many of them had courted but a few weeks before:
and yet in the midst of all this bravery, when the election of the new
parliament came on, some of these very men acted with the coolness of
those who are much better disposed to compound than to take arms.
The body of the tories being in this temper, it is not to be wondered
at, if they heated one another and began apace to turn their eyes
towards the pretender: and if those few, who had already engaged with
him, applied themselves to improve the conjuncture and endeavour to lift
a party for him.
I went, about a month after the queen's death, as soon as the seals were
taken from me, into the country, and whilst I continued there, I felt
the general disposition to jacobitism encrease daily among people of all
ranks; among several who had been constantly distinguished by their
aversion to that cause. But at my return to London in the month of
February or March one thousand seven hundred and fifteen, a few weeks
before I left England, I began for the first time in my whole life to
perceive these general dispositions ripen into resolutions, and to
observe some regular workings among many of our principal friends, which
denoted a scheme of this kind. These workings, indeed, were very faint,
for the persons concerned in carrying them on did not think it safe to
speak too plainly to men who were, in truth, ill disposed to the
government, because they neither found their account at present under
it, nor had been managed with art enough to leave them hopes of finding
it hereafter: but who at the same time had not the least affection for
the pretender's person, nor any principle favorable to his interest.
This was the state of things when the new parliament, which his majesty
had called, assembled. A great majority of the elections had gone in
favour of the Whigs, to which the want of concert among the tories had
contributed as much as the vigor of that party, and the influence of the
new government. The whigs came to the opening of this parliament full of
as much violence as could possess men who expected to make their court,
to confirm themselves in power, and to gratify their resentments by the
same measures. I have heard that it was a dispute among the ministers
how far this spirit should be indulged, and that the king was
determined, or confirmed in determination, to consent to the
prosecutions, and to give the reins to the party by the representations
that were made to him, that great difficulties would arise in the
conduct of the session, if the court should appear inclined to check
this spirit, and by Mr. W[alpole]'s undertaking to carry all the
business successfully through the house of commons if they were at
liberty. Such has often been the unhappy fate of our princes; a real
necessity sometimes, and sometimes a seeming one, has forced them to
compound with a part of the nation at the expense of the whole; and the
success of their business for one year has been purchased at the price
of public disorder for many.
The conjecture I am speaking of forms a memorable instance of this
truth. If milder measures had been pursued, certain it is, that the
tories had never universally embraced jacobitism. The violence of the
whigs forced them into the arms of the pretender. The court and the
party seemed to vie with one another which should go the greatest
lengths in severity: and the ministers, whose true interest it must at
all times be to calm the minds of men, and who ought never to set the
examples of extraordinary inquiries or extraordinary accusations, were
upon this occasion the tribunes of the people.
PROCLAMATION OF GEORGE I. (1714).
+Source.+--Oldmixon's _History of England, George I._, 1735. P. 564.
Whereas it hath pleas'd Almighty God to call to his Mercy our late
Soveraign Lady Queen _Anne_, of blessed Memory; by whose Decease, the
Imperial Crowns of _Great Britain_, _France_, and _Ireland_, are solely,
and rightfully come to the High and Mighty Prince _George_, elector of
_Brunswick-Lunenburg_: We therefore, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of
the Realm, being here assisted with those of her late Majesty's Privy
Council, with Numbers of other principal gentlemen of Quality, with the
Lord-Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens of _London_, do now hereby, with one
full Voice and Consent of Tongue and Heart, publish and proclaim, That
the high and mighty Prince _George_, Elector of _Brunswick-Lunenburg_,
is now, by the Death of our late Soveraign of happy Memory, become our
lawful and rightful Liege Lord, _George_, by the Grace of God, King of
_Great Britain_, _France_ and _Ireland_, Defender of the Faith, _&c._ To
whom we do acknowledge all Faith and constant Obedience, with all hearty
and humble Affection, beseeching God, by whom Kings and Queens do reign,
to bless the Royal King _George_ with long and happy years to reign over
us.
Given at the Palace of St. _James's_,
the First Day of _August, 1714_.
GOD SAVE THE KING.
[Then follow the signatures of 127 peers and commoners, "Lords and
Gentlemen who signed the Proclamation," including Lords Buckingham,
Shrewsbury, Oxford, Bolingbroke, and Sir Christopher Wren.]
CHARACTER AND PERSON OF GEORGE I. (1660-1727).
A. BY LORD CHESTERFIELD.
+Source.+--Lord Chesterfield (1694-1774), _Characters of Eminent Persons
of His own Time_, 1777. P. 9.
George the First was an honest and dull German gentleman, as unfit as
unwilling to act the part of a King, which is, to shine and oppress.
Lazy and inactive even in his pleasures; which were therefore lowly and
sensual: He was coolly intrepid, and indolently benevolent. He was
diffident of his own parts, which made him speak little in public[1] and
prefer in his social, which were his favourite, hours, the company of
waggs and buffoons.... His views and affections were singly confined to
the narrow compass of his electorate.--England was too big for him.--If
he had nothing great as a King, he had nothing bad as a Man--and if he
does not adorn, at least he will not stain the annals of this country.
In private life, he would have been loved and esteemed as a good
citizen, a good friend, and a good neighbour.--Happy were it for Europe,
happy for the world, if there were not greater Kings in it!
B. BY HORACE WALPOLE.
+Source.+--_Reminiscences_, in _Works of Horace Walpole_, Earl of
Oxford, 1798. Vol. iv., p. 275; _Letter to Sir Horace Mann, Feb. 25,
1782_.
"At ten years old [_i.e._, in 1727] I had set my heart on seeing George
I., and being a favourite child, my mother asked leave for me to be
presented to him; which to the First Minister's wife was granted, and I
was carried by the late Lady Chesterfield to kiss his hand as he went to
supper in the Duchess of Kendal's apartment. This was the night but one
before he left England the last time."
"The person of the King is as perfect in my memory as if I saw him but
yesterday. It was that of an elderly man, rather pale, and exactly like
his pictures and coins, not tall, of an aspect rather good than august,
with a dark tie wig, a plain coat, waistcoat and breeches of
snuff-coloured cloth, with stockings of the same colour and a blue
riband over all."
[1] Lord Chesterfield does not mention that George I. spoke no
English.--ED.
PUBLIC FEELING AS TO THE NEW DYNASTY (1714).
A. WHIG.
+Source.+--_Letters of Lady M. W. Montagu._ Vol. 1., p. 86. Bohn's
edition.
_Aug. 9, 1714._
The Archbishop of York has been come to Bishopsthorpe but three days. I
went with my cousin to see the King proclaimed, which was done, the
archbishop walking next the Lord Mayor, all the country gentry
following, with greater crowds of people than I believed to be in York,
vast acclamations, and the appearance of a general satisfaction. The
Pretender afterwards dragged about the streets and burned. Ringing of
bells, bonfires, and illuminations, the mob crying Liberty and Property!
and Long live King George! This morning all the principal men of any
figure took port for London, and we are alarmed with the fear of
attempts from Scotland, though all Protestants here seem unanimous for
the Hanover succession.
B. TORY.
+Source.+--Thomas Hearne [1678-1735], _Reliquiæ Hearnianæ_, 1869. Vol. i.,
pp. 303, 309.
_Aug. 4._--This day, at two o'clock, the said elector of Brunswick (who
is in the fifty-fifth year of his age, being born May 28th, 1660) was
proclaimed in Oxford. The vice-chancellor, and doctors, and masters met
in the convocation house, and from thence went to St. Mary's, to attend
at the solemnity. There was but a small appearance of doctors and
masters that went from the convocation house. I stood in the Bodleian
gallery where I observed them. Dr. Hudson was amongst them, and all the
heads of houses in town. But there were a great many more doctors and
masters at St. Marie's, where a scaffold was erected for them.
_Aug. 5._--The illumination and rejoicing in Oxford was very little last
night. The proclamation was published at Abingdon also yesterday, but
there was little appearance.
A letter having been put into the mayor of Oxford's hands before he
published the proclamation, cautioning him against proclaiming King
George, and advising him to proclaim the pretender by the name of King
James III., the said Mayor, notwithstanding, proclaimed King George, and
yesterday our vice-chancellor, and heads, and proctors, agreed to a
reward of an hundred pounds to be paid to anyone that should discover
the author or authors of the letter; and the order for the same being
printed I have inserted a copy of it here.
"_At a general meeting of the vice-chancellor, heads of houses, and
proctors of the university of Oxford, at the Apodyterium of the
Convocation House, on Wednesday, Aug. 4, 1714._
"Whereas a letter directed to Mr. Mayor of the city of Oxford,
containing treasonable matters, was delivered at his house on Monday
night last, betwixt nine and ten of the clock, by a person in an
open-sleeved gown, and in a cinnamon-coloured coat, as yet unknown:
which letter has been communicated to Mr. Vice-Chancellor by the said
Mayor: if any one will discover the author or authors of the said
letter, or the person who delivered it, so as he or they may be brought
to justice, he shall have a reward of one hundred pounds, to be paid
him forthwith by Mr. Vice-Chancellor.
"BERNARD GARDINER, Vice-Chancellor."
The letter to which the vice-chancellor's programme refers:
OXON, _August 2nd, 1714_.
MR. MAYOR,
If you are so honest a man as to prefer your duty and allegiance to your
lawfull sovereign before the fear of danger, you will not need this
caution, which comes from your friends to warn you, if you should
receive an order to proclaim Hannover, not to comply with it. For the
hand of God is now at work to set things upon a right foot, and in a few
days you will find wonderfull changes, which if you are wise enough to
foresee, you will obtain grace and favour from the hands of his sacred
majestie king James, by proclaiming him voluntarily, which otherwise you
will be forced to do with disgrace. If you have not the courage to do
this, at least for your own safety delay proclaiming Hannover as long as
you can under pretense of sickness or some other reason. For you cannot
do it without certain hazard of your life, be you ever so well guarded.
I, who am but secretary to the rest, having a particular friendship for
you, and an opinion of your honesty and good inclinations to his
majestie's service, have prevailed with them to let me give you this
warning. If you would know who the rest are, our name is
LEGION, _and we are many_.
This note shall be your sufficient warrant in times to come for
proclaiming his majestie King James, and if this does not satisfie you,
upon your first publick notice we will do it in person.
For Mr. Broadwater, mayor of the City of Oxford, these.
_Sept. 25._--On Monday last (Sept. 20th) King George (as he is styled)
with his son (who is in the 31st year of his age, and is called prince
of Wales, he having been so created), entered London, and came to the
palace of St. James's, attended with several thousands. It was observed
that the Duke of Marlborough was more huzza'd, upon this occasion, than
King George, and that the acclamation, _God save the Duke of
Marlborough!_ was more frequently repeated than _God save the king!_ In
the evening the illuminations and bonfires were not many. King George
hath begun to change all the ministers, and to put in the _whiggs_,
every post bringing us news of this alteration, to the grievous
mortification of that party called _tories_. The duke of Marlborough is
made captain general of all the forces in room of the duke of Ormond,
not to mention the other great changes. But the tories must thank
themselves for all this, they having acted whilst in power very
unworthily, and instead of preferring worthy scholars and truly honest
men, they put in the quite contrary, and indeed behaved themselves with
very little courage or integrity. I am sorry to write this; but 'tis too
notorious, and they therefore very deservedly suffer now. They have
acted contrary to their principles, and must therefore expect to smart.
But the whiggs, as they have professed bad principles, so they have
acted accordingly, not in the least receding from what they have laid
down as principles. 'Tis to be hoped the tories may now at last see
their folly, and may resolve to act steadily and uniformly, and to
provide for, and take care of, one another, and with true courage and
resolution endeavour to retrieve credit and reputation by practising
those doctrines which will make for the service of the king, and of the
whole nation, and not suffer those enemies the whiggs utterly to ruin
their country, as they have done almost already.
THE '15.
I.
THE PRETENDER'S DECLARATION (1715).
+Source.+--A. Boyer's _Political State of Great Britain_, 1720. Vol. x.,
pp. 626-630.
_His Majesty's Most Gracious Declaration._
JAMES R.
James VIII. by the Grace of God, of Scotland, England, France and
Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith &c. To all Our Loving Subjects of
What Degree or Quality soever. Greeting. As we are firmly resolved never
to lose any Opportunity of asserting Our undoubted Title to the Imperial
Crown of these Realms, and of endeavouring to get the Possession of that
Right which is devolv'd upon Us by the Laws of God and Man: so we must
in Justice to the Sentiments of our Heart declare, That nothing in the
World can give Us so great satisfaction, as to owe to the Endeavours of
Our Loyal Subjects both our own and their Restoration to that happy
Settlement which can alone deliver this Church and Nation from the
Calamities which they lie at present under, and from those future
Miseries which must be the Consequences of the present usurpation.
During the Life of Our dear Sister, of Glorious Memory, the Happiness
which Our People enjoy'd softened in some Degree the Hardship of our own
Fate; and we must further confess, That when we reflected on the
Goodness of her Nature, and her Inclination to Justice, we could not but
persuade Our Self, that she intended to establish and perpetuate the
Peace which she had given to these Kingdoms by destroying for ever all
Competition to the Succession of the Crown, and by securing to us, at
last, the Enjoyment of the Inheritance out of which We had been so long
kept, which her Conscience must inform her was our Due, and which her
Principles must bend her to desire that We might obtain.
But since the Time that it pleased Almighty God to put a Period to her
Life, and not to suffer Us to throw Our Self, as We then fully purposed
to have done, upon Our People, We have not been able to look upon the
Present Condition of Our Kingdoms, or to consider their Future Prospect,
without all the Horror and Indignation which ought to fill the Breast of
every Scotsman.
We have beheld a Foreign Family, Aliens to our Country, distant in
Blood, and Strangers even to our Language, ascend the Throne.
We have seen the Reins of Government put into the Hands of a Faction,
and that Authority which was design'd for the Protection of All,
exercis'd by a Few of the Worst, to the oppression of the Best and
Greatest number of our Subjects. Our Sister has not been left at Rest in
her Grave; her name has been scurrilously abused, her Glory, as far as
in these People lay, insolently defaced, and her faithful Servants
inhumanely persecuted. A Parliament has been procur'd by the most
Unwarrantable Influences, and by the Grossest Corruptions, to serve the
Vilest Ends, and they who ought to be the Guardians of the Liberties of
the People, are become the Instruments of Tyranny. Whilst the Principal
Powers, engaged in the Late Wars, enjoy the Blessings of Peace, and are
attentive to discharge their Debts, and ease their People, Great
Britain, in the Midst of Peace, feels all the Load of a War. New Debts
are contracted, New Armies are raised at Home, Dutch Forces are brought
into these Kingdoms, and, by taking Possession of the Dutchy of Bremen,
in Violation of the Public Faith, a Door is opened by the Usurper to let
in an Inundation of Foreigners from Abroad and to reduce these Nations
to the State of a Province, to one of the most inconsiderable Provinces
of the Empire.
These are some few of the many real Evils into which these Kingdoms have
been betrayed, under Pretence of being rescued and secured from Dangers
purely imaginary, and these are such Consequences of abandoning the Old
constitution, as we persuade Our Selves very many of those who promoted
the present unjust and illegal Settlement, never intended.
We observe, with the utmost Satisfaction, that the Generality of Our
Subjects are awaken'd with a just Sense of their Danger, and that they
shew themselves disposed to take such Measures as may effectually rescue
them from that Bondage which has, by the Artifice of a few designing
Men, and by the Concurrence of many unhappy Causes, been brought upon
them.
We adore the Wisdom of the Divine Providence, which has opened a Way to
our Restoration, by the Success of those very Measures that were laid to
disappoint us for ever: And we must earnestly conjure all Our Loving
Subjects, not to suffer that Spirit to faint or die away, which has been
so miraculously raised in all Parts of the Kingdom, but to pursue with
all the Vigour and Hopes of Success, which so just and righteous a Cause
ought to inspire, those methods, which The Finger of God seems to point
out to them.
We are come to take Our Part in all the Dangers and Difficulties to
which any of Our Subjects, from the Greatest down to the Meanest, may be
exposed on this important Occasion, to relieve Our Subjects of Scotland
from the Hardships they groan under on account of the late unhappy
Union; and to restore the Kingdom in its ancient, free, and independent
State.
We have before Our Eyes the Example of Our Royal Grandfather, who fell a
Sacrifice to Rebellion, and of Our Royal Uncle, who, by a Train of
Miracles, escaped the Rage of the barbarous and blood-thirsty Rebels,
and lived to exercise his Clemency towards those who had waged war
against his Father and himself; who had driven him to seek Shelter in
Foreign Lands, and who had even set a Price upon his Head. We see the
same Instances of Cruelty renewed against Us, by Men of the same
Principles, without any other Reason than the Consciousness of their own
Guilt, and the implacable Malice of their own Hearts: For in the Account
of such Men, it's a Crime sufficient to be born their King; but God
forbid, that we should tread in those Steps, or that the Cause of a
Lawful Prince, and an Injur'd People, should be carried on like that of
Usurpation and Tyranny, and owe its Support to Assassins. We shall copy
after the Patterns above mentioned, and be ready, with the Former of Our
Royal Ancestors, to seal the Cause of Our Country, if such be the Will
of Heaven, with Our Blood. But we hope for Better Things; we hope, with
the Latter, to see Our just Rights, and those of the Church and People
of Scotland, once more settled in a Free and Independent Scots
Parliament, on their Antient Foundation. To such a Parliament, which we
will immediately call, shall we intirely refer both Our and Their
Interests, being sensible that these Interests, rightly understood, are
always the same. Let the Civil, as well as Religious Rights of all our
Subjects, receive their Confirmation in such a Parliament; let
Consciences truly tender be indulged; let Property of every Kind be
better than ever secured; let an Act of General Grace and Amnesty
extinguish the Fears even of the most Guilty; if possible, let the very
Remembrance of all which have preceded this happy Moment be utterly
blotted out, that Our Subjects may be united to Us, and to Each Other,
on the strictest Bonds of Affection, as well as Interest.
And that nothing may be omitted which is in Our Power to contribute to
this desirable End, we do, by these Presents, absolutely and
effectually, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, pardon, remit and
discharge all Crimes of High Treason, Misprision of Treason, and all
other Crimes and Offences whatsoever, done or committed against Us or
Our Royal Father of Blessed Memory, by any of Our Subjects of what
Degree or Quality soever, who shall, at or after Our Landing, and before
they engage in any Action against Us, or Our Forces, from that Time, lay
hold on Mercy, and return to that Duty and Allegiance which they owe to
Us, their only rightful and lawful Sovereign.
By the joint Endeavours of Us and Our Parliament, urged by these
Motives, and directed by these Views, we may hope to see the Peace and
flourishing Estate of this Kingdom, in a short Time, restored: and We
shall be equally forward to concert with our Parliament such further
Measures as may be thought necessary for leaving the same to future
Generations.
And We hereby require all Sheriffs of Shires, Stewarts of Stewartries,
or their Deputies, and Magistrates of Burghs, to publish this Our
Declaration immediately after it shall come to their Hands in the Usual
Places and Manner, under the Pain of being proceeded against for Failure
thereof, and forfeiting the Benefit of Our general Pardon.
Given under Our Sign Manual and Privy Signet, at Our Court at
_Commercy_, the 25th Day of Octob. in the 15th Year of Our Reign.
II.
THE PROCLAMATION OF JAMES III. (1715).
+Source.+--Peter Clarke's _Journal_, in _Miscellany of the Scottish
History Society_, 1893. Vol. i., p. 513.
SIR,--On Wednesday the second day of November one thousand seaven
hundred and fifteen, the then high sherriff of Cumberland assembled the
_posse comitatus_ on Penrith Fell, Viscount Loynsdale being there as
commander of the militia of Westmoreland, Cumberland and Northumberland,
who were assembled at the place aforesaid for prevention of rebellion
and riots. The Lord Bishop of Carlisle and his daughter were there. By
the strictest observation the numbers were twenty-five thousand men, but
very few of them had any regular armes. At 11 o'clock in the forenoon of
the same day the high sherriff and the two lords received a true account
that the Earl of Derwentwater, together with his army, were within 6
miles of Penrith. Upon the receipt of this news the said high sherriff
and the said 2 lords, the _posse comitatus_ and the militia fled,
leaving most of their arms vpon the said fell. There is no doubt had the
men stood their ground the said Earl and his men (as it hath since beene
acknowledged by divers of them) wood have retreated. About 3 aclock in
the afternoon on the same day the said Earl, together with his army, in
number about one thousand seaven hundred, entred the said towne of
Penrith, where they proclaimed their king by the name and title of James
the 3d. of England and Ireland, and 8th of Scotland. In this towne they
received what excise was due to the crowne and gave receipts for the
same. A small party were sent to Lowther Hall to search for Lord
Loynsdale, but not finding him there (for he was gone into Yorkshire),
they made bold to take provision for themselves and their horses, such
as the Hall aforded. There were only at that time two old woomen in the
said Hall who received no bodily damage. But provision being scarce in
the said towne, Penrith, they marched betimes next morning for Apleby.
The gentlemen paid their quarters of for what they called for in both
these townes, but the commonality paid little or nothing, neither was
there any person that received any bodily damage in either of the said
townes. If they found any armes they tooke them without paying the
owners for them. Only one man joyned them in their march from Penrith to
Apleby. In this towne they made the same proclamation as they had done
in the former, and received the excise. The weather at this time for
some days before was rainey. They marched out of this towne betimes on
Saturday morning, being the 5th of November, in order for Kendall. In
this day's march none joyned them (excepting one, Mr. Francis
Thornburrow), son of Mr. William Thornburrow of Selfet Hall neare
Kendall. His father sent one of his servant men to wait upon his son
because he was in scarlet cloathes, and stile of Captain Thornburrow.
About 12 aclock of the same day 6 quartermasters came into the towne of
Kendall, and about 2 aclock in the afternoone Brigadeer Mackintoss and
his men came both a horseback, having both plads on their targets
hanging on their backs, either of them a sord by his side, as also
either a gun and a case of pistols. The said Brigadeer looked with a
grim countenance. He and his man lodged at Alderman Lowrys, a private
house in Highgate Street in this towne. About one houre after came in
the horsemen, and the footmen at the latter end. It rained very hard
here this day, and had for several days before, so that the horse and
the footmen did not draw their swords, nor show their collours, neither
did any drums beat. Onely six highlands bagpipes played. They marched to
the cold-stone or the cross, and read the same proclamation twice over
in English without any mixture of Scotish tongue. I had for about one
month lived and was clerke to Mr. Craikenthorp, attorney at Law, and as
a spectator I went to heare the proclamation read, which I believe was
in print, and began after this manner, viz., Whereas George Elector of
Brunswick has usurped and taken upon him the stile of the king of these
realms, etc. Another clause in it I took particular notice of was this,
viz.--Did immediately after his said fathers decease become our only and
lawful leige. At the end of the proclamation they gave a great shout. A
quaker who stood next to me not puting of his hat at the end of the said
ceremony, a highlander thrust a halbert at him, but it fortunately went
between me and him, so that it did neither of us any damage. So they
dispersed.
III.
FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION EXPLAINED.
(_a_) _Absence of Foreign Aid._
+Source.+--_Letter to Sir William Windham_, Bolingbroke's Works, 1754.
Vol. i, pp. 79, 80.
The true cause of all the misfortunes which happened to the Scotch and
those who took arms in the north of England, lies here: that they rose
without any previous certainty of foreign help, in direct contradiction
to the scheme which their leaders themselves had formed. The excuse
which I have heard made for this, is that the act of parliament for
curbing the highlanders was near to be put in execution: that they would
have been disarmed and entirely disabled from rising at any other time,
if they had not rose at this. You can judge better than I of the
validity of this excuse. It seems to me that by management they might
have gained time, and that even when they had been reduced to the
dilemma supposed, they ought to have got together under pretence of
resisting the infractions of the union without any mention of the
pretender, and have treated with the government on this foot. By these
means they might probably have preserved themselves in a condition of
avowing their design when they should be sure of being backed from
abroad; at the worst they might have declared for the Chevalier when all
other expedients failed them. In a word I take this excuse not to be
very good, and the true reason of this conduct to have been the rashness
of the people, and the inconsistent measures of their head.
(_b_) _The Pretender no Leader of Men._
+Source.+--_A true Account of the Proceedings at Perth, Written by a
Rebel_, 1716, p. 20.
I must not conceal that when we saw the man whom they called our King,
we found ourselves not at all animated by his presence, and if he was
disappointed in us, we were tenfold more so in him. We saw nothing in
him that looked like spirit. He never appeared with cheerfulness and
vigour to animate us. His countenance looked extremely heavy. He cared
not to come abroad among us soldiers, or to see us handle our arms or do
our exercises. Some said, the circumstances he found us in dejected him;
I am sure the figure he made dejected us; and had he sent us but 3.000
men of good hopes, and never himself come among us, we had done other
things than we have now.
(_c_) _The Nation's Dread of Popery._
[Just as in 1745 the Curse of Ernulphus was reprinted in the
_Gentleman's Magazine_ for September "to shew what is to be expected
from the Pope, if he come to be supreme head of the church in this
nation," so in 1715 the same fears were worked upon in innumerable
pamphlets. The first Article of Impeachment of High Treason against Lord
Derwentwater is the charge of re-establishing popery, and is taken from
_A Faithful Register of the Late Rebellion_, 1718, p. 41; the second
extract is from _A Caveat against the Pretender_, 1725, p. 5.]
(1) ... For many Years past, a most wicked Design and Contrivance has
been formed and carried on, to subvert the ancient and established
Government, and the good Laws of these Kingdoms; to extirpate the true
Protestant Religion therein established, and to destroy its Professors;
and, instead thereof, to introduce and settle Popery and arbitrary
Power; in which unnatural and horrid Conspiracy, great Numbers of
Persons, of different Degrees and Qualities, have concerned themselves,
and acted; and many Protestants, pretending an uncommon Zeal for the
Church of _England_, have join'd themselves with professed Papists,
uniting their Endeavours to accomplish and execute the aforesaid and
traitorous designs.
(2) The Pretender return! What Flames will this kindle? What burning of
Towns, and ransacking of Cities? What Plunder and Rapine? And what
Blindness, Superstition; Ruin of all Religion, and utter Waste of
Conscience, would be the Issue of his Success!...
That this is not mere Declamation, and design'd for Amusement, a little
Inspection into that _Mystery of Iniquity_, we call Popery, wou'd
convince the Reader, even to Amazement: But these Papers must be
confin'd to a narrower compass, and shall only fix upon one single Point
of Popery, that of _Persecution and Cruelty_, so natural, and even
essential to it: I shall make it appear that _Popery_ is a Religion _set
on fire of Hell_, the true Molock and Tophet that devours and consumes
all Protestants thro'out the Earth, that are not by interposing
Providence rescu'd from its Jaws.
THE SEPTENNIAL ACT (1716).
+Source.+--Danby Pickering, _The Statutes at Large_, 1764. Vol. xiii.,
pp. 1713-1717. Cambridge.
_Whereas in and by act of parliament made in the sixth year of the reign
of their late Majesties_ King William _and Queen_ Mary (of ever blessed
_memory) intituled_, An Act for the frequent meeting and calling of
parliaments: IT WAS _among other things enacted, That from henceforth no
parliament whatsoever, that should at any time then after be called,
assembled or held, should have any continuance longer than for three
years only at the farthest, to be accounted from the day on which by the
writ of summons the said parliament should be appointed to meet: whereas
it has been found by experience, that the said clause hath proved very
grievous and burthensome, by occasioning much greater and more continued
expences in order to elections of members to serve in parliament, and
more violent and lasting heat and animosities among the subjects of this
realm, than were ever known before the said clause was enacted; and the
said provision, if it should continue, may probably at this juncture,
when a restless and popish faction are designing and endeavouring to
renew the rebellion within this Kingdom, and an invasion from abroad, be
destructive to the peace and security of the government_: be it enacted
by the King's most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent
of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons in parliament
assembled, and by the authority of the same, That this present
parliament, and all parliaments that shall at any time hereafter be
called, assembled or held, shall and may respectively have continuance
for seven years, and no longer, to be accounted from the day on which by
the writ of summons this present parliament hath been, or any future
parliament shall be, appointed to meet, unless this present, or any
future parliament hereafter to be summoned shall be sooner dissolved by
his Majesty, his heirs or successors.
DEFEAT OF THE SPANISH FLEET OFF SICILY BY ADMIRAL SIR GEORGE BYNG, JULY
31, 1718.
+Source.+--Byng's original despatch in Oldmixon's _History of England:
George I._, 1735. P. 663.
_August 6_, O.S.--Early in the Morning, on the 30th of _July_, as we
were standing in for _Messina_, we saw two Scouts of the _Spanish_ fleet
in the _Faro_, very near us; and at the same time a _Felucca_ coming off
from the _Calabrian_ shore, assur'd us they saw from the Hills the
_Spanish Fleet_ lying by; upon which the Admiral stood thro' the _Faro_
after the scouts, judging they would lead us to their Fleet, which they
did, for before Noon we had a fair sight of all their Ships.... Their
Fleet consisted of 26 Men of War, great and small, two Fireships, four
Bomb Vessels, seven Galleys, and several Ships with Stores and
Provisions. The Admiral order'd the _Kent_, _Superbe_, _Grafton_ and
_Oxford_, the best Sailors in the Fleet, to make what Sail they could to
come up with the _Spaniards_; and that the Ship that could get nearest
to them should carry the Lights usually worn by the Admiral, that he
might not lose sight of them in the Night, and he made what sail he
could with the rest of the Fleet to keep up with them. It being little
Wind the _Spanish_ Galleys tow'd their heaviest Sailors all Night. The
31st in the Morning, as soon as it was day, they finding us pretty near
up with their Fleet, the Galleys and smaller Ships, with the Fireships,
Bomb-Vessels, and Store-Ships separated from their Admiral and bigger
Ships, and stood in for the Shore. After whom the Admiral sent Captain
_Walton_ in the _Canterbury_, with the _Argyle_ and six Ships more. As
those Ships were coming up with them, one of the _Spaniards_ fir'd a
Broadside at the _Argyle_. The Admiral seeing those Ships engag'd with
the _Spanish_ which were making towards the Shore, sent orders to
Captain _Walton_ to rendezvous after the Action at _Syracuse_.... We
held our Chace after the _Spanish_ Admiral with three of his Rear
Admirals and the biggest Ships, which staid by their _Flags_, till we
came near them. The Captains of the _Kent_, _Superbe_, _Grafton_ and
_Orford_ having Orders to make all the Sail they could to place
themselves by the four Headmost Ships, were the first that came up with
them. The Spaniards began by firing their Stern Chace at them. But they
having Orders not to fire unless the _Spanish_ Ships repeated their
firing, made no return at first, but the _Spaniards_ firing again, the
_Orford_ attack'd the _Santa Rosa_, the _St. Charles_ struck without
much Opposition, and the _Kent_ took Possession of her. The _Grafton_
attack'd the _Prince of Asturias_, formerly call'd the _Cumberland_, in
which was Rear Admiral _Chacon_, but the _Breda_ and _Captain_ coming
up, she left that Ship for them to take, which they soon did, and
stretched ahead after another 60 Gun Ship, which was at her Starboard
Bow while she was engaging the _Prince of Asturias_, and kept firing her
Stern-Chace into the _Grafton_. About One o'clock the _Kent_ and
_Superbe_ engaged the Spanish Admiral, which with two more Ships fir'd
on them, and made a running Fight till about Three, when the _Kent_
bearing down upon her and under her Stern gave her a Broadside, and went
away to Leeward of her; then the _Superbe_ put for it and laid the
_Spanish_ Admiral on Board, falling on her Weather-Quarter, but the
_Spanish_ Admiral shifting her Helm and avoiding her, the _Superbe_
rang'd under her Lee-Quarter, on which she struck to her. At the same
time the _Barfleur_ being within Shot of the said _Spanish_ Admiral, one
of their Rear Admirals, and another 60 Gun Ship, which were to Windward
of the _Barfleur_, bore down and gave her three Broadsides, and then
clapt upon a Wind, standing in for the land; the Admiral in the
_Barfleur_ stood after them till it was almost Night, but it being
little Wind ... he left pursuing them and stood away to the Fleet again,
which he found two Hours after Night. The _Essex_ took the _Juno_, the
_Montague_ and _Rupert_ took the _Volante_; Vice Admiral _Cornwall_
followed the _Grafton_ to support her ... Rear Admiral Delaval with the
_Royal Oak_ chas'd two Ships that went away more Leewardly than the
rest, one of them said to be Rear Admiral Crammock, a Scotch or Irish
_Renegade_, who had serv'd several years in the English Fleet; but we
not having seen them since, know not the Success.[2]
[2] The result of the battle, in which the English had 1,360 guns, the
Spanish 1,310, was that fifteen Spanish ships of war, 744 guns in all,
one fireship, and one store-ship were taken, and two smaller vessels
burnt, and Byng goes on to say that, "as is usual on such Occasions,
their Mortification after their Defeat was equal to their Presumption
before."
THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE (1720).
I.
THE PROPOSALS: THE SECOND SCHEME OF THE SOUTH SEA COMPANY.
+Source.+--_The Schemes of the South Sea Company and the Bank of England
as Propos'd to the Parliament for the Reducing of the National Debts._
London, 1720.
_To the Honourable the Commons of Great Britain in Parliament Assembled._