According to _Matthews Duncan_

═══════════════════════════════════╤═══════════════════════════════════

OF EVERY 100 WOMEN WHO MARRY │ THERE BECOME MOTHERS

───────────────────────────────────┼─────────────────┬─────────────────

„ │ In the 1st year │In the 2d year of

│of married life. │ married life.

───────────────────────────────────┼─────────────────┼─────────────────

Between the ages of 15 and 20 years│ 13.71│ 43.70

Between the ages of 20 and 25 years│ 18.48│ 90.51

Between the ages of 25 and 30 years│ 12.41│ 75.80

Between the ages of 30 and 35 years│ 11.44│ 62.93

Between the ages of 35 and 40 years│ 9.27│ 40.97

═══════════════════════════════════╧═════════════════╧═════════════════

_Sadler_ examined the relationship between the age at which marriage was

contracted and the number of offspring in the case of the wives of

English peers. He obtained the following results:

Age at marriage. Births per marriage.

12 to 16 years 4.40

16 to 20 years 4.63

20 to 24 years 5.21

24 to 28 years 5.43

From exact statistical data of births in the Scandinavian countries of

Europe (Denmark, Sweden and Norway), _Goehlert_ compiled the following

table, showing the percentages of fertility at various ages:

═════════════════╤══════════════════════════╤══════════════════════════

AGES. │ MARRIED WOMEN. │ UNMARRIED WOMEN.

─────────────────┼────────┬────────┬────────┼────────┬────────┬────────

„ │Denmark.│Sweden. │Norway. │Denmark.│Sweden. │Norway.

─────────────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────

Under 20 years. │ 1.0│ 1.0│ 0.7│ 9.1│ 7.0│ 4.9

From 20 to 25 │ 13.9│ 12.8│ 11.9│ 43.9│ 35.1│ 37.0

years. │ │ │ │ │ │

From 25 to 30 │ 26.5│ 24.7│ 24.7│ 28.1│ 27.9│ 32.4

years. │ │ │ │ │ │

From 30 to 35 │ 26.7│ 26.1│ 25.3│ 11.4│ 16.8│ 14.9

years. │ │ │ │ │ │

From 35 to 40 │ 21.0│ 21.6│ 21.3│ 5.4│ 9.0│ 7.1

years. │ │ │ │ │ │

─────────────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼────────

From 40 to 45 │ 9.9│ 12.0│ 13.0│ } 2.1│ 4.2│ 3.7

years. │ │ │ │ │ │

Over 45 years. │ 1.1│ 1.8│ 3.1│ „ │ „ │ „

─────────────────┴────────┴────────┴────────┴────────┴────────┴────────

From this table it appears that the fertility of married women increases

steadily up to the age of 35 years, but after this age it begins to

decline. What a marked influence the age at marriage has upon fertility

is shown by the comparison of the figures relating to married women with

those relating to unmarried women; the fertility of unmarried mothers

attains its maximum at the ages of 20 to 25 years. In the countries

under consideration the average age of women at the time of marriage is

25 to 27 years.

In order to obtain a still clearer picture of the fertility of women in

relation to age, _Goehlert_ has combined the figures relating to the

married and the unmarried, and then calculated the percentages, with the

following results:

════════════════════════════════════════════╤══════════════════════════

AGES. │ MARRIED AND UNMARRIED

│ WOMEN.

────────────────────────────────────────────┼────────┬────────┬────────

„ │Denmark.│Sweden. │Norway.

────────────────────────────────────────────┼────────┼────────┼────────

Under 20 years. │ 1.7│ 1.6│ 1.1

From 20 to 25 years. │ 16.6│ 15.1│ 14.1

From 25 to 30 year │ 26.6│ 25.0│ 25.3

From 30 to 35 years. │ 25.3│ 25.1│ 24.4

From 35 to 40 years. │ 19.6│ 20.4│ 20.0

From 40 to 45 years. │ 9.2│ 11.2│ 12.2

────────────────────────────────────────────┼────────┼────────┼────────

From 45 to 50 years. │ } 1.0│ 1.6│ 2.9

Over 50 years. │ „ │ „ │ „

────────────────────────────────────────────┴────────┴────────┴────────

If, finally, we combine into a single table the figures relating to all

three of these countries, we obtain the following results:

Under 20 years 1.5%

From 20 to 25 years 15.3%

From 25 to 30 years 25.6%

From 30 to 35 years 24.9%

From 35 to 40 years 20.0%

From 40 to 45 years 10.9%

Over 45 years 1.8%

From these figures it appears that the maximum fertility of married

women is attained, in Denmark at the age of 31, in Norway at the age of

31.7, and in Sweden at the age of 32 years. In the case of unmarried

women, the maximum fertility is at the ages of 24 to 26 years. In the

Austrian Empire, the maximum fertility of women is attained at about the

age of 30 years; in England it is attained between the ages of 20 and 25

years.

Divergent results as regards the fertility of married women at different

ages were obtained by _Goehlert_ from the examination of 5,290 cases

from the reigning families of Europe. In the favourable position as

regards means of subsistence occupied by the members of these families,

marriage naturally occurs, in most cases, much earlier in life, the mean

age at marriage being between 19 and 22 years—the youngest mother (in

the Capet dynasty) was only 13 years of age—and for this reason the

figures relating to the younger age-classes are larger than in the

previous tables. But as a result of this, the reproductive capacity also

undergoes an earlier extinction, so that of these women, not one gave

birth to a child when she was over 50 years of age. _Goehlert_ gives the

following table, compiled from these 5,290 instances:

Under 20 years 8.8%

From 20 to 25 years 25.4%

From 25 to 30 years 29.4%

From 30 to 35 years 21.6%

From 35 to 40 years 11.5%

Over 40 years 3.3%

In these cases the maximum fertility was obtained at the age of 27.

The physiological fertility of women is much more clearly manifested

when we compare the fertility of women who have been married a few years

only, with the fertility of women in the later years of married life. In

the earlier period, the effective fertility more nearly approaches the

physiological fertility, because at this time the various influences by

means of which fertility is later so greatly diminished have not yet

come into operation. In this connection the following data, published by

_Körösi_, regarding the percentage fertility of recently married women,

and that of married women in general, will be found of interest:

═══════════════════════╤═══════════════════════╤═══════════════════════

│Recently-married women.│ All married women.

───────────────────────┼───────────────────────┼───────────────────────

At ages 20 to 35 years.│ 32.9%│ 20.6%

At ages 35 to 40 years.│ 32.7%│ 14.7%

At ages 40 to 45 years.│ 21.4%│ 5.9%

═══════════════════════╧═══════════════════════╧═══════════════════════

Inasmuch as we learn from this table that in the case of women aged 40

and upward, the newly married exhibit a fertility of four times as great

as that of married women in general, in whom pregnancy has already

become rare, we can infer the influence upon fertility of abstinence and

of artificial measures for the prevention of conception.

On the average, the maximum fertility of woman, that is, the maximum

of effective fertility, is attained at the age of 18 to 20 years.

Extreme youthfulness, and also the opposite condition, too advanced an

age, when marriage is entered on, impair a woman’s fertility; whereas

the conditions most favourable to fertility are that, at the time of

marriage, the uterus should have attained its fullest development, and

the ovaries also should be completely mature; this is not usually the

case at puberty, but rather at the age of 20, 21, or 22 years. In

Austria-Hungary, of 100 marriages in which the wife’s age at marriage

was less than 18 years, the average offspring in the course of a

single year were 36 to 38 children; in the case of 100 marriages in

which the wife’s age at marriage was 18 to 20 years, the average

offspring in a year were 40; this being the maximum fertility, the

number of offspring in a year per hundred marriages (i. e., the

percentage fertility), now undergoes a regular decline as the wife’s

age at marriage increases; at an age of 25, the percentage fertility

is 32; at the age of 30 years, the fertility is 24%; at the age of 35,

17%; at the age of 40 years barely 10%; at the age of 45, 7%; at ages

45 to 50, 0.1%. Thus, from the last figure, we see that of a thousand

women marrying at the age of 50 years, one only gives birth to a

child. Men obtain their maximum fertility (i. e., procreative

capacity) at the age of 25 or 26 years; at this age their fertility

amounts to 35% (that is, of 100 marriages at this age, 35 children

will on the average be born within a single year); at the age of 35

years, the percentage fertility of men falls to 23; at the age of 45

years, it is 9½%; at 55, 2.2%; at 65, ½% (_Körösi-Blaschko_).

Whereas hitherto we have considered only the monogenous fertility of

married women, we must remember that the figures relating to their

biogenous fertility are also of interest—that is to say, the changes

which a woman’s fertility experiences in married life in respect of the

peculiarities of her husband; and of these peculiarities, the easiest to

make the object of statistical investigation is the husband’s age. The

age of the husband exercises an important influence upon the fertility

of the wife, as is proved by the following figures published by

_Körösi_:

════════════════════════════╤════════════════════════════════════════════

AGE OF THE FATHER. │ AGE OF THE MOTHER.

────────────────────────────┼──────────────┬──────────────┬──────────────

„ │ 25 years. │ 30 years. │ 35 years.

────────────────────────────┼──────────────┼──────────────┼──────────────

25 to 30 years │ 35.6%│ 25.0%│ 21.2%

30 to 35 years │ 31.2%│ 23.6%│ 19.9%

35 to 40 years │ 27.5%│ 21.8%│ 19.4%

40 to 45 years │ │ 16.7%│ 14.0%

45 to 50 years │ │ 14.4%│ 10.9%

50 to 55 years │ │ │ 10.9%

════════════════════════════╧══════════════╧══════════════╧══════════════

Also:

══════════════╤═══════════════════════════════════════════════════════════

AGE OF THE │ AGE OF THE FATHER.

MOTHER. │

──────────────┼──────────────┬──────────────┬──────────────┬──────────────

„ │ 25 years. │ 35 years. │ 45 years. │ 55 years.

──────────────┼──────────────┼──────────────┼──────────────┼──────────────

Under 20 years│ 49.1%│ │ │

20 to 25 years│ 43.0%│ 31.3%│ 16.0%│

25 to 30 years│ 30.8%│ 27.3%│ 18.5%│

30 to 35 years│ 33.5%│ 23.7%│ 14.4%│ 8.1%

35 to 40 years│ │ 18.9%│ 11.8%│ 6.7%

40 to 45 years│ │ 6.6%│ 6.1%│ 3.0%

══════════════╧══════════════╧══════════════╧══════════════╧══════════════

We learn from these figures that the maximum fertility is exhibited by a

woman 18 years of age, when married to a man 25 years of age; less

fertile is a woman 25 to 30 years of age married to a man 28 years of

age; still less fertile is a woman 35 years of age married to a man 29

years of age. Neither the age of the mother alone, nor that of the

father alone, is determinative of the fertility of the marriage, for the

fertility of young wives married to elderly husbands is quite different

from that of young wives married to young husbands. Very various

age-combinations are possible, and each exhibits an average fertility

peculiar to itself.

We can also regard the question from the standpoint of the _difference_

between the ages of husband and wife respectively. In this connection,

_Körösi_ is led by his tables to the conclusion that wives between the

ages of 18 and 20 years attain their maximum fertility when married to

men 7 years older than themselves; women of 25 years when married to men

3 years older than themselves; women of 29 years when married to men of

the same age; women of 30 years and upward attain their maximum

fertility only when married to men younger than themselves. Men, on the

contrary, always attain their maximum fertility when married to women

younger than themselves. The age of maximum fertility differs in the two

sexes, and those marriages will be most fruitful in which husband and

wife are each of the age most favorable to fertility. This will be the

case when the age of the wife is 18 to 20 years, and that of the husband

24 to 26 or perhaps 29 years.

In connection with the question of fertility, we have also to take into

consideration the vitality of the children born, that is, what

proportion of those born survive. According to _Körösi’s_ interesting

papers regarding the fertility of the inhabitants of Buda-Pesth, we

learn that for every 100 marriages which have persisted for thirty years

and upward, there were born, on the average, 539 children, of whom

during this period 241 died, so that the percentage of survivals was

55.28. Parents who have lost one only of several children must,

therefore, regard themselves as exceptionally favoured by fortune.

Social position, occupation, and religion, have, according to the

last-quoted author, a notable influence on fertility. His investigations

showed that the Roman Catholics and the Jews exhibited the greatest

fertility; among the Catholics there were 541 children, and among the

Jews 557 children, per 100 marriages. Amongst 100 Protestant families,

on the other hand, only 479 children had been born. It will be seen that

the theory of the comparatively enormous fertility of the Jewish race is

not supported by these statistics. The Jews do, however, exhibit a

greater power of rearing children, for among them the marriages of more

than 30 years’ duration had 61⅔ % of the children still living; among

the Protestants 57¾% survived; and among the Catholics only 52–⅗%. It

thus appears that the surviving offspring per 100 marriages of 30 years’

duration were, among the Catholics 278, among the Protestants 252, and

among the Jews 349.

The question whether, and to what extent, the age of the parents has an

influence on the vitality of the children, is answered by _Körösi’s_

mortality statistics in the sense that mothers below 20 years of age

give birth to a larger proportion of children deficient in vital power.

Where the mothers had married at the age of 16, the mortality of their

offspring was, among Catholics 43%, among Jews 33%; married at 17,

Catholic mortality 44%, Jewish 30%; married at 18, Catholic mortality

42%, Jewish 32%; married at 19, Catholic mortality 41%, Jewish 29%;

married at 20, Catholic mortality 40%, Jewish 26%. Of the children whose

fathers had married at the age of 24, 32% had died; of those whose

fathers had married at 23, 37% had died; of those whose fathers had

married at 20, 42% had died; and of those whose fathers had married

before 20, actually 44% had died. It thus appears that the children

alike of very young mothers and of very young fathers have a lessened

chance of survival.

Inasmuch as the fertility of the wife is a product of two factors, her

own peculiar fertility, and that of the procreating male, the question

of the fertility of women cannot be accurately treated independently of

this second consideration; hereby, however, is introduced a multiplicity

of obscure combinations, by which the value of all the statistical data

of fertility in women is seriously impaired.

These data give as the measure of fertility, the number of children per

marriage actually brought up, embracing fruitful marriages, sterile

marriages, and those not yet fruitful. In Berlin, in Copenhagen, and in

Buda-Pesth, the average thus attained was slightly less than three

births to each family, whilst the number of children actually living

averaged two per family. A more accurate representation of fertility is

obtained by ascertaining the number of children born, and the number of

children living in relation to the duration of marriages reckoned in

years, that is beginning with marriages of one year’s duration, and

proceeding year by year to the highest recorded duration of marriage. In

this way interesting statistics have been obtained; for example, one who

has completed thirty years of married life may count on the average that

five or six children will have been born to him, but may also reckon on

having buried two or three at least of these. (_Körösi._)

Fertility is, as many facts indicate, also dependent on nutrition. A

distinct proof, says _Spencer_, writing on the “Coincidence between high

Nutrition and Genesis,” that abundant nutriment increases the number of

births, and vice versa, is found among the mammalia; compare, for

instance, the litter of the dog with that of the wolf and the fox.

Whilst the dog’s litter numbers 6 to 14, that of the wolf numbers 5 to

7, that of the fox 4 to 6. The wild cat gives birth to 4 or 5 kittens

once a year, the domesticated cat to 5 or 6, twice or thrice annually.

The most remarkable contrast, in this respect, exists between the wild

and the domesticated breeds of swine. The wild sow gives birth once a

year to a litter of 4, 8, or 10 pigs (the number increasing in

successive litters); the domesticated sow has often as many as 17 in a

single litter, whilst in two years five litters, each numbering 10 pigs,

are commonly born.

_Darwin_ also draws attention to the fact that animals under

domestication, being fed more abundantly and regularly than their wild

allies, procreate at shorter intervals and are markedly more fertile

than the latter. He states that the wild rabbit has four litters

annually, each numbering 4 to 8 young; whereas the tame rabbit

reproduces its kind six to seven times annually, and gives birth to

litters numbering 4 to 11. Among birds, analogous phenomena are

observed. The wild duck, for instance, lays 5 to 10 eggs in the course

of the year, whereas the tame duck lays from 80 to 100; the wild grey

goose lays 5 to 8 eggs, the domesticated goose 13 to 18.

It must be added that this exceptional fertility is manifested in

animals that are quite inactive in comparison with their wild allies;

not only are they richly fed, but they get their food without working

for it. Moreover, it is easy to observe that among the domesticated

mammals the well-fed are more fertile than the ill-fed.

That in the human species also, fertility is influenced to a notable

degree by nutritive conditions, is shown by statistical investigation.

After years distinguished by an exceptionally good harvest the number of

children born is considerably greater than in normal conditions; whereas

after a famine the opposite is observed. _Malthus’s_ law of population

states, _inter alia_, that the population increases when the amount of

available nutriment increases, that is, that favourable nutritive

conditions cause an increase, that unfavourable nutritive conditions

cause a decrease, of population. Hardships and exhausting occupations

diminish the fertility of women. The remarkable fertility of the Kaffirs

is referred to the fact that this people, possessing large herds of

cattle, lead a life comparatively free from care; it is no less true

that the Boer women, who lead a life of well-fed leisure, have very

large families; whereas the Hottentot women, poor, ill-nourished, and

hard working, seldom bear more than three children.

Generally speaking, it may be said that fertility of the soil, in

connection with an easily gained livelihood, favours also human

fertility, notwithstanding the fact that certain statistical data seem

to conflict with this proposition. _Sadler_, for instance, concludes

that an increase in the price of the necessaries of life does not _per

se_ check fertility, but, indeed, rather increases it; he considers that

the apparent decline in fertility is due to the fact that the number of

marriages diminishes, owing to the rise in prices. We must, however,

point out, that an increase in price of the necessaries of life is often

associated with a rise in wages, and is therefore not necessarily

identified with deficient nutrition; when, however, such a rise in

prices leads to actual want, a limitation of fertility will certainly

result; this has been proved by _Legoyt_ and _Villermé_ with regard to

failure of the crops. Famine and disease lower the number of births; a

less severe deficiency of nutriment often lowers only the quality of

those born. _Malthus_ was of opinion that the population of a country at

any time was related to the quantity of nutriment produced or imported

therein, on the one hand, and, on the other, to the liberality with

which this nutriment was distributed to the individual. In countries

where corn forms the principal crop, we find a thicker population than

in pasture lands; and where rice is the principal crop, the population

is even more abundant than it is in corn growing countries.

Passing to the consideration of the individual nutritive elements, we

find that these also influence fertility. Above all, it has been proved

that alcohol notably diminishes the fertility of women. _Lippich_ states

that of 100 women in Kärnten and Krain suffering from chronic

alcoholism, 28.3 were barren. In England, where the abuse of alcoholic

beverages is also very frequently observed in women, the same phenomenon

has been noted. _Matthews Duncan_ held that alcohol exercised a specific

deleterious influence on fertility. Moreover, in addition to the

constitutional disturbances produced by the abuse of alcohol, this

beverage also exercises a well-known pathogenetic influence upon the

female reproductive organs; with especial frequency, chronic oöphoritis

may be shown to depend on this exciting cause.

A diet consisting mainly of fish is known to increase the sexual

impulse, and is said also to increase fertility. Further, a diet

consisting mainly of potatoes or rice is said to favour reproduction;

compare, for instance, the fertility of the Hindoos, who abstain

entirely from animal food, and of the Chinese, who live chiefly on rice.

_Davy_ maintained that the women of races living chiefly on fish were

handsomer and more fertile than others: and _Montesquieu_ suggested that

there was an association between the abundant population of sea-ports

and also of Japan and China, and the large quantity of fish consumed in

those places. On the other hand, a diet consisting chiefly of meat is

said to have an unfavourable influence in this direction; in support of

this view it is pointed out that races living by the chase, and living

therefore almost entirely on meat, have very small families. This

generalization is invalidated by the fact that Englishwomen, who eat far

more meat than the women of the Latin races, are nevertheless

distinguished by their great fertility.

In his “History of Civilisation in England” _Buckle_ writes: “The

population of a country, although influenced by many other conditions,

unquestionably rises and falls in proportion as the supply of nutriment

is abundant or the reverse.” _Herbert Spencer_ also states that “every

increment in the supply of nutriment is followed by an increment in

fertility.”

It must not be forgotten that, in addition to the more or less abundant

supply of nutriment, there are always other influences affecting

fertility; the general mode of life, race, climatic conditions, etc.,

may, in various ways, co-operate with or countervail the influence of

nutritive conditions. If, with the best possible supply of nutriment,

there is associated a luxurious and enervating mode of life, the abuse

of alcohol, severe intellectual exertion, or sexual excesses, the

general result will be a diminution in fertility. And it is easy to

understand why _Cros_, although perhaps with little justification, goes

so far as to regard easy circumstances as an active cause of

depopulation. “It is the poor,” he writes, “and the less wealthy

departments of France, in which we find the most children.” In

estimating fertility, however, we must never fail to take into

consideration the more extensive employment of means for the prevention

of pregnancy among the upper classes of society.

To a certain extent we can trace the influence of climate and of season

upon fertility. Heat appears to favour fertility; _Haycraft’s_ figures

for the eight largest towns of Scotland show clearly how the number of

conceptions rises and falls _pari passu_ with the temperature. Lower

animals also, when brought from a colder to a warmer neighbourhood,

exhibit an earlier and more frequently recurring “heat.” In Europe,

however, the Northern races appear more fertile than those of the south.

Of the seasons, spring is the one especially favourable to fertility.

_Quetelet_, who proves by numerous statistical data that the maximum of

conceptions occurs in May, attributes this fact to a general increase in

the vital forces occurring in spring, after the cold of winter.

_Villermé_, however, goes back to the older explanation, that the

increase in the number of conceptions in May and June is due to social

and economic conditions. The return of spring, especially the end of

spring and the beginning of summer, a time of year in which the means of

subsistence are provided in exceptional quantity, and of especially good

quality, the season also of festivals and social reunion, when the two

sexes are brought into more intimate contact and when the majority of

marriages occur—these are the conditions associated with the season of

greatest fertility. The figures of _Wappaeus_ also confirm the influence

of spring in favouring fertility. He found, however, that there were two

seasons of maximal fertility. The first at the end of spring and the

beginning of summer; the second in winter, especially in December.

Mid-winter is for most people a period of domestic amusement and

relaxation, one of exceptionally good nutrition, and of social reunion;

the spring increase in fertility is a part of the awakening and increase

of the reproductive forces of nature at large, which recurs every

spring-time.

Every marked and sudden change in the mode of life has an unfavourable

influence on fertility. _Darwin_ reports that mares who have for some

time been stall-fed with dry fodder and are then put out to grass are at

first infertile after the change. Europeans going to reside in the

tropics experience a notable decline in fertility as a result of the

change of climate. According to _Virchow_, the fertility of European

women who become acclimatized in the tropics declines very gradually,

but in the course of a few generations is almost completely annulled.

The marriage of near kin is believed also to diminish fertility. As

regards inbreeding in the lower animals, it is well known that when

nearly related animals copulate, the number of the offspring is below

the average. _Nathusius_ paired a sow with its own uncle, the boar

having proved productive in intercourse with other sows; the litter

numbered five to six only. This sow, which belonged to the great

Yorkshire race, was then paired with a small black boar, which in

intercourse with sows of its own variety had procreated litters

numbering six or seven; as a result of her first pairing with the black

boar, the sow cast a litter numbering twenty-one whilst the second

attempt produced a litter of eighteen. Similar results were obtained by

_Crampe_, in his experiments in the inbreeding of rats.

Some authorities declare that the results of inbreeding are similar in

the human species, that the marriages of near kin are less fruitful than

the average. _Darwin_ writes in this connection: “With regard to human

beings, the question whether breeding in-and-in is also deleterious,

will probably never receive a direct answer, for man reproduces his kind

so very slowly, and cannot be made the object of experiment. The very

general disinclination of nearly all races to the marriage of near kin,

which has existed from the very earliest times, is of weight in relation

to this question. Indeed we appear almost justified in applying to the

human race the experience gained by experiment on the higher mammals.”

_Darwin’s_ assumption regarding the effect upon fertility of the

marriage of near kin in the human species, cannot, however, be accepted

without qualification. In ancient times there was no uniformity of

opinion on this topic. It is well known that among the Phœnicians, a son

might marry his mother, and a father his daughter; and among the ancient

Arabs it was the legal duty of the son to marry his widowed mother.

Moses, on the contrary, forbade marriages between parents and children,

between brothers and sisters, also marriage with a father’s sister, with

a wife’s mother, and with an uncle’s widow.

_Darwin_ considered that the marriage of first cousins was not

unfavourable to fertility. Of 97 such marriages, 14 were sterile, whilst

of 217 marriages of those not akin, 35 were sterile; the percentage in

both cases being almost identical. _Mantegazza_, who regards kinship in

marriage as unfavourable to fertility, found nevertheless that among 512

marriages of near kin, only 8 to 9% were sterile. It is widely believed

that the dying out of many aristocratic families is dependent on the

inbreeding so common in this class—but it must be admitted that

scientific evidence in support of this belief is lacking. Incest in the

human species may certainly result in fertilization. Among the Jews,

marriages of near kin are very common, and often prove extremely

fruitful.

_Göhlert_ made a statistical investigation of the fertility of the

reigning families of Europe, in order to throw light on this question.

In the Capet dynasty, 118 marriages of near kin took place, and of these

41 were sterile; in the Wettin dynasty (Saxony), there were 28 such

marriages, of which 7 were sterile, and 1 produced one child only; in

the Wittelsbach dynasty (Bavaria), 29 such marriages, of which 9 were

sterile, and 3 produced only one child each. Thus of 175 marriages of

near kin, 57, or 32.6% remained sterile. Further, in the

Habsburg-Lothringen dynasty, of 110 marriages, 25 were marriages of near

kin, and of these 33% remained sterile.

It has been assumed since the days of antiquity that temperament and

constitution exercise some influence on fertility. _Hippocrates_,

_Soranus_, and _Diokles_, are among the ancient authors who refer to

this matter. _Soranus_ says very justly: “Since most marriages are

contracted, not from love, but for the procreation of children, it is

irrational, when choosing a wife, to have regard, not to her probable

fruitfulness, but instead of this to the social position and the wealth

of her parents.”

It would appear that a certain dissimilarity in physical constitution

and temperament between husband and wife is favourable to the fertility

of the marriage. For instance, a vivacious, dark husband, and a

lethargic, fair wife, are better suited to one another than a husband

and wife both extremely active, or both of extremely phlegmatic

temperament.

_Toussaint Loua_ published the following figures regarding the fertility

of the women of the various countries of Europe:

══════════════╤═════════════╤═════════════════════════════════════════

│ Number of │

COUNTRY. │ births per │FERTILITY OF WOMEN BETWEEN THE AGES OF 15

│ hundred │ AND 45 YEARS.

│inhabitants. │

──────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────┬─────────────┬─────────────

„ │ „ │ Married. │ Unmarried. │ Average.

──────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────

Hungary │ 4.94│ │ │ 17.8

Russia │ 4.12│ │ │ 20.5

Austria │ 3.93│ │ │ 16.4

Germany │ 3.77│ 34.8│ 2.9│ 17.7

Italy │ 3.67│ 28.8│ 2.4│ 16.1

Holland │ 3.67│ 35.3│ 1.0│ 16.0

Finland │ 3.63│ │ │ 15.8

England │ 3.58│ 29.7│ 1.6│ 15.5

Scotland │ 3.53│ 32.8│ 2.5│ 15.8

Belgium │ 3.25│ 33.7│ 1.8│ 14.8

Denmark │ 3.12│ 28.5│ 2.8│ 14.4

Roumania │ 3.12│ │ │ 13.5

Norway │ 3.10│ 29.3│ 2.2│ 14.0

Sweden │ 3.05│ 29.1│ 2.5│ 13.7

Switzerland │ 3.04│ 29.7│ 1.1│ 13.1

Greece │ 2.96│ │ │ 13.2

Ireland │ 2.69│ 29.8│ 0.5│ 12.3

France │ 2.63│ 20.3│ 1.8│ 11.6

══════════════╧═════════════╧═════════════╧═════════════╧═════════════

In towns, conjugal fertility is less, extra-conjugal fertility greater,

than in the country. An increase in factory labour gives rise to an

increase in the population, but to a decline in the vitality of the

offspring; that is to say, it causes a quantitative increase, and a

qualitative decrease, in fertility. An increase in agricultural labour

has precisely the opposite effect. The influence of war upon fertility

is unfavourable both quantitatively, and qualitatively. According to

_Tschouriloff_, the introduction of universal military service, by

withdrawing for a time all the most vigorous men from domestic life,

tends to diminish fertility. Extensive emigration from a country in

which the soil is fertile, and where the vital conditions are generally

favourable, is stated by _Bertillon_ to cause an increased fertility in

the mother country; he further states that an increase in the number of

the proprietors of the soil is followed by diminished fertility, and

vice versa.

Prostitutes show as a rule a very low fertility. According to the data

of _Tarnowskaja_, the fertility of prostitutes in Russia is 34%, whilst

married women of similar ages in Russia exhibit a fertility of 51.8%.

_Gurrieri_ found 60% of prostitutes childless.

The fertility of female criminals was found by _Lombroso_ to be

undiminished. On the average, poisoners had given birth to 4.5 children,

other murderesses to 3.2 children, child-murderesses to 2 children; thus

the prisoners whose crime is commonly dependent on an abnormal eroticism

had a fertility above the average.

The diminished fertility of prostitutes depends in part upon frequent

venereal infection, in part upon the unfavourable influence of the

mercury and iodide of potassium administered for the cure of such

infection, also upon the frequency with which they consume excessive

quantities of alcohol, upon the excessive frequency of coitus, which

exercises a traumatic influence, upon the irregular mode of life, and

upon their disinclination to be burdened with children.

Conjugal fertility, that is to say, the ratio between legitimate births

and the number of married women between the ages of 15 and 50 years, has

declined in Germany during the last decades. It was:

During the years 1872 to 1875 29.7%

During the years 1879 to 1882 27.4%

During the years 1889 to 1892 26.5%

This decline is small, but it is much more manifest in urban than in

rural districts. This fact is shown by the following figures, relating

to fertility in Prussia:

1872 to 1879. 1894 to 1897.

In all towns 26.9 24.0

In Berlin 23.8 16.9

In other large towns 26.7 23.5

In rural districts 28.8 29.0

This difference depends principally on the fact that in the large towns

of Germany (and still more in those of France) the use of means for the

prevention of pregnancy is continually increasing, whereas the

population of the rural districts is as yet less familiar with the use

of these measures.

According to _Hellstenius_, conjugal fertility, that is, the number of

children per married couple, is as follows:

In the Netherlands 4.88

Norway 4.70

Prussia 4.60

Bavaria 4.55

Sweden 4.52

Saxony 4.35

England 4.33

Belgium 4.23

Denmark 4.18

France 3.46

_Talquist_, who has published a statistical investigation concerning the

modern tendency to diminished fertility, arrives at lower figures than

_Hellstenius_. According to him, conjugal fertility is:

In Prussia 4.11

England 4.10

Belgium 4.12

France 2.09

In various States of the American Union 2.5 to 3.0

From the Almanach de Gotha _Vacher_ obtained figures showing that each

family of the higher aristocracy has on the average the following number

of children.

In France 2.0

Italy 3.0

Germany 4.8

England 4.9

Russia 5.1

According to the figures we have published, the fertility of women

suffices for the production during the sexual life of a small number

only of children, averaging, in fact, 4 to 5 children per marriage. Many

mothers, however, give birth to a very large number of children. Among

73,000 families inhabiting Buda-Pesth, _Körösi_ found 300 mothers who

had had 15 children or more; 7 mothers who had each had 21 children; and

3 mothers who had given birth respectively to 22, 23 and 24 children.

A newspaper report states that the wife of a citizen of Buda-Pesth,

during the 43 years of her married life, gave birth to 32 children. In

the year 1902, a Bohemian woman gave birth to her twenty-fourth child.

_Stieda_ reports the cases of two mothers, one of whom had 21, and the

other 23 children. The wife of the German Emperor, Albrecht I, and the

wife of Prince Jost of Lippe-Biesterfeld, each bore 21 children.

The so-called _two-children-system_ obtains most commonly in France.

It is true that even in France there are on an average nearly three

children born per marriage; but if we take into account surviving

children only we find an average per family of 2.1 children only.

Similar conditions obtain in New England, and in Transylvania; and the

same practice is spreading throughout the United States. Another way in

which the attempt is made to keep down the population is that customary

in Alsace, where, if there are several children in a family one only

marries, in order to avoid a division of the family property. It cannot

be denied that in France, doubtless in consequence of the two-children

system, a somewhat widely diffused prosperity exists, a prosperity which

is lacking in the rare districts in France, such as Brittany, in which

limitation of the family is not practised. What a disastrous influence

the general use of measures for the prevention of pregnancy exercises on

the military power and political status of a nation has, however, in

recent years been made especially manifest in the case of France. In

that country, of ten million families, two million are absolutely

childless, and two million have only one child each, so that two-fifths

of the French families are as good as inactive in maintaining the

population of the country. The injury thus done to France is shown still

more clearly by a tabular comparison of the excess of births over deaths

in the German and French nations, respectively, during the two decades

1874 to 1894 (from _G. von Mayr’s_ _Population Statistics_).

Year. Germany. France.

1874 +13.4 +4.8

1875 13.0 2.9

1876 14.6 3.6

1877 13.6 3.9

1878 12.7 2.6

1879 13.3 2.5

1880 11.6 1.7

1881 11.5 2.9

1882 11.5 2.6

1883 11.7 2.6

1884 11.2 2.3

1885 11.3 1.4

1886 10.8 1.5

1887 12.7 1.3

1888 12.9 2.5

1889 12.7 1.2

1890 11.3 –0.3

1891 13.6 –0.5

1892 11.7 +0.1

1893 12.2 –1.2

1894 13.6 –0.4

To what an extent in all times, and among all peoples, the fertility of

women was esteemed, is shown by religious writings and traditional

customs which aimed at enabling a wife who had had no children by her

own husband, to seek other conjugal embraces. Among the Jews, it was the

duty of a man to marry his widowed and childless sister-in-law; if he

were unwilling or unable to perform this duty he was compelled to take a

part in a ritual termed “chaliza,” in which his foot was bared and the

bereaved woman spat upon him, because he was unwilling to maintain his

brother’s house. In the law book of the Hindoos of _Manus_, we read, “If

husband and wife have no children, it is proper for them to obtain the

desired offspring by a union between the wife and the husband’s brother,

or some other relative;” the child obtained in this way was legally

regarded as the child of the husband. _Confucius_ wrote: “If your wife

is barren, take a second wife; she must be subordinate to the first

wife, for her only duty is the bearing of children.” An analogy to this

ordinance is to be found in the Bible; Abraham’s barren wife Sarai says

to Abraham: “Behold now, the Lord has restrained me from bearing: I pray

thee, go in unto my maid; it may be that I may obtain children by her.

And Abraham hearkened unto the voice of Sarai.” In the same way the

barren Rachel speaks to her husband Jacob, “Behold my maid Billah, go in

unto her; and she shall bear upon my knees, that I may also have

children by her.”

_Luther_, in his treatise on marital love published in the year 1522,

bases, doubtless on the above biblical precedents, the following

statement regarding fertility: “If a sexually potent woman is married to

an impotent man, if she is unable to take any other man openly, yet is

unwilling to do anything dishonourable, she should say to her husband,

“Dear husband, you cannot fulfil your duty to me, and you have deceived

my young body, you have endangered my honour and my happiness, and in

the eye of God our marriage is null, forgive me therefore if I form a

secret union with your brother or with your nearest friend; the fruit of

this union will be yours in name, thus your possessions will not fall to

strangers, and you will willingly allow me to deceive you, because

involuntarily you have deceived me.””

In ethnography, the term _endogamy_ is used to denote a law or custom by

which marriage is allowed only within the limits of a specified race,

tribe, or caste; thus, in the Old Testament, Jews are forbidden to marry

women of other races. The ethnographical term _exogamy_ indicates the

prohibition of marriage between persons who are more closely allied, as,

for instance, the Mosaic prohibition of marriage within certain degrees

of blood-relationship. Such exogamic prohibitions persist even in the

legislation of the present day. In many ecclesiastical and national laws

we find the marriage of first cousins and of uncle or aunt with niece or

nephew forbidden; and even a prohibition of the marriage of a man with

his deceased wife’s sister.

_Hegar_ considers the danger of inbreeding to be very great in the human

species; for whereas in the lower animals breeders employ a methodical

and carefully considered selection of the best specimens, nothing of

this kind occurs among human beings; and the health of modern civilized

man is such that there are few families without a skeleton in the

closet. “Not only in families, but also in villages, in small and large

towns, even in classes, and in entire nations, certain peculiar

qualities, morbid tendencies, and predispositions, are handed down from

generation to generation. We have, for instance, the tendency of the

Jews to nervous disorders and diabetes, that of the English to gout,

that of the Germans to myopia.” _Strahan_ has therefore employed the

term “social consanguinity,” to indicate that by means of common

customs, environment, occupation, and mode of nutrition, a similarity in

type is produced, leading to a similar predisposition to disorders and

diseases transmissible from father to son.

The dangers of inbreeding are believed by _Hegar_ to be, under

present-day conditions, so considerable that he would allow the marriage

of near kin in exceptional cases only, and where the circumstances are

peculiarly favourable—for instance, where both parties to the projected

marriage are in excellent health, and where there is no great similarity

between them in feature or mental type. Certain anomalies transmitted

from remote ancestors, dependent on deeply-marked peculiarities of the

germ cells, may be so developed by inbreeding as to become absolutely

fixed characteristics. If the morbid manifestations can be traced back

for several generations, if the bodily defects and disturbances of

development (the so-called stigmata of degeneration), are well marked

and numerous, if the functional disorders of the nervous system and of

the sense organs are pronounced, leading to idiocy, insanity, epilepsy,

congenital deafmutism, blindness, instinctive criminality,—there is in

such cases little or no hope of the regeneration of the family. It dies

out, because the members are sterile; because they are confined in

prisons or asylums; or because the children, if any are born, are

deficient in vitality, and fail to reach maturity.

According to the brief summary of the subject given by _Hegar_, the

peculiarities of the offspring at the time of birth depend upon:

Factors which give rise to peculiarities of the germ-cells:

The sexual life of woman in its physiological, pathological and hygienic aspects · 第 61 / 100 题