G. WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, November 7, 1792.

The papers accompanying the said message were read and ordered to lie on

the table.

The SPEAKER laid before the House two letters from Thomas Barclay,

Consul of the United States at the Court of Morocco, one dated the 28th

of May, the other the 17th of July, 1792, enclosing petitions from

Richard O'Brien, in behalf of himself and other citizens of the United

States, now in captivity at Algiers, stating the peculiar hardships they

have undergone during the time they have been kept in slavery, and

praying that Congress will consider their distressed situation, and take

such measures for their releasement as to their wisdom shall seem meet.

_Ordered_, That the said letters and petitions be referred to the

Secretary of State, for information.

THURSDAY, November 8.

Several other members, to wit: from Connecticut, JAMES HILLHOUSE; from

Pennsylvania, WILLIAM FINDLAY and ISRAEL JACOBS; and from Kentucky,

ALEXANDER D. ORR, appeared, and took their seats in the House.

SATURDAY, November 10.

Two other members, to wit: PETER SYLVESTER, from New York, and THOMAS

HARTLEY, from Pennsylvania, appeared, and took their seats in the House.

_Address to the President._

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the

Address to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, in answer to his Speech

to both Houses of Congress; and, after some time spent therein, the

SPEAKER resumed the chair, and Mr. LAURANCE reported that the committee

had had the said Address under consideration, and made several

amendments thereto; which were severally twice read, and agreed to by

the House.

And then the said Address, as amended, being again read, was, on the

question put thereon, agreed to by the House, as follows:

"SIR: The House of Representatives, who always feel a

satisfaction in meeting you, are much concerned that the

occasion for mutual felicitation afforded by the

circumstances favorable to the national prosperity should

be abated by a continuance of the hostile spirit of many of

the Indian tribes, and, particularly, that the reiterated

efforts for effecting a general pacification with them

should have issued in new proofs of their persevering

enmity, and the barbarous sacrifice of citizens, who, as

the messengers of peace, were distinguishing themselves by

their zeal for the public service. In our deliberations on

this important department of our affairs, we shall be

disposed to pursue every measure that may be dictated by

the sincerest desire, on one hand, of cultivating peace,

and manifesting, by every practicable regulation, our

benevolent regard for the welfare of those misguided

people; and by the duty we feel, on the other, to provide

effectually for the safety and protection of our

fellow-citizens.

"While with regret we learn that symptoms of opposition to

the law imposing duties on spirits distilled within the

United States, have manifested themselves, we reflect with

consolation, that they are confined to a small portion of

our fellow-citizens. It is not more essential to the

preservation of true liberty, that a Government should be

always ready to listen to the representations of its

constituents, and to accommodate its measures to the

sentiments and wishes of every part of them, as far as will

consist with the good of the whole, than it is, that the

just authority of the laws should be steadfastly

maintained. Under this impression, every department of the

Government, and all good citizens must approve the measures

you have taken, and the purpose you have formed, to

execute this part of your trust with firmness and energy;

and be assured, sir, of every constitutional aid and

co-operation, which may become requisite on our part. And

we hope that, while the progress of contentment under the

law in question, is as obvious as it is rational, no

particular part of the community may be permitted to

withdraw from the general burdens of the country, by a

conduct as irreconcilable to national justice, as it is

inconsistent with public decency.

"The productive state of the public revenue, and the

confirmation of the credit of the United States abroad,

evinced by the loans at Antwerp and Amsterdam, are

communications the more gratifying, as they enforce the

obligation to enter on systematic and effectual

arrangements for discharging the public debt, as fast as

the conditions of it will permit; and we take pleasure in

the opportunity to assure you of our entire concurrence in

the opinion, that no measure can be more desirable, whether

viewed with an eye to the urgent wish of the community, or

the intrinsic importance of promoting so happy a change in

our situation.

"The adoption of a constitution for the State of Kentucky,

is an event on which we join in all the satisfaction you

have expressed. It may be considered as particularly

interesting, since, besides the immediate benefits

resulting from it, it is another auspicious demonstration

of the facility and success with which an enlightened

people is capable of providing, by free and deliberate

plans of government, for their own safety and happiness.

"The operation of the law establishing the Post Office, as

it relates to the transmission of newspapers, will merit

our particular inquiry and attention, the circulation of

political intelligence through these vehicles being justly

reckoned among the surest means of preventing the

degeneracy of a free government, as well as of recommending

every salutary public measure to the confidence and

co-operation of all virtuous citizens.

"The several other matters which you have communicated and

recommended, will, in their order, receive the attention

due to them, and our discussions will, in all cases, we

trust, be guided by a proper respect for harmony and

stability in the public Councils, and a desire to

conciliate, more and more, the attachment of our

constituents to the constitution, by measures accommodated

to the true ends for which it was established."

_Resolved_, That the SPEAKER, attended by the House, do present the said

Address, and that Mr. MADISON, Mr. BENSON, and Mr. MURRAY, be a

committee to wait on the PRESIDENT, to know when and where it will be

convenient for him to receive the same.

Mr. MADISON, from the committee appointed to wait on the PRESIDENT OF

THE UNITED STATES, to know when and where it will be convenient for him

to receive the Address of this House, in answer to his Speech to both

Houses of Congress, reported that the committee had waited on the

PRESIDENT, who signified to them that it would be convenient to him to

receive the said Address at 12 o'clock on Monday next, at his own house.

MONDAY, November 12.

Another member, to wit, JOHN BAPTIST ASHE, from North Carolina,

appeared, and took his seat in the House.

_Address to the President._

The SPEAKER, attended by the House, then withdrew to the house of the

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and there presented to him the Address

of this House, in answer to his Speech to both Houses of Congress; to

which the PRESIDENT made the following reply:

"GENTLEMEN: It gives me pleasure to express to you the

satisfaction which your Address affords me. I feel, as I

ought, the approbation you manifest of the measures I have

taken, and the purpose I have formed, to maintain, pursuant

to the trust reposed in me by the constitution, the respect

which is due to the laws; and the assurance which you, at

the same time, give me, of every constitutional aid and

co-operation that may become requisite on your part.

"This is a new proof of that enlightened solicitude for the

establishment and confirmation of public order, which,

embracing a zealous regard for the principles of true

liberty, has guided the deliberations of the House of

Representatives; a perseverance in which can alone secure,

under the Divine blessing, the real and permanent felicity

of our common country.

"G. WASHINGTON."

The House having returned to their Chamber, resumed the reading of the

papers communicated by the Secretary of War, on Wednesday last, relative

to the Indians north-west and south of the river Ohio, and to the troops

in the service of the United States, and made a farther progress

therein.

TUESDAY, November 13.

Two other members, to wit: ROBERT BARNWELL and DANIEL HUGER, from South

Carolina, appeared, and took their seats in the House.

_Defeat of General St. Clair._

On a motion made and seconded, that the House do come to the following

resolution:

"_Resolved_, That the Secretary of the Treasury and the

Secretary of War be notified that this House intend, on

Wednesday next, to take into consideration the Report of

the committee appointed to inquire into the causes of the

failure of the late expedition under General St. Clair, to

the end that they may attend the House, and furnish such

information as may be conducive to the due investigation of

the matters stated in the said report:"

Mr. WILLIAMSON moved to strike out the latter part of the resolution,

which respected the attendance of the Secretaries on the House. This

motion, if carried, leaves the resolution a simple proposition to inform

those officers that the House were, on Wednesday, to take the report on

the failure of General St. Clair's expedition into consideration.

Mr. VENABLE objected generally to the resolution, as inconsistent with

the dignity of the House. He doubted the propriety of the measure

altogether. The gentlemen are not impeached, and therefore the House has

no right to cite them to make their appearance; and, with respect to

information, the House can command such from the Heads of Departments as

they may see proper to require. He was at a loss in attempting to

investigate the object of the resolution. He could see no purpose that

it would answer, which could not as well be obtained without it.

Mr. WHITE offered several objections to the resolution, of a similar

import with the above.

Mr. DAYTON supported the motion by a few remarks, stating the importance

of that information which those gentlemen alone could give. He adverted

to the report of the committee, which he observed had exculpated the

commanding General on that expedition, whereas he was of opinion that

the failure was owing to the misconduct of that gentleman.

Mr. TUCKER objected to the resolution. He preferred the mode of

requiring that information which the House might think necessary, in

writing.

Mr. MADISON objected to the motion on constitutional grounds, and as

being contrary to the practice of the House. He had not, he said,

thoroughly revolved the matter in his own mind, and therefore was not

prepared to state fully the effects which would result from the adoption

of the resolution; but he would hazard thus much, that it would form an

innovation in the mode of conducting the business of this House, and

introduce a precedent which would lead to perplexing and embarrassing

consequences; as it involved a conclusion, in respect to the principles

of the Government, which at an earlier day would have been revolted

from. He was decidedly in favor of written information.

Mr. CLARK was opposed to the resolution; as a member of the committee

who made the report, he had no apprehension; with respect to

information, the report and the vouchers are before the House; and such

further inquiry may be made of the proper officers as the House may

think necessary.

Mr. AMES supported the resolution. He noticed the impressions which the

failure of the late expedition had made on the public mind. Characters

had suffered in the general estimation. It was of the utmost importance

that a thorough investigation should take place, that if the failure of

the expedition was a mere casualty, and the fortune of war, it might be

made to appear; or if it was owing to misconduct, the blame might fall

on the proper subjects. The mode suggested to obtain information

appeared to him the best that could be adopted--the most adequate to the

object. It was due to justice, to truth, and to the national honor, to

take effectual measures to investigate the business thoroughly. This

inquiry appears to be the beginning of an arrangement preparatory to an

impeachment; on whom this will fall, he should not presume to say; but

still it places the subject in an important point of view, and shows in

the strongest manner the necessity of adopting the best possible mode

of ascertaining the real state of facts. This, he conceived, could not

be done so effectually as by the mode proposed in the resolution.

Mr. GILES objected to the resolution. He preferred a thorough discussion

of the report, in the first place, and a comparison of the vouchers with

the report; and if, in the issue, it should appear necessary to call for

information from these officers, it could then be done; but, in the

present state of the business, to adopt the resolution would place the

committee in a very disagreeable situation.

Mr. LAURANCE observed that the committee, in their report, say that, for

want of time, they had not been able to complete it; it is, then,

apparent from the report itself that it is immature. He stated several

particulars in the report which were incomplete, and from hence inferred

that there was material information to be received previous to being

able to form a competent judgment on the matter. He observed that, as

the information must be had, he saw no necessity of postponing the

attendance of those officers in the first instance.

Mr. MADISON, in reply to Mr. AMES's remark, that the best possible mode

ought to be adopted, observed, that there seemed to be different ideas

entertained by the different advocates of the resolution; one seemed to

implicate the officers alluded to as parties concerned; another appeared

to consider them merely as witnesses. For his part, he thought there was

no other way of proceeding, but that of adopting one or the other of

these alternatives: either to take up the report and discuss its merits,

or for the House to begin the inquiry themselves, _de novo_.

Mr. LIVERMORE objected to the resolution. He could not see any advantage

which would result from adopting it. He thought the causes of the

failure of the expedition were sufficiently obvious, without criminating

any body. He adverted to these causes--they were, the rawness of the

troops, and the superiority of the Indians as marksmen. On these points

he could not see what information could be derived from the Secretary of

the Treasury. He thought that the Legislature had gone too far already,

and that no satisfaction would result from further proceedings, but that

the subject would appear more and more involved.

Mr. BOUDINOT, after stating sundry particulars relative to the state of

the public mind at the time of the report, adverted to several parts of

it which appear to criminate particular persons, some of whom were

absent at the time of the investigation on which the report is founded.

He therefore urged the necessity of receiving from the Heads of the

Departments that information which was requisite to throw light on

several parts of the report, and that this ought to be done previous to

taking the report into consideration.

Mr. FITZSIMONS said he should vote against the resolution. He did not

think this the proper time to call for the information alluded to; nor

the mode proposed a proper one. Some remarks have been made on the

report, though it is not before the House; to these he should not

particularly reply, but would only observe, that no person had applied

to the House for redress of any supposed injury received by the report.

It has been said that the inquiry ought to have been a military one; but

it was well known that it was impossible to institute such an inquiry by

reason of the want of officers. He then gave a sketch of the mode of

proceeding adopted by the committee in conducting the inquiry, to show

that they had availed themselves of every means of information within

their power.

Mr. WILLIAMSON said he had moved to strike out the latter part of the

resolution, but he was equally opposed to the whole of it; and since he

had heard the remarks of several gentlemen, on both sides of the House,

he was clearly of opinion that the best way was to dispose of it

altogether, and let the subject proceed in the course which it had

already taken.

Mr. GILES observed, that he thought there was less delicacy observed on

this occasion, in respect to the committee, than was usual in this

House. With respect to the report, the vouchers on which every assertion

is founded are before the House. As to the incompleteness of the report,

it is an immaterial object; the few blanks it contains are occasioned by

the want of time to examine the voluminous papers necessary to be

examined, in order to ascertain some of the facts--facts not in

themselves of the first importance. He observed, that he had not the

smallest objection to the fullest investigation of the subject; he was

in favor of all the information that could be possibly obtained; he

objected not only to the mode now contended for, which he thought not

only liable to all the objections which had been made, but to many

others which might be offered.

Mr. DAYTON observed that he was one of those who were not satisfied with

the report; he did not think the conclusion which exculpated the

commanding officer could be supported by the report itself. He adverted

to several facts stated in it, which showed that the commander must have

been highly culpable; he instanced the slowness of his movements, the

dilatoriness in constructing forts, and his being surprised by the

enemy. He thought that the remarks which had fallen from gentlemen, on

what he had said, were illiberal, as they had virtually impeached his

candor, when he was not conscious of deviating from its dictates. It was

not his intention to have touched on the merits of the report, but he

had been impelled to do it from the turn the debate had taken.

Mr. GERRY was in favor of the resolution. He enlarged on the magnitude

of the object of investigation, and insisted that it was the

indispensable duty of the House thoroughly to probe the subject to the

bottom, that if any persons have been to blame they may suffer, or if

the event which has taken place, by which the national character has

suffered, and so severe and unproductive an expense has been incurred,

amounting probably to one million dollars, has been owing to

circumstances which could not be avoided or controlled, the public may

receive satisfaction as to the whole matter.

Mr. PAGE objected to the resolution, particularly to the precedent it

would establish; but, at the same time, he was in favor of the fullest

inquiry the subject was susceptible of. He said, the mode proposed would

operate to clog the freedom of inquiry, and the freedom of debate.

Mr. AMES, adverting to the spirit of the report, pointed out the

peculiar situation of the two Secretaries, and that they did not stand

on the same ground with other persons who are not so intimately

implicated in the matter. He alluded to the various objections which had

been urged from precedent, from the fulness of the investigation which

the subject had undergone in the hands of the committee, and from the

remark by Mr. LIVERMORE, that sufficient had already been done. To this

last objection he particularly replied, by saying that the public wanted

further satisfaction, and that the House could not justify themselves to

their constituents without a stricter and fuller investigation, that the

whole of the facts might be laid before them.

Mr. MADISON said, the mode now proposed involved a dereliction of the

only practicable mode of transacting public business; and that, however

imperfect that mode might be, still he believed that it was the only one

that had received the sanction of experience and utility. He therefore

hoped that the resolution would be rejected, and the mode already

adopted persevered in, and the necessary information called for in

writing, from every person in anywise interested or competent to give

it.

Mr. W. SMITH supported the resolution. He showed by the report itself,

and from the reasoning used by gentlemen in opposition to the

resolution, that the two Secretaries were implicated in the causes of

the failure of the expedition; from hence, he inferred the justice and

propriety of giving them an opportunity of exculpating themselves.

Mr. GERRY expressed surprise at the apprehension which some gentlemen

appear to entertain of the measure of introducing the Heads of

Departments into the House; for his part he had no such apprehensions.

The Secretary will attend at the orders of the House merely to give such

information as may be required, and not as members or ministers to

influence and govern the determinations of the House.

Mr. VENABLE objected further to the resolution; he urged the impropriety

of any of the Heads of Departments coming forward, and attempting in any

way to influence the deliberations of the Legislature.

Mr. LAURANCE replied to Mr. VENABLE; he observed that the gentleman

appeared to mistake the object of the resolution; it was not

contemplated that either of the Secretaries should appear on the floor

of the House to influence, in any degree, its decisions; they are to be

called on merely for information.

Mr. MURRAY objected to the resolution. The report, he observed, is made

to the House; if in the course of its discussion any further light or

information should be deemed necessary, it may then be called for, and

in that mode which shall appear most eligible; at present the question

appears to be premature. Mr. MURRAY added several other remarks, and

then the question being put, Mr. WILLIAMSON's motion for striking out

was carried.

And then the main question being put, that the House do agree to the

said resolution as amended, it passed in the negative.

_Resolved_, That the Committee of the whole House, to whom is referred

the report of the committee appointed to inquire into the causes of the

failure of the expedition under Major General St. Clair, be empowered to

send for persons, papers, and records, for their information.

WEDNESDAY, November 14.

Another member, to wit, WILLIAM BARRY GROVE, from North Carolina,

appeared and took his seat in the House.

The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of War,

together with a memorial of Samuel Hodgdon, late Quartermaster General

to the Army, respectively praying that they may be heard, and permitted

to give information and explanations as to the causes of the failure of

the expedition under Major General St. Clair; which were read. The

letter of the Secretary of War is as follows:

WAR DEPARTMENT, _November 14, 1792_.

SIR: After the close of the last session of Congress, I saw

with much concern the report to the committee appointed to

inquire into the causes of the failure of the expedition,

under Major General St. Clair, of the 8th of May, 1792;

which, having been presented to the House in the last

moments of the session, was ordered to be printed, and has

since circulated in the public newspapers throughout the

United States, containing suggestions, most of them founded

upon _ex parte_ investigation, which have been understood

in a sense very injurious to my reputation.

Learning that the present day was appointed for taking into

consideration the above-mentioned report, I have waited

with anxious expectation for some act of the House enabling

me to attend the progress of the examination upon which

they are about to enter, for the purpose of furnishing such

information and explanations as might conduce to a right

understanding of facts, in which I am so materially

implicated. The failure of a proposition, which I am

informed was made to the House with that view, has added to

my solicitude and regret.

Thus situated, I feel myself called upon to ask of the

justice of the House that some mode may be devised, by

which it will be put into my power to be present during the

course of the intended inquiry, as well to hear the

evidence on which the several allegations contained in the

report are founded, as to offer the information and

explanations to which I have alluded.

To this step I am impelled by a persuasion that an accurate

and satisfactory investigation cannot otherwise be had with

equal advantage, if at all. And my entire reliance upon the

equity and impartiality of the House, will not permit a

doubt to exist on my part that such an investigation will

be exclusively the object of their desire and pursuit.

I have the honor to be, sir, with the highest respect, your

most obedient humble servant,

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