I am Prince Florestan of Wurtemberg, born in 1850, and consequently now
of the mature age of twenty-four. I might call myself “FLORESTAN II.” but
I think it better taste for a dethroned prince, especially when he
happens to be a republican, to resume the name that is in reality his
own.
Although the events which I am about to relate occurred this winter, so
little is known in England of the affairs of the Ex-principality of
Monaco, now forming the French commune of that name, that I feel that the
details of my story, indeed all but the bare facts on which it is
grounded, will be news to English readers. The English Post Office
believes that Monaco forms part of Italy, and the general election
extinguished the telegrams that arrived from France in February last.
All who follow continental politics are aware that the Prince Charles
Honoré, known as Charles III. of Monaco, and also called on account of
his infirmity “the blind prince,” was the ruling potentate of Monaco
during the last gambling season; that there lived with him his mother,
the dowager princess; that he was a widower with one son, Prince Albert,
Duc de Valentinois, heir apparent to the throne; that the latter had by
his marriage with the Princess Marie of Hamilton, sister to the Duke of
Hamilton, one son who in 1873 was six years old; that all the family
lived on M. Blanc the lessee of the gambling tables. But Monaco is shut
off from the rest of the world except in the winter months, and few have
heard of the calamities which since the end of January have rained upon
the ruling family. My cousin, Prince Albert, the “Sailor Prince,” a good
fellow of my own age, with no fault but his rash love of uselessly
braving the perils of the ocean, had often been warned of the fate that
would one day befall him. Once when a boy he had put to sea in his boat
when a fearful storm was raging, had been upset just off the point at
Monaco, and had been saved only by the gallantry of a sailor of the port
who had risked his own life in keeping his sovereign’s son afloat. In
October 1873 my unfortunate cousin bought at Plymouth an English sailing
yacht of 450 tons. He had a sailor’s contempt for steam, which he told
me was only fit for lubbers, when he came up and stayed with me at
Cambridge in November to see the “fours.” He explained to me then that
he had got a bargain, that he had bought his yacht for one-third her
value, and that he was picking up a capital crew of thirty men. He had
no need to buy yachts for a third their value, for he was rich enough and
to spare, having enjoyed the large fortune of his mother from the time he
came of age. She was a Mérode, and vast forests in Belgium—part of
Soignies for instance—belonged to him. His wife had her own fortune of
four and a half million francs, bringing her in about seven thousand
pounds a year, so he was able to spend all his money on himself. He did
not spend it on his dress, for when he came to Cambridge and was
introduced to Dr. Thompson, he neither had a dress suit to dine in at the
lodge, nor a black morning coat to put on for hall, where his rough
pea-jacket scandalised the “scouts.” He sailed from Plymouth in
November, and reached Monaco at the end of that month. In December he
made several excursions, in none of which did his father go to sea with
him, but on the 26th of January, as ill luck would have it, he tempted my
poor uncle to go with him for a three days’ cruise. It came on to blow
hard that night, and nothing was ever heard of them again. Great was the
excitement at Monaco on the 27th and 28th, but on the 29th the worst was
known, as a telegram from Genoa informed the unfortunate old princess—who
has all her faculties at the age of eighty-six—that her son and grandson
were both numbered with the dead, for one of the boats of the rotten
yacht had been fallen in with by a fishing vessel floating empty in mid
sea.
The Conseil d’Etat was at once called together by the Governor General,
and the little boy of the Princess Marie proclaimed by their order at the
market-place. A proclamation was posted in the town the moment the
sitting ended, declaring the joint regency of the dowager princess and of
Baron Imberty. A telegram was sent to Princess Marie, who was staying
with her child at Nice, informing her of her husband’s death and of the
accession of her son, and begging that she would the next day confide the
little Duc de Valentinois to the deputation of the councillors of state
and of the officers of guards, who would reach Nice by train at noon.
She was in the same despatch assured that on the death of the old dowager
princess she should succeed her in the regency, but for family reasons on
which I need not enlarge, she was requested not on this occasion to
accompany her son.
All this I learnt by a telegram from the baron; I, as the son of the
sister of the late prince, having now become most unexpectedly next heir
to the throne of Monaco. I had no idea of the possibility of my ever
being called upon to succeed a healthy boy of six, and gave the matter no
thought but one of regret at the death of my gallant cousin Albert, who
in the Prussian war had proved his courage in the French navy, while I,
had I been older, should have had to have fought upon the other side, my
father having been a prince of Wurtemberg.
I was thoroughly English in my ways. My father, a man of wide and
liberal views, disliking “professors” as much as Mr. Disraeli does, and
especially distrusting Prussian pedagogues, had sent me to Eton and to
Trinity. At Eton I had lived rather with the King’s scholars than with my
more natural allies, and had imbibed some views at which my poor father
would have groaned. When I went up to Cambridge my friendships were in
King’s rather than in Third Trinity, and my opinions were those now
popular among spectacled undergraduates, namely, universal negation. I
even joined First Trinity Boat Club, instead of Third, because the
gentlemen of the latter were too exclusive for my princely tastes.
During my four years at Cambridge I had rowed in First Trinity Second. I
had heard at the Union Mr. Seeley defend the Commune, and oppose a motion
declaring it innocent because it did not go on to express the “love and
affection” with which that body was regarded by the University. I had
supported a young fellow of Trinity when he showed that the surplus funds
of the Union Society should be applied to the erection of statues of
Mazzini in all the small villages of the West of England—a motion which I
believe was carried, but neutralized by the fact that the Union Society
possessed no surplus funds. I had also had the inestimable advantage of
attending the lectures of Professor Fawcett on the English poor laws. I
had, by the way, almost forgotten the most amusing of all the Union
episodes of my time, which was the rising of Mr. Dilke of Trinity Hall,
Sir Charles Dilke’s brother—but a man of more real talent than his
brother, although, if possible, a still more lugubrious speaker—to move
that his brother’s portrait, together with that of Lord Edmond
Fitzmaurice, the communist brother of a Marquis and a congenial spirit,
should be suspended in the committee room to watch over the deliberations
of that body, because, forsooth, they had happened to be president and
vice-president of the Society at a moment when the new buildings were
begun out of the subscriptions of such very different politicians as the
Prince of Wales, the Duke of Devonshire, and Lord Powis. Mr. Dilke and
his radicals were sometimes in a majority and sometimes in a minority at
the Union, and the portraits of the republican lord and baronet went up
on the wall or down under the table accordingly, Mr. Willimott, the
valued custodian of the rooms, carrying out the orders of both sides with
absolute impartiality.
Fired with the enthusiasm of my party and of my age, I had subscribed to
the Woman’s Suffrage Association, to Mr. Bradlaugh’s election expenses,
to the Anti-Game-Law Association, and to the Education League. My
reading was less one-sided than my politics, and my republicanism was
tempered by an unwavering worship of “Lothair.” Mr. Disraeli was my
admiration as a public man—a Bismarck without his physique and his
opportunities—but then in politics one always personally prefers one’s
opponents to one’s friends. As a republican, I had a cordial aversion
for Sir Charles Dilke, a clever writer, but an awfully dull speaker, who
imagines that his forte is public speaking, and who, having been brought
up in a set of strong prejudices, positively makes a merit to himself of
never having got over them. This he calls “never changing his opinions.”
For Mr. Gladstone I had the ordinary undergraduate detestation. There
are no liberals at Cambridge. We were all rank republicans or champions
of right divine.
The 31st of January was a strange day in my history. On entering my
rooms in my flannels, hot from the boats, and hurrying for hall, I saw a
telegram upon the table. I tore it open.
“_The Governor-General_, _Monaco_;
_to_
_His Serene Highness Prince Florestan_,
_Trinity College_,
_Cambridge_.”
“His Serene Highness!” Surely a mistake! I read on.
“This morning at noon his Serene Highness the reigning prince was
committed by the princess his mother to the care of M. Henri de
Payan, at Nice. The princess being nervous about railway accidents,
the departure for Monaco took place by road. The carriage conveying
his Serene Highness and M. de Payan was drawn by four horses. Turbie
was reached without mishap, but half-way between Turbie and
Roquebrune, at a sharp turn in the road, the horses took fright, and
the coachman, in avoiding the precipice, threw the carriage upon the
rocks on the mountain side of the road. His Serene Highness was
thrown on his head and killed on the spot. Your Serene Highness is
now reigning prince of Monaco, and will be proclaimed to-night after
the meeting of the Council of State by the style of Florestan II.
Lieutenant Gasignol, of the guard, will proceed at once to England
and meet your Serene Highness at any spot which your Highness may
please to indicate. M. de Payan escaped without a scratch.”
Prince of Monaco! Prince of Monaco. And I had seen Lafont in _Rabagas_!
I was not a “milk-and-water Rabagas,” as Mr. Cole called Mr. Lowe, when
all the papers reported him to have said “milk-and-water Rabelais,” and
the _Spectator_ mildly wondered at the strangeness of the comparison.
No, but I was somewhat of a milk-and-water Prince of Monaco after Lafont.
What distinction! What carriage! If the princes of the earth were only
like the princes of the stage, there would be no republicans. But then,
fortunately, they are not. “Fortunately!” and I one of them. What am I
saying?
Poor little fellow! How sad for his young mother too. A reigning prince
for nineteen hours, and that outside of his own dominions and at the age
of six. A strange world! and a strange world, for me too. A
half-Protestant, half-free-thinking, republican, German, Cambridge
undergraduate, suddenly called to rule despotically over a Catholic and
Italian people. My succession, at least, would be undisputed. No one
had ever vowed that I “should never ascend the throne—without a protest.”
One of the Grimaldis had a claim which was no doubt a just one, my
respected great uncle having been probably a usurper; but Marshal
MacMahon and the Duc de Broglie would, I well knew, support me,
preferring even a German prince at Monaco to an Italian. My succession,
I repeat, was undisputed; but if anybody had taken the trouble to dispute
it, I can answer for it that they would have been cheated out of their
amusement, for I should willingly have resigned to their charge so
burdensome a toy. I was that which the republican mayor of Birmingham,
Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, in his jocular speech proposing the Prince of
Wales’ health at the mayor’s banquet, said that one of his friends had
been trying by argument to make the Prince—with, “as yet,” only “partial
success”—a republican King. I would have gone only to Monaco to proclaim
the republic had I not known that the strange despotism—presided over not
as a despotism should be by one clever despot, but by two stupid despots,
the Dukes of Magenta and Broglie—which is called the French republic,
would not permit the creation of a small model for herself in the middle
of her commune of Roquebrune.
I was not sorry to leave Cambridge. My rooms in the new court overlooked
Caius, where they had typhoid fever; and between the fear of infection
and the noise of the freshmen’s wines in Trinity Hall, I was beginning to
have enough of Cambridge. My bedmaker and tutor were the only people to
whom I bid goodbye. The men were all in hall and out at wines, and I
left notes for my friends instead of looking them up in their rooms. I
caught my tutor as he was going into hall. I told him of the news, and I
could see the idea of an invitation for next winter to the castle at
Monaco pass through his mind as he assured me that my rule would be a
blessing to my country, and that nothing could better fit me for a
sceptre than the training of an English gentleman. He added, with a
return of the grim humour of a don, that he supposed that as a sovereign
prince I need scarcely “take an _exeat_.” My poor old bed-maker, who had
read the telegram in my absence from my room, called me “your imperial
majesty” three times while she packed my shirts, but in half-an-hour I
was off to London; and on the evening of the 3rd of February I met M. de
Payan and Lieutenant Gasignol by appointment at the Grand Hotel at Paris.
From M. de Payan I obtained my first accurate ideas as to the State of
Monaco. I found that I was not more independent under the supremacy of
France than is the Emperor William independent under the domination of
Prince von Bismarck. I had not only the Code Napoléon, and a Council of
State dressed in exact copies of their Versailles namesakes, but French
custom-house officers levying French custom-house duties in my dominions.
At the beginning of our conversation I had said to M. de Payan, “Between
ourselves, and fearing though I do that like Charles I. of England I may
be committing high treason against myself, I feel bound to tell you that
my only ideas of my principality are derived from M. Sardou’s _Rabagas_.”
Why is it that inhabitants of small and isolated communities never can
see a joke? M. de Payan, slightly drawing himself up and speaking with
as much stiffness as he could assume towards his prince, gravely answered
me, “Your Serene Highness is not aware, I presume, that _Rabagas_ was a
satire directed against France in her decline, and not against your
Highness’s principality.”
M. Sardou wasting his hours on satirising Monaco. I will never joke
again, I said to myself, unless I should suffer the modern fate of kings
and be deposed.
“M. de Payan,” I replied, “I am aware of what you say, and I was joking.”
“We have no Gambettas at Monaco, your Highness; that is all I meant.”
“Perhaps, Sir, the country would be happier if you had. Rabagas was not
Gambetta, but Emile Olivier—not the man who never despaired of France,
but the man who sacrificed his opinions to his advancement. I admire M.
Gambetta, who is at this moment the first man in France, in my
estimation, and the second political man in Europe. His figure will
stand out in history, daubed as even it is with the mud that French
politicians are ceaselessly flinging at each other.”
“M. Gambetta is, as your Serene Highness says, a man of extraordinary
powers; but his father was a tradesman at Cahors, and is retired and
lives at Nice, near your Serene Highness’s dominions.”
What more could I say? There was nothing to be made of M. de Payan.
On the 5th of February I reached Nice by the express, and after reading
the telegram which announced the return of Mr. Gladstone by a discerning
people as junior colleague to a gin distiller, was presented with an
address by the Gambettist mayor at the desire of the legitimist préfêt.
The mayor, being a red-hot republican in politics but a carriage-builder
by trade, lectured me on the drawbacks of despotism in his address, but
informed me in conversation afterwards that he had had the honour of
building a Victoria for Prince Charles Honoré—which was next door to
giving me his business card. The address, however, also assumed that the
Princes of Monaco were suffered only by Providence to exist in order that
the trade of Nice, the nearest large French town, might thrive.
In the evening at four we reached the station at Monaco, which was decked
with the white flags of my ancestors. What a pity, was my thought, that
M. de Chambord should not be aware that if he would come to stay with me
at the castle he would live under the white flag to which he is so much
attached all the days of his life. My reception was enthusiastic. The
guards, in blue uniforms not unlike the Bavarian, but with tall shakoes
instead of helmets, and similar to that which during the stoppage of the
train at Nice I had rapidly put on, were drawn up in line to the number
of thirty-nine—one being in hospital with a wart on his thumb, as M. de
Payan told me. What an admirable centralisation that such a detail
should be known to every member of the administration! Two drummers
rolled their drums French fashion. In front of the line were four
officers, of whom—one fat; Baron Imberty; the Vicar General; and Père
Pellico of the Jesuits of the Visitation, brother as I already knew to
the celebrated Italian patriot, Silvio Pellico, of dungeon and spider
fame.
“Where is M. Blanc?” I cried to M. de Payan, as we stopped, seeing no one
not in uniform or robes.
“M. Blanc,” said M. de Payan, severely, “though a useful subject of your
Highness is neither a member of the household of your Highness, a soldier
of His army, nor a functionary of His government. M. Blanc is in the
crowd outside.”
Had I ventured to talk slang to M. de Payan, of whom I already stood in
awe, I should have replied, “Elle est _salée_, celle là; puisque sans M.
Blanc mon pays ne marcherait pas.” But I held my tongue.
I have seen many amusing sights in the course of my short life. I have
seen an Anglican clergyman dance the cancan—I have seen Lord Claud
Hamilton, the elder, address the English House of Commons—I have watched
with breathless interest the gesticulations of French orators in the
tribune of the Assembly, when not a word could reach my ears through the
din of Babel that their colleagues made. But the oddest sight I ever saw
was the bow with which Colonel Jacquemet, conscious even at the glorious
moment that history would not forget his name, assured me that “the
devoted army of a Gallant and a Glorious Prince would follow him to the
death, when Honour led and Duty called.”
At this moment Père Pellico slipped round to my side and said, “A word
with your Highness. A most unfortunate report has got abroad that your
Highness is a heretic. What is to be done?”
“I very much fear I am,” I replied.
“But surely your Highness has never formally joined a Protestant body?”
“Protestant? Oh, no. I am a freethinker; a follower of Strauss rather
than of Dr. Cumming.”
“How your Highness has relieved my mind! Only a freethinker—but that is
nothing. I feared that possibly your Highness might have suffered a
perversion to some of the many schisms.” He bowed and hurried off into
the town, while taking the arm of Baron Imberty I said, “Introduce me to
M. Blanc.”
“Your Highness wishes that M. Blanc should be presented to your Highness,
but there are three hundred and ten or three hundred and twenty gentlemen
who take precedence of M. Blanc. Nevertheless, your Highness has only to
command.”
“Well, then, touch my arm as we pass him in the crowd, and I will speak
to him informally.”
My ideas of etiquette would have horrified Madame von Biegeleben, the
lady-in-waiting to my poor mother; still, I was improving already, as may
be seen.
As we left the station building a little man in black, who when he is
twenty years older will be as like M. Thiers in person as he already is
in tact, in power of talk, and in the combination of a total absence of
fixed opinions with a decided manner, made a low bow, accompanied with
the shrewdest smile that I had seen.
“That,” I said, halting before him, “is M. Blanc. I am glad to have so
early an opportunity of commencing an acquaintance, which I hope to
improve.”
“Your Serene Highness does me too much honour.”
Thus I passed the man who played Haussmann to my Emperor, but who had the
additional advantage which the costly baron of demolishing memory
certainly did not possess, of being a magnificent source of revenue to my
state.
Mounting the really fine horse that they had sent me down, and escorted
by the sixteen mounted carbineers (who do police duty on foot in ordinary
times at Monte Carlo and in the town), I rode off at a sharp trot by the
winding road.
“Will your Serene Highness graciously please to go at a walk, for
otherwise the guards will not have time to get up by the military road
and to form again to receive your Highness at the _Place_.”
I did as I was bid, of course. Bouquets of violets were showered on me
as we passed through the narrow street, and the scene on the public
square in front of the castle was really fine. The sun was setting in
glory over the Mediterranean in the west; on the north the Alpes
Monégasques were beginning to take the deep red glow which nightly in
that glorious climate they assume. On the east the palms at Monte Carlo
stood out sharply against the deep still blue sky, and in the far
distance the great waves of the ground swell were rolling in upon the
coast towards Mentone and the Italian frontier, with thousands of bright
white sea-gulls speckling the watery hills with dots of light. At the
palace gate I was received by the old dowager princess. She bent and
kissed my hand. I threw my arms round her neck and kissed her on both
cheeks.
“That was kindly meant, Highness,” she said, “but your Serene Highness is
now the reigning prince, and in the presence of the mob your dignity must
be kept up.”
Passing the two great Suisses who, arrayed in gala costume, stood
magnificently at the gate—but whose wages I afterwards discovered were
supplemented by showing my bedroom when I was out to English tourists at
a franc a head—we entered the grand courtyard, ascended the great stairs,
and passed straight into the reception hall known as the Salle Grimaldi.
There, standing on a dais, opposite to the magnificent fireplace and
chimney-piece, with the baron at my side, I held a levee, and received
the vicar-general, père de Don; the curé of the cathedral, l’abbé Ramin;
the chevalier de Castellat, vice-president of the council of state; the
chevalier Voliver, member of council of state, and president of the
council of public education; the Marquis de Bausset-Roquefort, president
of the high court of justice and member of the council of state; the
treasurer-general, M. Lombard; Monsignore Theuret, the first almoner of
the household; Monsignore Ciccodicola, the honorary almoner; Colonel the
Vicomte de Grandsaigne, my first aide-de-camp; Major Pouget d’Aigrevaux,
commandant of the palace; the two attachés of M. de Payan in his office
of secretary-general, MM. Stephen Gastaldi and John Blanchi; my doctor,
M. Coulon, a leading member of the council of education, and evidently a
most intelligent man; the curés of the six smaller churches; the five
professors of the Jesuit college of La Visitation; three aides-de-camp;
the chef du cabinet; the chamberlain himself, who had introduced the
others; and four officers of guards and one of carbineers, in addition to
Colonel Jacquemet, whom I have already named. No conversation took
place, and the presentations being over in five minutes, I got out in the
garden before dark for a quiet stroll by myself before dinner.
I was struck by the scene. The tall palms, the giant tree geraniums
blooming in masses down the great cliffs to the very edge of the dark
blue sea, the feathery mimosas, the graceful pepper trees laden with
crimson berries, the orange grove, the bananas fruiting and flowering at
the same time, the passion flowers climbing against the rugged old castle
walls, all were new to me—unused to the south, and brought up in
Buckinghamshire, in Cambridgeshire, and in central Germany. The scene
saddened me, I know not why, and I asked myself whether, with the odd
combination of my opinions and my position, I could be of any use in the
world except to bring Monarchy into contempt. Here was I, a freethinker,
called upon to rule a people of bigoted Catholics through a Jesuit
father—for I had already seen that Père Pellico was the real vice-king.
Here was I, an ardent partisan of the doctrine of individuality, placed
suddenly at the head of the most centralized administration in the world.
What was to be done? Reform it? Yes, but no reformer has so ill a time
of it as a reforming prince. Sadly I went in to a sad dinner
_tête-à-tête_ with my crape-covered great aunt in a gloomy room, and so
to bed, convinced that unhappiness may co-exist with the possession of a
hall porter as big as Mrs. Bischoffsheim’s.
The next morning when I dreamily called for my coffee there was brought
to me along with it a gigantic envelope sealed with soft wax stamped with
my arms, and containing a terrific despatch of twenty-three pages.
“Rapport Hebdomadaire.” “Weekly report” of what, I asked myself. Why, I
have but five thousand subjects—the same number that Octavia Hill rules
in Marylebone with such success. I began to read.
“On Monday night a man named Marsan called the carbineer Fissori a
fool. He was not arrested (see Order No. 1142 and correspondence 70,
10, 102), but a private report was addressed to the Council of State,
on which the Secretary General decided to recommend that Marsan
should be watched for a week; referred to the Sub-Committee on Public
Order.”
“M. Blanc on Tuesday visited the tunnel in the commune of Turbie
(France) by which he hopes to obtain an additional water supply for
the Casino. As M. Blanc had not had the courtesy to inform the
secretarial office of his excursion it was impossible to send an
agent to obtain details of what took place.”
So on for twenty and more pages, the last informing me of the names of
the fishing boats that had come in and gone out, of the time of sunrise,
and of the fact that a private in my guards had caught a cold in his
head.
It was unbearable. These formalities should be suppressed at once. The
administration should be decentralised. I rang and sent to the
secretarial office for M. de Payan. I addressed him thus:—
“I gather from this tedious document that my principality of five
thousand persons possesses every appliance and every excrescence of
civilized government except a parliament. The perfection of bureaucracy
and of red tape has been reached in a territory one mile broad and five
miles long. No doubt centralisation is less hurtful than it is elsewhere
in a country so small that it is virtually all centre, but I intend that
this state of things (for which you are in no way responsible) shall
cease. In the first place kindly inform me of the facts. What are the
expenses and what are the revenues of the state, and what is the number
of its officials?”
“There are, Sir,” he answered, “including your household and the officers
of your guards, one hundred and twenty-six functionaries in Monaco.
There are sixty soldiers and carbineers, and there are one hundred and
fifty unpaid consular and diplomatic representatives of Monaco abroad.”
“How many servants have I in all, including stable men?”
“Twenty-five.”
“Then you mean to say that there are three hundred and sixty-one persons
employed under the crown for a population of thirteen hundred male
inhabitants of full age?”
“Yes, Sir, and M. Blanc employs on his works and at the Casino eight
hundred of the remainder.”
This was a startling state of things, but I soon found out that, as
Colonel Jacquemet had used his men twice over on my arrival, so we used
our politicians twice or thrice, politicians being happily scarce with
us. Many posts were filled by one man, a plan which has its advantages
as well as its drawbacks, the advantages predominating in a country where
there are eleven hundred and sixty posts to fill and only thirteen
hundred grown male inhabitants.
To give you an idea of the way in which we used our men, Baron Imberty,
our Governor-General for instance, was also President of the Council of
State, Chancellor of the Order of St. Charles, President of the Maritime
Council, President of the Board of Public Works, President of the Bureau
de Bienfaisance, etc. etc.
Thanks to M. Blanc and his gambling establishment, and thanks to the
large private fortune of my family, the finances of Monaco were in a
flourishing position. Prince Charles had had half a million of francs a
year of private fortune and of revenue from the gambling tables. My
cousin Albert had had three hundred thousand francs a year. I
consequently had eight hundred thousand francs of private fortune, or
£32,000 a year, out of which I could easily keep up the palace, the
stables, and, if I chose, a powerful steam yacht, together with my
cousin’s house in Belgium as a summer residence. The cost of the
government for army, church, education, and justice, was two hundred
thousand francs a year. Public works were dealt with liberally by M.
Blanc as a part of his “concession.” The ordinary revenue was derived
from four sources, each contributing about an equal share. These were:—
I. The payment of the Government of France for half the value of the
tobacco sold in the principality on behalf of the French _régie_.