It is Inauguration Day in Washington. Not McClellan,--he is in
Europe,--but Lincoln is to be inaugurated. It is a day of wondrous
glory to him, and to the nation, but one so oppressed with the cares of
state has but little joy in it. There is no retiring president to sign
all the tardy bills of an expiring congress. He must do it all, and
then go from the realizations of the past to the unknown of the new.
There was no instant of rest for him between laying off the armor and
putting it on anew.
Of all the many thousand eyes that looked on him that day, none were
more brilliant with the look of praise, none gleamed with a soul-light
more fervent, none took in the scene with deeper thoughts of the hour
or the future, oppressive with interest, than Mr. Blaine.
Little did he dream of twenty years to come. He had thought to scale
the centuries as they stood like silent statues in the sombre, shadowy
past, and read out the hieroglyphics of their history. But just as the
rebellion was broken, shattered, staggering to its fall, and seemed
certain, and was scarce hung about with doubt, so now to faith the
future is bright and clear, while hope is strong and almost gay with
vivid anticipations.
Mr. Blaine was profoundly impressed with the religious character of
Abraham Lincoln, as exemplified in the tone of his public documents.
He says: “Throughout the whole period of the war he constantly directed
the attention of the nation to dependence on God. It may indeed be
doubted whether he omitted this in a single state paper. In every
message to congress, in every proclamation to the people, he made it
prominent. In July, 1863, after the battle of Gettysburgh, he called
upon the people to give thanks because ‘it has pleased Almighty God to
hearken to the supplications and prayers of an afflicted people, and to
vouchsafe signal and effective victories to the army and navy of the
United States,’ and he asked the people ‘to render homage to the Divine
Majesty and to invoke the influence of His Holy Spirit to subdue the
anger which has produced and so long sustained a needless and cruel
rebellion.’”
“On another occasion,” writes Mr. Blaine, “recounting the blessings
which had come to the Union, he said: ‘No human counsel hath devised,
nor hath any mortal hand worked out these great things. They are the
gracious gifts of the Most High God, who, while dealing with us in
anger for our sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy.’ Throughout his
entire official career, attended at all times with exacting duty and
painful responsibility, he never forgot his own dependence unto the
same authority, or the dependence of the people upon a Higher Power.”
And then he quotes those words of the great man, uttered reverently
to the people assembled in crowds to congratulate him upon the return
of peace: “In the midst of your joyous expressions, He from whom all
blessings flow must first be remembered.”
His last inaugural, delivered but a little while before this final
utterance, was in keeping with it. It was a deeply religious document,
referring to no political measure or material interest, and in six days
after the people crowd about him, full of joy at the close of the war,
the bullet of the assassin is in his brain! What a week was that in
which the war closed, and the great Lincoln was murdered! And what a
summer was that, when the broken armies came marching home, halting in
Washington for the great review!
But a campaign is on Mr. Blaine, and he hurries home. For the third
time Samuel Coney is elected governor, and Mr. Blaine has again done
his work well. Autumn passes, and he is in his place at the opening of
the thirty-ninth congress. With his usual unforgetfulness, he resumes
connection with a bill presented by him in the early part of the
previous congress, for reimbursing the loyal states for war-expenses in
response to the president’s call for troops. His bill is very explicit,
and shows that during the long delay he had perfected it in its
details. No flaw is found in it, no amendment is made to it, but it is
at once referred, upon his motion, to a select committee of seven, and
upon his motion he demands the previous question, so that the matter
shall be attended to at once. The bill was read a first and second
time, and so referred.
Mr. Blaine is of course upon the committee, and by his motion members
are added to it, and they are empowered to hire a clerk. What a work
to examine and pass upon all the war-debts of the loyal states! A
grave question soon makes its appearance in congress. In undoing the
legislation of years, enacted in the interests of slavery, they have
come to the basis of representation. The slave is not yet a citizen,
and if the basis is population and not suffrage, the South will have an
immense advantage,--indeed an advantage similar to that enjoyed before
the war, when, though slaves were expressly recognized as chattels,
and according to the Dred Scott decision, “a black man had no rights a
white man was bound to respect,” yet, according to slavery law five of
them gave their master three extra votes.
But the ratio of voters to population varied from nineteen to
fifty-eight per cent. in different states, as, for example, California
had two hundred and seven thousand voters out of a population of three
hundred and fifty-eight thousand one hundred and ten, while Vermont had
but eighty-seven thousand voters out of a population of three hundred
and fourteen thousand three hundred and sixty-nine, and each had three
representatives in congress; that is, eighty-seven thousand voters in
Vermont sent three congressmen, while two hundred and seven thousand
voters in California sent but the same number.
There were more women and children in Vermont, two to one, than in
California, and so in the latter state there were more than twice as
many voters in the same population.
It was with such arguments as the above,--a mathematical argument,
without sophistry, and that cannot be impeached,--that he opposed a
constitutional amendment making suffrage and not population the basis
of representation, and so reserving an argument to use in framing the
citizenship of the freemen.
Mr. Blaine has long been noted for the great rapidity with which he
works.
He very soon has an immense report from his committee of nine, to
pay the loyal states their war-claims. In it twenty-six states, five
territories, and the District of Columbia have their war-claims
adjusted, and they are to receive all the way from nine thousand nine
hundred and fifty-five dollars, as in the case of the territory of
Dakota for enlisting one hundred and eighty-one men, up to twenty
million nine hundred and ninety-three thousand two hundred and eighty
dollars, as in the case of New York for enlisting three hundred and
eighty-one thousand six hundred and ninety-six men; and it is a
peculiarity with him to know for himself, by careful computation, the
exact truth of the statistics he employs.
One day it so happened that he used the calculations of a distinguished
member who was chairman of a prominent committee,--that of ways and
means,--and they were called in question; but soon after he was able to
affirm publicly that they were correct.
There was such a charm in being right and knowing it, despite all
contradiction, that he could not forego the pleasure, the very
confidence and self-respect, even at the expense of perplexing effort.
A point of order was raised against him one day; his instant reply was,
“That point was raised exactly ten years ago and overruled,” and the
chair ruled in harmony with his remembrance.
His great love for mathematics, and the position he was in requiring
it, he was led to make an extensive study of the history of finance,
and in a speech of great length, by which he supported his report to
pay the vast war-claims of the loyal states, he clearly shows the wide
range of his acquaintance with the subject. He shows great familiarity
with the policy and utterances of Alexander Hamilton, his exceeding
common-sense methods, which he quotes with so great aptness as to give
them the power of living arguments, as he offers them in evidence of
the wisdom of his own views and the tenable nature of the positions he
has taken.
It was proposed to bring all troops to a three years’ basis, and then
refund at the rate of fifty-five dollars a man. Thus, Pennsylvania,
with three hundred and sixty-six thousand three hundred and twenty-six
men, which, reduced to a three years’ basis, gave two hundred and
sixty-seven thousand five hundred and fifty-eight, which at the rate
proposed made the claim of that state fourteen million seven hundred
and fifteen thousand six hundred and ninety dollars. The Gettysburgh
battle alone had cost the state seven hundred thousand dollars, and as
for that and other service she had furnished men for a much shorter
period than three years, the whole number of men were reduced nearly
one hundred thousand to get them all on the three years’ basis.
No question commanded a more wide-spread or deeper attention for years
subsequent to the war than the question of money, and it behooved any
man with the aspirations of a statesman, to make a long and thorough
study of it.
“Reading,” it is said, “makes a full man, speaking a ready man.” He was
both reader and speaker, and so proved the truth of the maxim, by being
both a full and a ready man; and he never allowed himself to get empty.
It was the knowledge of the day, most valuable to him, with which he
was filled, as well as that which came from historical research.
It was about this time that, as a member of the committee on military
affairs, and while the conduct of the office of provost-marshal
general was being investigated, that he had his lively tilt with Mr.
Roscoe Conkling, and brought out all of his powers of wit and sarcasm,
showing him more than a match for the gentleman. It was undoubtedly
the most brilliant intellectual contest of the session. Ex-Governor
Morrill says, “It was a pretty lively time, but they were boys then,
and probably are better friends to-day, though it is certainly evident
they both did their best.”
Consistency in legislation seemed a law with Mr. Blaine, so that
the House should not be found contradicting itself on the military
functions of the president. Indeed the powers of government are so
nicely balanced between the executive and the Senate and House,
that great watchfulness is needed that there be no conflict; and
new members,--and sometimes old members,--are found transgressing
legitimate bounds. For instance, there was a section to a bill that
“until the fourth day of July, in the year 1870, all persons who
voluntarily adhered to the late insurrection, giving it aid and
comfort, shall be excluded from the right to vote for representatives
in congress, and for elections for president and vice-president of the
United States.” He at once raised the question of bad faith, because on
July 17, 1862, they had authorized the president to grant pardon and
amnesty to any person, state or part thereof, that was in rebellion.
And to this effect President Lincoln did issue a proclamation, and
hundreds, and perhaps thousands of pardons were granted. And in 1865
President Johnson issued his celebrated amnesty proclamation, pardoning
all below the military rank of colonel, who had participated in the
Rebellion, excepting certain classes.
One thing is clearly manifest in all of Mr. Blaine’s operations in
congress,--he thoroughly enjoys it all; he is at home, and feels so
constantly. He can trust himself; there is no striving for effect. He
never gets lost in depths, nor aground upon shallows. He can fish in
deep water, or seine near shore. It is quite noticeable how he will go
with the passage of a motion from some minor detail of internal revenue
to the gravest questions of constitutional law. It was said once by
a great preacher who was pastor of a large church, editor of a large
paper, and engaged in writing a book, that he had to live in those
three great spheres, transporting himself daily from one to another,
as he worked in each. But here were not less than a dozen great
departments with which one must be as familiar as with the rooms of his
dwelling, and have in possession, living, present, trenchant facts;
the latest phases of new, fresh life, and the old and musty as well.
For it will not do to blunder in congress; it is blundering before the
nation, and before the world. The folks at home will find it out right
off, and worst of all _you_ will find it out, and a man will feel so
terribly small, and ashamed, and mean, and it will be such desperate
hard work to own up, and sit down with all-hands looking straight at
you.
It is one of the first matters of congressional courtesy, to let anyone
ask you a question. And this is all done so blandly, and in such
elegant diction, one is almost charmed by the tones so as scarcely to
get hold of the question itself; but that question is like the bee, so
bright and beautiful, and musical withal, and yet it has a sting.
What is denominated “brass,” in modern parlance, will not serve one’s
purpose. It is at once detected by its sound, and then confusion
comes,--it will come, it must come, and brass cannot prevent it.
The present was a long, tedious term, and kept the members well into
the summer. The internal-revenue laws must be properly adjusted; the
army re-organized; settlers were pouring, by the thousand, and actually
by the hundred thousand, into the great region between the Missouri and
the Pacific,--so much so that the lieutenant-general urges congress to
provide the means requisite for their protection, as a great body of
citizens who are filling up the country, rendering it productive, and
erecting states; and beside these, a multitude of other things are
demanding attention.
And then, after adjournment, comes the great campaign, in which the
thirteenth amendment is submitted to the suffrage of the people.
Two-thirds of the states must endorse it to make it organic law, and
this they do right heartily, and congress resumes its session the
first Monday in December. It is the second session of the thirty-ninth
congress, and the second of Mr. Blaine’s second term.
Mr. Blaine had a very eligible seat, at the left of the speaker, and
well in front; almost within reach of him sat Garfield.
The first day of the session Mr. Blaine made a move for the repeal of
the three cents per pound tax on raw cotton, which was finally carried.
This was a move which affected every home, and especially the laboring
classes; for older ones do not forget how enormously high cotton goods
were in war times and subsequently, and so have little difficulty in
understanding the importance of such a move. It was contended that it
was a wrong principle to tax the raw production of the soil, and in
conflict with the long-established policy of the nation.
Mr. Blaine’s resolves at this time came thick and fast, like
resolutions at New Year’s, but with more purpose in them. Indeed his
purpose is a noticeable feature of every move, and he could state it
in the plainest kind of English, and it was his practice, after a bill
was read, or resolution presented, to state its meaning, tell just
what he meant by it, as the legal forms do not always make it at once
apparent. He gives his reasons for the measure. For instance, volunteer
officers could not be breveted in the regular army for meritorious
service in the volunteer service. This he saw was wrong, and drew up a
bill in regular form to right the matter, and then states what he means
about it, and the facts that have moved him, generally move the rest.
Almost nine-tenths of the new regular army was to be made up of the old
volunteers, and he would have the old regular army laws changed so as
not to discriminate against them and in favor of West Pointers.
There was no red-tape about him. He did not believe in it. It took
too much time, and was too unjust. He believed in solid worth, and in
rewarding it. He is a straight and constant American, and loves all
who love America, and will not have them dealt unfairly with if it is
in his power to prevent. Fair play is a term he often used during his
early terms in congress. It seemed to express his ideal of honor. An
unfair man was not respectable in his eyes. It was a right upon which
he strenuously insisted for himself. He evidently had seen the old
definition of freeman, “Who knows his rights and knowing dare maintain.”
And yet this genius of fair play which possessed him, kept him from
being a bigot. His sense of justice would rebel against an outrage
inflicted upon anyone. But it is getting to be a hot place in congress.
Andrew Johnson has disappointed the hopes of the nation. He is not
filling the place of the dead Lincoln, but rather dishonoring it,
and articles of impeachment are originating in the House, summoning
him before the bar of the senate because of “the crimes and high
misdemeanors of which he is manifestly and notoriously guilty, and
which render it unsafe longer to permit him to exercise the functions
he has unlawfully assumed.” The air was filled with this matter of
impeachment during the summer campaign, but on in the dead of winter
there is no disposition to rush madly or blindly into it. It is but one
of many things demanding attention.
Mr. Blaine is as conservative as he is radical. He combines in a very
strong and decided manner many of the best characteristics of both. He
does not rush into everything that comes before the House, but calmly
surveys and studies, and comes to know the question in its bearings,
and reaches conclusions, and with these truly gained and firmly held,
he is ready for action.
The novelty of a thing makes him suspicious; he must know it through
and through, for when he begins he will surely end. One comes to expect
that when he presses a measure it will pass, and however much there may
be to retard its progress, he will never lose sight of it until it goes
through.
It seemed to be a time of political apostasy in the nation. Many are
betraying their trusts, and a large number fall, politically, to rise
no more. Many of the old war Democrats, like Andrew Johnson, were
simply Democrats when the war was over. It seemed to be a sort of
political reaction after the high pressure of the war. They were not
prepared to accept all the results of the war. It was more than they
had anticipated, and the result was an unwillingness to proceed, and
so many called a halt; but Thaddeus Stevens in the House, and Charles
Sumner in the senate, kept the work planned and the forces in motion.
Mr. Stevens formed a strong friendship for Mr. Blaine, and as they were
on the military committee together, he learned to respect his talents
and prize his ability.
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