inconvenience would result from such a measure; however, he was free to
declare, that his own idea was in favor of a situation near Wright's
Ferry.
Mr. HEISTER moved to insert Harrisburg in the resolution. He conceived
the spot to be more eligible than any yet mentioned; from hence there
was an uninterrupted navigation to the sources of the river, and through
this place runs the great Western road leading to Fort Pitt, and the
Western Territory. A water communication can be effected at small
expense with Philadelphia. The waters of the Swetara, a branch of the
Susquehanna, about eight miles below Harrisburg, run to the north-east,
and are navigable fifteen miles from thence to the Tulpehoken, a branch
of the Schuylkill; a canal may be cut across, of about a mile and a
half, the ground has been actually surveyed, and found practicable; this
will unite the Susquehanna and Delaware, and open a passage for the
produce of an immense tract of country. It is but little further from
Philadelphia than is Wright's Ferry; and, on many accounts, he thought
it a preferable situation for the permanent seat of Government.
Mr. MADISON meant to pay due attention to every argument that could be
urged on this important question. Facts had been asserted, the
impressions of which he wished to be erased, if they were not well
founded. It has been said, that the communication with the Western
Territory, by the Susquehanna, is more convenient than by the Potomac. I
apprehend this is not the case; and the propriety of our decision will
depend, in a great measure, on the superior advantages of one of these
two streams. It is agreed, on all hands, that we ought to have some
regard to the convenience of the Atlantic navigation. Now, to embrace
this object, a position must be taken on some navigable river; to favor
the communication with the Western Territory, its arms ought likewise to
extend themselves towards that region. I did not suppose it would have
been necessary to bring forward charts and maps, as has been done by
others, to show the committee the comparative situation of those rivers.
I flattered myself it was sufficiently understood, to enable us to
decide the question of superiority; but I am now inclined to believe,
that gentlemen have embraced an error, and I hope they are not
determined to vote under improper impressions. I venture to pledge
myself for the demonstration, that the communication with the Western
Territory, by the Potomac, is more certain and convenient than the
other. And if the question is as important as it is admitted to be,
gentlemen will not shut their ears to information; they will not
precipitate the decision; or if they regard the satisfaction of our
constituents, they will allow them to be informed of all the facts and
arguments that lead to the decision of a question in which the general
and particular interests of all parts of the Union are involved.
Mr. STONE found gentlemen had determined on a step that was not
generally liked; he wished, therefore, the committee to rise, and give
all of them an opportunity of trying to mend the bargain that had been
made; perhaps they might find, upon reflection, that they ought to
decide the question on more national principles than they seemed yet to
be governed by.
Mr. SENEY could not say how far the motion was agreeable to every part
of America; but he believed it would be acceptable to a very
considerable part of the State he had the honor to represent.
Mr. SUMTER was in favor of the committee's rising, in order to give
gentlemen time to ascertain the facts necessary to guide them to a
decision. There was one impropriety which struck him forcibly; the
resolution adopted as a principle that the seat of Government ought to
be in a convenient place for the navigation of the Atlantic Ocean. But
the situation mentioned in the resolution under consideration had no
communication whatever with the Atlantic navigation. It had been said,
that the Susquehanna afforded the most convenient communication with the
Western Territory. He believed the Hudson possessed superior advantages;
it connected with the country about the Lakes and the Ohio. From New
York to Albany was navigable; from thence to Schenectady, there was a
short portage; after ascending Schenectady, there was a short portage of
half a mile to the Mohawk; from thence, another short portage to Wood
Creek, and thence into Lake Ontario, which connects with Lake Erie; and
from thence are portages to the Wabash, Miami, Muskingum or Alleghany,
all falling into the Ohio. But the Potomac possessed advantages superior
to these; and was, both on account of communicating with the Atlantic
and Western Territory, much to be preferred to the Susquehanna. He
assured gentlemen that he was unbiased in giving a preference to the
Potomac; because, if he studied his own convenience, he should consider
New York as more eligible than either. It accommodated the Atlantic
navigation in a superior manner, and had its pretensions to a connection
with the Western waters, as he had already shown. He hoped, however,
that the subject would be debated with candor and good temper, and
decided in the way most likely to promote the general interests and
harmony of the Union.
Mr. SHERMAN was against taking up the subject so soon; but since it had
been determined against him,--gentlemen, he presumed, had endeavored to
make up their minds,--he had turned his attention to it, and was now
prepared to decide.
Mr. CLYMER knew the advantages possessed by the Susquehanna in
communicating with the Western country; they were mentioned by his
colleague; but, with the additional circumstance that the Juniata branch
afforded a convenient navigation to a road lately laid out by the State
of Pennsylvania, which connected with the Kisskaminetas, from whence was
a short voyage down the Alleghany, and shorter still down that to the
Ohio, at Pittsburg. He questioned much if the navigation by the Potomac
was so convenient.
Mr. STONE did not mean to govern his vote on this occasion by what was
said to be the sense of the citizens of Maryland; because they were, he
apprehended, divided in opinion. One part or the other would be
particularly benefited, as the seat of Government should be fixed either
on the Susquehanna or Potomac, because those rivers watered its
territory. Perhaps the majority of the present inhabitants would prefer
the Susquehanna; but as their settlements extended westward, and the
population increased, the majority would be favored by the Potomac.
Mr. SENEY did not mean to determine this question on the principle of
benefiting, exclusively, the citizens of Maryland; he considered himself
as a Representative of the Union, and should decide on the principle of
general convenience.
Mr. TUCKER hoped the committee would rise, in order to give gentlemen
time to consider the subject maturely, and to prepare themselves to come
forward and discuss, fairly and fully, the advantages and disadvantages
of the rival places. He could not believe they meant to decide a
question of this importance on the superficial discussion which had
taken place.
The question, on the committee's rising, was now put, and it passed in
the negative; for it 23, against it 27.
Mr. STONE.--We are called upon, sir, to determine a question that has
not been introduced to our notice more than two hours and a half; a
question too, as admitted on both sides, of the highest importance to
the interests and harmony of the Union. I cannot help thinking it a
hardship to be compelled so abruptly to a decision; but since it must be
the case, I shall take the liberty of suggesting a few of my thoughts,
in order to justify the vote I mean to give.
There are a variety of considerations and doubts in my mind, respecting
the two rivers that have been mentioned. These doubts are increased when
a particular place is named upon one of them; but had gentlemen told us,
that they had settled this point also, it might have precluded any sort
of debate whatever; because when an agreement had taken place, not only
as to the banks of the Susquehanna, but as to the favored spot on those
banks, we should not have entertained a single hope that we could have
changed the position. But, as gentlemen differ among themselves on this
point, perhaps they will permit us to participate with them in selecting
the place most likely to give general satisfaction. But how can they
suppose we are prepared on this head, without a general consideration of
all the places which may offer themselves along the east bank of the
river.
I am not apprised, sir, of the extent of this continent certainly,
because I never calculated it by figures, or measured it on the map; but
if there is the smallest degree of accuracy in the draft that has been
handed about, no man, who takes a view of it, in my opinion, will doubt
a single moment, whether the Susquehanna is the river, which nearly
equally divides the territory of the United States, in its extent north
and south, that separates, in equal parts, the country east and west.
The eastern part, I take it, is little, if any thing, more than half as
large as what lies west. We observe that the course of the main branch
tends more toward the Atlantic Ocean, than it does toward the Western
Territory; but even its western inclination goes only toward the lakes
Erie and Ontario, through the middle of which runs the boundary line of
the United States. How can this, then, be supposed a direct or
convenient communication with that part of the country which is usually
termed, and is in fact, the Western Territory?
In fixing the permanent residence, we ought not only to have in view the
immediate importance of the States, but also what is likely to be their
weight at a future day; not that we should consider a visionary
importance, or chimerical expectation, but such a one as can be
demonstrated with as much certainty as effects follow their causes. I
apprehend the increase of population to the eastward is merely
conditional; there is nothing to invite people to settle in the northern
parts of this continent, in preference to the southern; even if they
were settled there, every principle which encourages population would
operate to induce them to emigrate to the southern and western parts. We
know the northern climate is severe, the winters long, and summers
short, and that the soil is less fertile. Were we not assuredly
acquainted that this was the case on the continent of America, we should
be led to the same conclusion, by reasoning from our knowledge of the
other parts of the globe. Men multiply in proportion to the means of
support, and this is more abundant in a mild than a severe climate.
Hence, I infer, that the climate, and means of subsistence, will ever
operate as a stimulus to promote the population of the Southern, in
preference to the Northern States. This doctrine is daily exemplified.
If we advert to the situation of that part of the Western country,
called Kentucky, and compare its increase of population since the war,
with any part of the Eastern States, we shall find men multiplied there
beyond any thing known in America; and if we consider its natural
advantages, we shall conclude it will be an important part of the Union.
The river which has been mentioned by the southern gentlemen is, as far
as I am acquainted, extremely well calculated to furnish Government with
the key of that country; and a river, I believe, richer in its exports
than any I have contemplated on the face of the earth.
A call was now made to order, and Mr. STONE sat down. A desultory
conversation took place on the point of order. It was contended, that
the question was on the insertion of Harrisburg, in the proposition
offered by Mr. GOODHUE; whereas Mr. STONE was speaking to the main
question.
Messrs. CARROLL, LEE and MADISON insisted that Mr. STONE was in order,
inasmuch as Mr. HEISTER'S motion necessarily involved the main question,
and was inseparable from it.
But it was decided by the Chair to be out of order; whereupon the
question was taken, without further debate, on inserting Harrisburg, and
it was determined in the negative.
The main question being now before the committee,
Mr. STONE proceeded. I feel myself unhappy to be obliged to address
gentlemen, who are not disposed to attend to any thing I may say; but as
gentlemen have chosen this time for discussing the subject, they will
not think it improper in me to persist in detailing my ideas. When I was
interrupted by the call to order, I was about to show the importance of
the Potomac to the United States. Its waters afford a practical, safe,
and short communication with the Ohio and Mississippi, beyond comparison
preferable to the Susquehanna. If it is intended that the people settled
upon those great rivers should communicate with the General Government,
after ascending the former they must proceed a vast distance northward,
up the Alleghany, against a rapid stream, before they can reach the
Susquehanna. I am inclined to believe a land-carriage would be better
than such a laborious round-about water communication. Now the Potomac,
as I am informed, connects with the Youghiogheny, a river less rapid
than the Alleghany, and is itself communicable with the Atlantic. In
this case, the Potomac will be the highway for such vast quantities of
wealth as to give every superiority; and, however we may determine at
this day, it will not be long before the seat of Government must be
carried thither. The vast population that is extending itself through
the Western country requires that the Government should take a position
favorable to its convenience; because new settlements at a vast distance
from the old are more exposed to temptation than others; but in the
present case, it is proper for us to guard against the operation of a
foreign country, which seems to be forming settlements near our
frontiers to rival ours. It may be the more necessary, inasmuch as we
ought to keep the boundary line distinct between the Spaniards and
savages, as I fear, do what we will, we run the greatest risk of
entering into a quarrel with them; for, it is well known, that
emigrants, in forming new settlements, are not much concerned about an
ascertainment of jurisdiction; they are generally bold, enterprising
spirits, who feel some aversion to strict government; it is therefore
necessary that the Government should approach toward them, and be placed
in such situation as would give it the greatest possible influence over
them. Beside their contiguity to a rival nation, they are independent in
their condition; they want hardly any thing this country can give; their
soil is rich and fertile; their exports will furnish them with every
foreign article from the southward which they can require. Their
interests are more strongly connected with the Southern States than the
Southern States are with the Eastern. The advantages of this Government
are felt, in a peculiar manner, by the mercantile and commercial States;
the agricultural States have not the same strong reasons for maintaining
the Union. Hence we may apprehend that the Western country may be
inclined, as it advances its importance, to drop off. The Susquehanna is
no bond by which to hold them; its direction is more northern than
westerly. Upon the whole, I am inclined to believe that it would not
give general satisfaction at the present day; and the inequality would
daily grow more striking, until we should be compelled to remove again
to where there was a probability of finding a centre of territory as
well as population. I have thrown out these ideas in a crude manner, but
gentlemen have forced me to it by their urgency to take the question; I
could wish to be allowed time for further discussion, and I believe it
would be no ill sacrifice of a day, if we were to put off the
determination till to-morrow.
Mr. LEE observed, that since gentlemen would not admit of a moment's
delay; since they seemed to declare, that they had settled the matter
without giving an opportunity for full discussion; since the House were
hurried to a decision on a point that involved the welfare of the
community, duty to his country, duty to the better half of the territory
of the United States, called on him to come forward with another
proposition.
He then moved to strike out the words "east bank of the Susquehanna,"
and to insert a clause to this effect; that, whereas the banks of the
Potomac united all the aforesaid advantages, with fertility of soil,
salubrity of climate, &c. Resolved, That the permanent seat of
Government ought to be fixed somewhere on the banks of the said river.
He flattered himself that these two rival places would be considered
with an attention that would do honor to the House; that their several
advantages would be fully compared, and that such a decision would
result as would be for the lasting benefit of the United States.
He then stated at large the comparative advantages of the Potomac; its
great and increasing improvements; the extent of its navigation; its
direct communication with the Western country, and its easy
communication with the Eastern and Southern States.
The House, he said, were now to determine whether regard was to be had
to the people of the Western Territory, to the greater portion of the
territory of the Union; in point of climate, it was extremely
salubrious; in fertility of soil, it was exceeded by no country on
earth. Thither would emigrants flock from all quarters.
He asked whether this Government was intended for a temporary or a
lasting one? Whether it was to be a fleeting vision, or to continue for
ages? He hoped the result would proclaim that the Government was
calculated for perpetuity; and that the common interests of the country
had been consulted. If that was done, the Government would be removed to
the Potomac; if not, we should stop short of it; and what would be the
consequence? He said he was averse to sound alarms, or introduce terrors
into the House; but if they were well founded, he thought it his duty.
It was well known with what difficulty the constitution was adopted by
the State of Virginia. It was then said, that there would be
confederacies of the States east of Pennsylvania, which would destroy
the Southern States; that they would unite their councils in discussing
questions relative to their particular interests, and the Southern
States would be disregarded. To these suspicions, it was answered, no!
It was contended that the magnanimous policy, arising from mutual
interests and common dangers would unite all the States, and make them
pursue objects of general good. But if it should be found that there
were such confederacies as were predicted, that the Northern States did
consult their partial interests, and form combinations to support them,
without regarding their Southern brethren, they would be alarmed, and
the faith of all south of the Potomac would be shaken. It would be shown
to them, that what had been predicted by the enemies to the constitution
had come to pass; that the Northern States had not waited till the
Government was organized before they sacrificed the Southern people to
their own interests.
Let the seat of Government be fixed where it may, Virginia had not
solicited Congress to place the seat of Government in her State. She
only contended, that the interests of the Southern and Western country
should be consulted; and he declared that these interests would be
sacrificed, if Congress fixed upon any place but the Potomac. The
greater part of Virginia was distant from that river. Many parts were
not nearer than New Jersey. She wished not to have the seat on the
Potomac but for the general good; it was not for the benefit of that
State, but for the benefit of the Union.
Mr. LAWRENCE said, it was improper and unnecessary to hold out terrors
to the fancy of members. The true way to convince them, was to address
their understandings. He was certain there was no dangerous confederacy
which the gentleman had talked of; and believed the conduct of the
Northern States would bear the strictest scrutiny; that, if probed to
the bottom, it would be found fair and candid. He remembered in the
debate upon the Tonnage bill, a gentleman from Virginia observed, that
could the moderate and equal policy of that day's proceedings have been
foreseen in the convention of Virginia, many objections that were there
produced against the constitution would have been thereby obviated.
He trusted, that, in conducting the business before them, gentlemen
could find no cause, eventually, to entertain different sentiments from
what he then delivered.
Mr. MADISON.--I acknowledge, that, on a former day, I made the
observation alluded to with singular complacency. I said, I had found a
moderation and liberality prevailing here, which I sincerely believed,
if foreseen in the convention of Virginia, would have obviated a very
powerful objection to the adoption of the Federal constitution. But,
give me leave now to say, that if a Prophet had risen in that body, and
brought the declarations and proceedings of this day into view, that I
as firmly believe Virginia might not have been a part of the Union at
this moment.
A motion was now made for the committee to rise, and several gentlemen
said, they wished it to prevail, in order that an opportunity might be
afforded for a fuller discussion.
Mr. SEDGWICK hoped the committee would not rise. Will it be contended,
that the majority shall not govern; and shall the minority, because they
cannot carry their points, accuse the House of want of candor? Are we to
be told, that an important State would not have joined the Union, had
they known what would have been the proceedings of this House. Gentlemen
have brought forward this business themselves; they have precipitated
the House into it. We prayed, we supplicated for time; and now
gentlemen, from some causes not explained, wish to postpone the matter,
in order to have time to deliberate. He believed that a deliberation of
six weeks would not alter a single opinion, and therefore it was not
proper to consume the public time uselessly.
Mr. MADISON.--When I alluded to the proceedings of this day, I
contemplated the manner in which the business was conducted; and though
I acknowledge that a majority ought to govern, yet they have no
authority to deprive the minority of a constitutional right; they have
no authority to debar us the right of free debate. An important and
interesting question being under consideration, we ought to have time
allowed for its discussion. Facts have been stated on one side, and
members ought to be indulged on the other with an opportunity of
collecting and ascertaining other facts. We have a right to bring
forward all the arguments which we think can, and ought to have an
influence on the decision. It is unusual, on a partial discussion, even
of questions of inferior magnitude, to decide in the course of a single
day. How, then, can gentlemen reconcile their conduct of this day to the
liberality they have hitherto shown? This manner of proceeding would
mark a genius in this body which will contradict the expectations of its
warmest friends. I hope nothing will be fixed by a hasty determination.
I said before, and repeat it again, that I wish to make some
observations on what has been advanced, for which at present there is
not time. But, if there was, I do not wish to address a determined and
silent majority. No, sir, if this be the temper of to-day, let me
appeal to a more favorable temper to-morrow. If gentlemen refuse this
appeal, I must submit; but I will, to the last moment, assert my right,
and remonstrate against a precipitate decision.
Mr. BURKE observed, that the Northern States had had a fortnight to
manage this matter, and would not now allow the Southern States a day.
What was the conduct of gentlemen? A league has been formed between the
Northern States and Pennsylvania.
Mr. FITZSIMONS interrupted Mr. BURKE, and denied the assertion, as it
respected Pennsylvania.
Mr. BURKE then proceeded, and said that the Eastern members had combined
with some other States, he could not positively say which, but the first
information that was furnished was given this morning, every gentleman
had heard it as well as himself, but that had nothing to do with his
object; he wanted time to get information; and called on gentlemen, for
the honor of the House, to comply with this request.
Mr. WADSWORTH said, he rejoiced to hear the gentlemen calling for time,
and crying out fair play. He remembered when he entreated the gentleman
who spoke last, and others, not to precipitate themselves into this
situation; his entreaties had been of no avail. Knowing that the pride
of a majority was one of those things to which he had to submit, he,
with all the New England members, solicited for time. With respect to
bargaining, he believed that it would reflect no honor on either side of
the House. He said he must either give his vote now, or submit to more
bargaining. He was willing that the whole business of bargaining should
be exposed; he would not excuse himself; he did not dare to go to the
Potomac. He feared that the whole of New England would consider the
Union as destroyed. Since the matter had been so prematurely brought on,
since members had been forced, and, as it were, dragged by the throat to
this business, he hoped it was now finished.
The question was now put, on the rising of the committee, and carried:
Whereupon the committee rose and reported progress, and then the House
adjourned.
THURSDAY, September 4.
_Seat of Government._
The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the
Resolution for establishing a permanent Seat of Government, Mr. BOUDINOT
in the chair.
Mr. STONE wished to hear the sentiments of the gentleman who first
brought forward this business: he expected to derive some advantage from
that gentleman's knowledge of the country, which, he presumed, was
pretty accurate, as it was derived from actual observation.
After waiting some time,
Mr. STONE repeated his request, under an apprehension that he had not
the honor of being heard by the worthy gentleman.
Mr. GOODHUE rose and said, he had given his sentiments yesterday, but,
if the gentleman desired it, he was ready to repeat them.
Mr. STONE said, he addressed his request to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania.
Mr. SCOTT.--I understood the gentleman so, and I have no objection to
giving my sentiments on the occasion. The resolution I laid on the table
has been honored with the vote of a majority of the committee. It
contains such principles as, I believe, ought to govern in the
settlement of the grand question: they have declared, that they mean to
be governed by these principles, and this is a declaration to the world
that their hearts are good. What may follow in consequence of that
resolution, cannot impeach the motive, it can only prove, that our heads
are uninformed; an error of the head is pardonable, but an error of the
heart is not easily forgiven.
Whether the spot which has been moved is the right spot or not, seems to
be the matter under inquiry. I had prepared myself with documents, which
I should have produced had they been needed, to prove, that the State I
have the honor to represent involves, within its limits the centre of
wealth and population of the United States, taking the sea-coast for a
guide; for all that has been said of the importance of the Western
country, has not prevailed on me to imagine, that all the vacant
territory should be taken into view, the same as the settled and
cultivated parts; my resolution had no other idea but that the Atlantic
States should consent to go as near that territory as their convenience
would allow. I am convinced that going further than would suit the
Atlantic States would injure the Western country itself.
Mr. MADISON said, if this delay should not have produced any alteration
in the sentiments of the gentlemen, it will at least soften that hard
decision which seems to threaten the friends of the Potomac. He hoped
that all would concur in the great principle on which they ought to
conduct and decide this business; an equal attention to the rights of
the community. No government, he said, not even the most despotic,
could, beyond a certain point, violate that idea of justice and equal
right which prevailed in the mind of the community. In Republican
Governments, justice and equality form the basis of the system; and
perhaps the structure can rest on no other that the wisdom of man can
devise. In a Federal Republic, give me leave to say, it is even more
necessary and proper, that a sacred regard should be paid to these
considerations. For beyond the sense of the community at large, which
has its full agency in such a system, no such Government can act with
safety. The Federal ingredient involves local distinctions, which not
only produce local jealousies, but give, at the same time, a greater
local capacity to support, and insist upon equitable demands. In a
Confederacy of States, in which the people operate, in one respect as
citizens, and in another as forming political communities, the local
Governments will ever possess a keener sense and capacity, to take
advantage of those powers, on which the protection of local rights
depends. If these great rights be the basis of republics, and if there
be a double necessity of attending to them in a Federal Republic, it is
further to be considered, that there is no one right, of which the
people can judge with more ease and certainty, and of which they will
judge with more jealousy, than of the establishment of the permanent
seat of Government; and I am persuaded, that however often this subject
may be discussed in the representative body, or however the attention of
the committee may be drawn to it, the observations I have made will be
more and more verified. We see the operation of this sentiment fully
exemplified in what has taken place in the several States. In every
instance where the seat of Government has been placed in an uncentral
position, we have seen the people struggling to place it where it ought
to be. In some instances they have not yet succeeded, but I believe they
will succeed in all. In many they have actually gained their point.
With respect, however, to the Federal Government, there is one
consideration that shows, in a peculiar manner, the necessity and policy
of paying a strict attention to this principle. One of the greatest
objections which has been made by the opponents of the system, which has
been allowed most weight by its friends, is the extent of the United
States. It has been asserted by some, and almost feared by others, that
within so great a space, no free Government can exist. I hope and trust,
that the opinion is erroneous; but, at the same time, I acknowledge it
to have a certain degree of force, and it is incumbent on those who wish
well to the Union, to diminish this inconvenience as much as possible.
The way to diminish it, is to place the Government in that spot which
will be least removed from every part of the empire. Carry it to a
remote position, and it will be equivalent to an extension of our
limits; and if our limits are already extended so far as warrants, in
any degree, the apprehension before mentioned, we ought to take care not
to extend them further.
The seat of Government is of great importance, if you consider the
diffusion of wealth that proceeds from this source. I presume that the
expenditures which will take place, where the Government will be
established by those who are immediately concerned in its
administration, and by others who may resort to it, will not be less
than half a million dollars a year. It is to be regretted that those who
may be most convenient to the centre should enjoy this advantage to a
higher degree than others; but the inequality is an evil imposed by
necessity; we diminish it as we place the source from which those
emanations of wealth are to proceed as near the centre as possible.
If we consider, sir, the effects of Legislative power on the aggregate
community, we must feel equal inducements to look for the centre, in
order to find the proper seat of Government. Those who are most adjacent
to the seat of Legislation will always possess advantages over others.
An earlier knowledge of the laws, a greater influence in enacting them,
better opportunities for anticipating them, and a thousand other
circumstances, will give a superiority to those who are thus situated.
If it were possible to promulgate our laws, by some instantaneous
operation, it would be of less consequence in that point of view where
the Government might be placed; but if, on the contrary, time is
necessary for this purpose, we ought, as far as possible, to put every
part of the community on a level.
If we consider the influence of the Government in its Executive
Department, there is no less reason to conclude that it ought to be
placed in the centre of the Union. It ought to be in a situation to
command information relative to every part of the Union, to watch every
conjuncture, to seize every circumstance that can be improved. The
Executive eye ought to be placed where it can best see the dangers which
may threaten, and the Executive arm, whence it may be extended most
effectually to the protection of every part. Perhaps it is peculiarly
necessary, that, in looking for the position, we should keep our eye as
much as possible towards our Western borders; for a long time dangers
will be most apt to assail that quarter of the Union.
He was sure, that if justice required us to take any one position in
preference to another, we had every inducement, both of interest and of
prudence to fix on the Potomac, as most satisfactory to our Western
brethren. It is impossible to reflect a moment on the possible severance
of that branch of the Union without seeing the mischiefs which such an
event must create. The area of the United States divided into two equal
parts, will leave, perhaps, one half on the west side of the Alleghany
Mountains. From the fertility of the soil, the fineness of the climate,
and every thing that can favor a growing population, we may suppose the
settlement will go on with every degree of rapidity which our
imagination can conceive.
If the calculation be just, that we double in twenty-five years, we
shall speedily behold an astonishing mass of people on the Western
waters. Whether this great mass will form a permanent part of the
confederacy, or whether it will be separated into an alien, a jealous
and a hostile people, may depend on the system of measures that is
shortly to be taken. The difference, he observed, between considering
them in the light of fellow-citizens, bound to us by a common affection,
obeying common laws, pursuing a common good, and considering them in the
other light, presents one of the most interesting questions that can
occupy an American mind. Instead of peace and friendship, we shall have
rivalship and enmity; instead of being a great people, invulnerable on
all sides, and without the necessity of those military establishments
which other nations require, we shall be driven into the same expensive
and dangerous means of defence. We shall be obliged to lay burthens on
the people, to support establishments which, sooner or later, may prove
fatal to their liberties. It is incumbent on us, if we wish to act the
part of magnanimous legislators, or patriotic citizens, to consider
well, when we are about to take a step of such vast importance, that it
be directed by the views he had described; we must consider what is
just, what is equal, and what is satisfactory.
On a candid view of the two rivers, he flattered himself that the seat
which would most correspond with the public interest would be found on
the banks of the Potomac. It was proper that we should have some regard
to the centre of territory; if that was to have weight, he begged leave
to say, that there was no comparison between the two rivers. He defied
any gentleman to cast his eye in the most cursory manner over a map and
say that the Potomac is not much nearer this centre than any part of the
Susquehanna. If we measure from the banks of the Potomac to the most
eastern parts of the United States, it is less distant than to the most
southern. If we measure this great area diagonally, the Potomac will
have the advantage. If you draw a line perpendicularly to the direction
of the Atlantic coast, we shall find that it will run more equally
through the Potomac than through any part of the Union; or, if there be
any difference between one side and the other, there will be a greater
space on the south-west than on the north-east. All the maps of the
United States show the truth of this. From the Atlantic coast to that
line which separates the British possessions from the United States, the
average distance is not more than one hundred and fifty miles. If you
take the average breadth of the other great division of the United
States, it will be found to be six, seven, and eight hundred miles.
From this view of the subject, which is not easy to describe by words,
but which will strike every eye that looks on a map, I am sure that if
the Potomac is not the geographical centre, it is because the
Susquehanna is less so.
Mr. CLYMER begged to set the gentleman right; his colleague, if he
understood him, had only related the communication by the north-western
branches, but there was a communication by the Juniata, a branch of the
Susquehanna, about fifteen miles above Harrisburg, tending westerly, and
navigable eighty miles, from whence to the Connemagh was a portage, with
a road actually laid out of about forty miles, hence you descend the
Kisskaminetas to the Alleghany, and from thence to Pittsburg is thirty
miles.
Mr. SCOTT knew this communication pretty well, but we who live in that
country never take it into consideration, as the waters are too small to
afford a certainty of communication, but even here the portage was
greater than between the Potomac and Youghiogheny.
Mr. CLYMER said, with respect to the navigation of the Juniata, that it
was in evidence before the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania, when they
were considering the means of uniting that navigation with the western
waters, that produce to the amount of fourteen hundred bushels had been
brought down it to Middletown.
Mr. MADISON proceeded and said, he wished every fact to be ascertained
that could throw any light upon the subject. Taking the Susquehanna, as
it was practicable for navigation, it would be found, that through that
route of communication, Fort Pitt would be four or five hundred miles
from the proposed seat on its banks, and that the distance by land was
not less than two hundred and fifty miles; whereas, through the Potomac
the distance from the proposed spot on its banks to Fort Pitt was not
calculated at more than two hundred and fifty miles, and he believed the
distance by land would be found not to exceed one hundred and sixty or
one hundred and seventy miles.
Whether we measure the distance by land or water, then, the result is in
favor of the Potomac. If we consider the progress already made in
opening this great channel, its title becomes still stronger. Let me
add, that it has been found, on accurate research, that the waters
communicating with the Ohio are not more than two or three miles distant
from the sources of the Potomac. This is a fact of peculiar importance.
The gentleman from Massachusetts yesterday raised great objections
against the Potomac, because it was, as he supposed, subject to
periodical maladies, from which the other river was free. I am not
authorized, from personal experience, or very particular information, to
draw a comparison between them; but there are some general facts that
may serve to show, that if there is any difference, it is more likely to
be in favor of the Potomac than of the Susquehanna. The position
contemplated on the banks of the former is considerably further from
tide water than the place proposed on the latter. On this account,
therefore, we have little reason to suppose that the Potomac is more
unhealthy. If we regard their comparative situations, westwardly, the
spot on the Potomac is almost as much further to the west, as it is
distant from the proposed spot on the Susquehanna; and he well knew
that, generally speaking, as were tire towards the Western and upper
country, we are generally removed from the causes of those diseases to
which southern situations are exposed. As the two places are moreover in
the same latitude, the objection advanced, with respect to that point,
cannot apply to one more than the other. It is only their western or
eastern position, their remoteness from, or their proximity to the lower
country, and to fresh or stagnant waters, that can possibly affect the
question. It is not because we advance so much to the south that we
advance to the centre, it is because we go more to the west. I do not
know that there is a difference of more than a degree and five or six
minutes between the latitude of New York and the place proposed on the
Potomac.
Mr. AMES never intended that this question should be carried through the
committee by the strength of a silent majority; he had confidence in the
weight of the arguments to be urged in favor of the Susquehanna, and he
was willing to put the decision of the question on that ground. He would
now come forward, and give the reasons of his opinion, especially as
gentlemen had entered fully into the reasons which guided their own to a
different conclusion. He did not conceive it would be necessary for him,
coming from the part of the United States from which he did, to disclaim
the local views and narrow prejudices with which the subject teemed. He
had feared, when the question was first brought forward, that the minds
of gentlemen would be highly fermented, indeed so much, that he almost
despaired of coming to a proper decision, nor did he think these
apprehensions were illusive, if he judged from what had already taken
place. He had observed that some gentlemen, whose discernments were
clear and who were generally guided by the straight line of rectitude,
had been most surprisingly warped on the present occasion; he was
fearful that their wishes had misled them from a due regard of the real
object of their pursuit, viz: the public interest and convenience. He
was sensible, that he himself was liable to some improper impressions;
but he trusted he did not feel them in that degree which he thought he
saw in others.
He was willing to be led by the great principles which other gentlemen
had laid down as the rule of their decision; but he thought they would
lead to a different conclusion from what had been drawn from them; he
admitted that a central situation is to be taken, and in considering
this centre, the centre of a sea-coast line ought to be regarded,
because it is more conveniently accessible, has more wealth, and more
people than an equal area of inland country. Being more liable to
invasion, government should be near to protect it. It is the interest of
the back country to have the Government near the sea, to inspect and
encourage trade, by which their abundant produce will find an export.
And lastly, he said, the contingency of the separation of the Western
country was a reason for preferring the sea-coast.
He proceeded next to say, there will not be any contest where this
centre of the sea-coast line is to be found: it falls between the rivers
Potomac and Susquehanna. It will be found that there are good reasons
why we should rather move east than south.
If the sea-coast line is to be preferred, it will follow that the back
lands, west of the Ohio, which the gentleman from Virginia has so often
taken into his calculations, will be excluded; they are not peopled;
they do not affect the sea-coast line; and that line has already been
voted to be the proper one by the committee. As it is true that the
sea-coast has more wealth and more people than the inland country in
proportion to the extent, it is equally true that the eastern half of
the sea-coast has more of both than the southern. If we reckon Maryland,
which will be as well accommodated by the Susquehanna as by the Potomac,
we shall find the population of the eastern part nearly two millions,
and that of the southern only one million, and the population of free
inhabitants still less in favor of the latter.
But, sir, instead of seeking a centre geographically, we should consider
the centre of common convenience. The place is the proper one where the
greatest number of persons will be best accommodated. I will endeavor to
show that that will be on the Susquehanna. Is the zeal of gentlemen, who
oppose this design, influenced by their despair of removing the seat of
Government afterwards? I believe the people of America will not complain
of it. If fixed there, I think it will be found convenient and will
remain there.
The Susquehanna is the centre of the common convenience. At this moment
there are more wealth and more inhabitants east than south of it. But
the future population of America is calculated, and it is pretended that
the balance of population is receding from the East. Surely the present
inhabitants may be allowed principally to consult their own convenience.
West of the Ohio is an almost immeasurable wilderness; when it will be
settled, or how it will be possible to govern it, is past calculation.
Gentlemen will pardon me if I think it perfectly romantic to make this
decision depend upon that circumstance. Probably it will be near a
century before those people will be considerable; if we fix the national
seat in the proper place now, it would give me no inquietude to know
that a hundred years hence it may be liable to be removed; but, in fact,
the principle which is assumed by the committee, and which I have
attempted to justify, of taking the centre of the sea-coast line, will,
even in the event of that vast tract being settled, furnish abundant
reasons for its remaining on the Susquehanna. I will not recapitulate
those reasons. We must take some principle to guide us; and though some
inequalities will appear, yet let gentlemen remember, that in so vast a
country great inconveniences will attend the communications of the
people with Government, be the seat of it where it may; and by taking
the centre of the sea-coast line there will be less than any other
principle. It will be found best to accommodate the greatest number; or,
in other words, to be the centre of common convenience: indeed, this is
not denied to be true at this moment; but the case is said to be
changing. On the one hand, I think it is Utopian to calculate upon the
population of the United States a century hence; and, on the other hand,
I admit that it is impolitic at least, perhaps unjust, to confine our
attention to the present population; a quarter of a century may be a
medium. Will gentlemen deny that trade and manufactures will accumulate
people in the Eastern States, in proportion of five to three, compared
with the Southern? The disproportion will, doubtless, continue to be
much greater than I have calculated. It is actually greater at present;
for the climate and negro slavery are acknowledged to be unfavorable to
population: so that husbandry, as well as commerce and manufactures,
will give more people in the Eastern than in the Southern States. The
very circumstance that gentlemen found their reasonings upon is pretty
strongly against their calculations. They tell us of the vast quantities
of good land still unsettled in their States; that will produce a thin
population; for the old lands will not be crowded, so long as new ones
are to be had.
Mr. CARROLL begged leave to give the Committee some information
respecting the distance from tide-water to Fort Cumberland; from the
tide-water to the Little Falls was three miles, to the Great Falls six
more, from thence to the Seneca Falls was also six more, and from thence
to Old Town one hundred and seventeen; which last place was fifteen
miles from Fort Cumberland, making in all one hundred and forty-five
miles, instead of two hundred, as stated by the gentleman.
Mr. AMES imagined his statement to be nearly right, and he found Mr.
JEFFERSON stated in his Notes, that the Falls of the Potomac were
fifteen miles in extent, and a navigation extremely difficult to be
made.
Mr. CARROLL said, it was not near that distance; in the fifteen miles
there were three falls: the Seneca, the Great and Little Falls, but they
occupy but a small part of the fifteen miles; he could certainly form
some judgment of a place which he might say was almost at his door, and
did not expect that Mr. JEFFERSON'S Notes would have been adduced as an
authority to contradict information he had given in his place. As to the
difficulty of the navigation, he had to observe that many of the
obstacles were already so far removed as to render the transportation
down to the Great Falls practicable; that there the canal was nearly
finished, and ready to sink the lock-seats and insert the frames, so
that in a little time there was a probability that no impediment
whatever would obstruct the descent of produce to the tide-water.
The question, on Mr. Lee's motion for striking out Susquehanna, and
inserting Potomac, was put and lost; for it 21, against it 29.
Mr. MADISON then moved, to add, after "Susquehanna" the words "or
Potomac;" this would furnish an opportunity to examine and compare the
two situations. It was so favorable to a discovery of the truth, that he
did not doubt but gentlemen who were desirous of grounding their
decision upon a full understanding of the subject would agree to the
motion.
Mr. BOUDINOT seconded this motion, and supported it, by observing the
necessity there appeared to be, of obtaining a more accurate knowledge
of the two rivers, as gentlemen seemed to differ materially with
respect to the matter of fact.
Mr. SHERMAN contended, upon the principles adopted yesterday by the
committee, that they could not think of going to the Potomac; he said,
that taking the population, even allowing the slaves in the Southern
States, there was the greatest weight of population north-east of the
Susquehanna; but upon the ratio of representation, at a member for forty
thousand inhabitants, there were but one million two hundred thousand
south of Pennsylvania, one million four hundred thousand north,
including Pennsylvania; but if the calculation was made from the
Potomac, the South would contain nine hundred and sixty thousand
inhabitants, and the North one million six hundred and eighty thousand.
Now, he would ask, if gentlemen could expect that the northern people
would incline to go so far south? He apprehended they would not.
The question being taken on inserting "or Potomac," it passed in the
negative.
On motion of Mr. PAGE, the committee rose and reported progress, and
then the House adjourned.
SATURDAY, September 5.
_Permanent Seat of Government._
The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on
establishing the permanent residence of Congress; when
Mr. FITZSIMONS presented the following resolution:
_Resolved_, As the opinion of this committee, that the
President of the United States be authorized to appoint
---- commissioners, to examine, and report to him, the most
eligible situation on the east bank of the Susquehanna, for
the permanent seat of Government of the United States. That
the said commissioners be authorized, by and with the
advice of the President, to purchase such quantity of lands
as may be thought necessary, and to erect thereon, within
---- years, suitable buildings for the accommodation of the
Congress, and of the officers of the United States. That
the Secretary of the Treasury, together with the
commissioners so to be appointed, be authorized to borrow a
sum not exceeding ---- dollars, to be paid in ---- years,
with interest, at the rate of ---- per cent. per annum,
payable out of the duties on impost and tonnage, to be
applied to the purchase of the land, and the erection of
the buildings aforesaid. And that a bill ought to pass, in
the present session, in conformity with the aforegoing
resolutions.
Mr. SMITH (of South Carolina) doubted the propriety of the resolution,
because he conceived the declaration in the constitution required a
cession of territory as well as jurisdiction. If he was joined in this
sentiment by the committee, he would move that the President be
empowered to appoint commissioners to examine and report a proper place
on the banks of the Susquehanna for a federal town, and that, whenever
the State of Pennsylvania shall cede to the United States a certain
district or territory, not exceeding ten miles square, Congress would
accept thereof for the above purpose.
Mr. LAWRENCE would inquire for what purpose the cession, mentioned in
the constitution, was required? It was, in the words of that instrument,
to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever; now, did this
consequence involve in it a territorial possession? It certainly did
not. It involved nothing more than the power of making laws independent
of the State jurisdiction. The gentleman might have carried his idea
further, for as the cession is to be made by particular States, it seems
to infer that two States, at least, should be concerned in the cession;
but would objections, from such forced constructions, have any weight in
the judgment of the committee? He trusted they would not. He supposed it
more rational to attend to the plain literal meaning of the constitution
than to engage in the discussion of the refined speculations of
ingenious men.
Mr. VINING observed, that Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, had offered
to cede territory, as well as jurisdiction, and there would be a great
impropriety in expending the federal treasure, in purchasing the soil,
when they might have it without expense.
Mr. AMES endeavored to show that such a cession, as was contemplated in
the constitution, might be made by one State to another, without giving
a property to a foot of land, by comparing it with the cession of
Silesia to Prussia, where not a single acre of soil was conveyed, but of
jurisdiction to the whole province; so, when territory changes its
government, by being the sacrifice of a treaty of peace. He supposed
that Congress were to purchase the soil necessary to erect buildings for
the accommodation of the Government, and was satisfied the cession might
be made subsequent to their election of a particular spot.
Mr. SENEY.--The gentleman from Delaware has said, that Maryland proposed
a cession of soil; but I believe, sir, there is not such a word as soil
mentioned in the law.
Mr. CARROLL agreed with his colleague, and supposed that a cession of
soil could not have been contemplated, because the State of Maryland had
offered any part of the State, not excepting the town of Baltimore. He
believed if Congress were disposed to fix in that town, it would be
agreeable to the State; but he did not imagine they would agree to give
the General Government a property to the whole town, and the surrounding
country. The other parts of the State had never contemplated making the
inhabitants of Baltimore a compensation for such an immense property.
Mr. GOODHUE believed, if the House had agreed to go to the Potomac,
there would have been none of these constitutional difficulties stated.
It was well known, he said, that the gentlemen from the eastward had no
desire to take up the subject; but those from the southward were
sanguine in their expectations that they should get the Government to
the Potomac; and were, therefore, for pressing the business, and not
allowing it to be postponed as was contended for on the other hand.
Mr. MADISON said, the business was not brought on by their original
motion, though they gave it their support. It was true, that a
proposition for postponement was made, but what was the extent of that
postponement? Till December or January next. Was there any reason to
suppose that those gentlemen, who were, at this day, opposed to the
Potomac, would give in to such a change of opinion by that time, as to
induce us to agree to their proposition. We saw no reason to expect such
a change. And, as in fact, we find a predetermined majority ready to
dispose of us, the sooner we know our destiny the better; for it can be
of little consequence, if we are to be disposed of, whether we are
disposed of in September or December.
Mr. WADSWORTH.--The reiteration of being disposed of by bargaining,
induces me to rise and make one remark. It is a notorious fact to the
members within these walls, that the New England members, to a man, were
opposed to a decision at present; and that they were disposed to
accommodate the Southern States. They refused all bargaining, till they
were assured there was a bargaining set on foot to carry them to the
Potomac; why, then, are we reproached with this? Whatever bargaining
there has been, we were the last to come into it; we never thought of
it, till we were told that we were a property, and should be disposed
of, unless we took care of ourselves. I hope, as we have gone so far, we
shall settle the subject in dispute, by granting the money and erecting
the necessary buildings.
Mr. JACKSON denied being concerned in any bargaining whatever, and
defied any gentleman to say he knew any thing of one, till he heard it
mentioned on this floor; he was determined to keep himself disengaged,
and to vote according as his judgment should lead him, after hearing the
subject coolly and thoroughly discussed.
Mr. MADISON hoped, if he travelled a little out of order, he should be
justified, after what had taken place; but he could not withhold this
public declaration of his wish, that every thing that had passed on the
subject alluded to by the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. WADSWORTH,)
were to be fully understood, and were reduced to writing. Every thing he
knew of it he was willing, on his part, to put into that form; and he
was well persuaded that it would be found, on examination, that the
opposition of the Southern gentlemen was of a defensive nature, and that
they had not listened to a proposition, until they had reason to think
it necessary to prevent a sudden and improper decision of this very
important question.
Mr. SMITH, of South Carolina, begged gentlemen to remember, that all the
Southern members had not been in favor of bringing forward the business
at the present session; he had opposed it as well as some others.
Mr. LEE conceived it to be his duty to present once more the preamble,
which had been rejected in committee. He flattered himself, after the
discussion which had taken place, that gentlemen were prepared to decide
on liberal and national principles, and therefore they would adopt those
he presented.
Mr. SENEY approved of the Susquehanna in preference to the Potomac, on
every principle which had been brought into view, as proper to guide the
House in deciding the present question. He treated the alarm which
gentlemen apprehended would be given by fixing on the Susquehanna as
merely ideal, and existing nowhere but in the imagination of gentlemen;
so far from exciting jealousy, or disturbing the public mind, he
contemplated it as tending to allay uneasiness, and to give general
satisfaction.
On motion, the House now adjourned.
MONDAY, September 7.
_Permanent seat of Government._
The House resumed the consideration of the resolutions reported by the
Committee of the Whole for establishing the permanent residence of
Congress.
Whereupon, the first resolution was agreed to, and the second, to wit:
_Resolved_, That the permanent seat of the Government of
the United States ought to be at some convenient place on
the east bank of the river Susquehanna, in the State of
Pennsylvania; and that, until the necessary buildings be
erected for the purpose, the seat of Government ought to
continue at the city of New York,
Being under consideration,
Mr. LEE withdrew his proposition offered yesterday, and moved to amend
the said resolution, by striking out the words "East Bank of the river
Susquehanna, in the State of Pennsylvania," and inserting, in lieu
thereof; the "North Bank of the river Potomac, in the State of
Maryland."
And, on the question that the House do agree to the said amendment, the
yeas and nays were demanded, and are
AYES.--Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Brown, Burke, Carroll,
Coles, Contee, Gale, Griffin, Jackson, Lee, Madison,
Matthews, Moore, Page, Parker, Smith, (of South Carolina,)
Stone, Sumter, Tucker and Vining--21.
NAYS.--Messrs. Benson, Boudinot, Cadwalader, Clymer,
Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Grout,
Hartley, Hathorn, Lawrence, Livermore, P. Muhlenberg,
Partridge, Van Rensselaer, Scott, Seney, Sherman,
Sylvester, Sinnickson, Smith, (of Maryland,) Thatcher,
Trumbull, Wadsworth and Wynkoop--29.
So it was determined in the negative.
Mr. VINING said, it now became his duty, after having sacrificed a
prejudice, if he had one, by giving his vote for the Potomac, to bring
before the House the humble claim of Delaware. He apprehended that her
claim to centrality, as it respected wealth and population, was
superior to that of the Susquehanna; and that, if a sea-coast line was
to be a criterion, she was near the centre of territory. He supposed
that this was the line upon which the Committee was to decide for the
present. It was not supposed necessary, at this time, to take into
consideration the vacant and extensive Western Territory, or why refuse
the Potomac, which offered itself under the greatest advantages of an
easy intercourse with that quarter? Add to the reasons he had mentioned,
that the United States would consult their interest by fixing on the
Delaware, as they would not incur the heavy expense of purchasing
territory, and erecting magnificent palaces and hotels for the
Government, and he thought gentlemen would not hesitate to agree with
him.
The place he meant to offer was possessed of eminent superiority, as to
salubrity of air and fertility of soil; it also united the advantages of
the Atlantic and inland navigation; inasmuch as, by cutting a canal from
the waters of the Chesapeake to the Delaware, a communication would be
opened from Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland, to New Jersey,
Pennsylvania and the midland counties of New York. The spot that he
proposed for their acceptance was Wilmington in the State of Delaware;
round which they might have a district for exclusive legislation, if it
was thought proper to accept it. Under these impressions, he would frame
his motions in such a way, as to enable Congress, when they did adjourn,
to adjourn to meet at that borough. It was made in this form: To strike
out the word "permanent," and all the remainder of the clause, after the
words "ought to be at," and to insert in lieu of the last "the borough
of Wilmington, in the State of Delaware."
On the question that the House do agree to the said amendment, the yeas
and nays were demanded, and are
AYES.--Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Boudinot, Burke, Cadwalader,
Coles, Contee, Griffin, Jackson, Lee, Madison, Matthews,
Moore, Page, Parker, Sinnickson, Smith, (of South
Carolina,) Sumter, and Vining--19.
NAYS.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Brown, Carroll, Clymer,
Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue,
Grout, Hartley, Hathorn, Heister, Lawrence, Livermore, P.
Muhlenberg, Partridge, Van Rensselaer, Scott, Seney,
Sherman, Sylvester, Smith, (of Maryland,) Stone, Thatcher,
Trumbull, Tucker, Wadsworth and Wynkoop--32.
Mr. BOUDINOT remarked that the peculiar situation in which he had been
placed, by having the chair of the Committee, prevented him from giving
his sentiments on the subject then; he therefore hoped to be indulged
with stating the claim of the Delaware to the honor of the Federal City.
When a question of such great magnitude, and which involved the
interests of the Union, was to be decided, he thought he could be
neither doing justice to the United States at large, nor his immediate
constituents, were he to neglect to call their attention to what the
former Congress had done in favor of the Delaware. He was surprised that
gentlemen, who contended for the accommodation of their constituents,
should be led so far astray from pursuing that object, as to pass far
beyond the centre of wealth and population, as well as territory; or, if
they did not pass the centre of territory, they went to a place, maugre
all that had been said, devoid of those advantages which ought to attend
the Federal residence. The want of communication with the Atlantic, the
difficulty of navigating its waters, from the innumerable rocks, falls
and shoals with which it abounds, which, from actual observation, he was
induced to believe were insuperable obstructions to a connection with
the Western waters, or, if they could be surmounted, it would be at such
cost of money and labor, as the United States were not in a condition to
expend, at a time when the widows and orphans were starving for want of
the pittance due to them by the Government. The sterility of the soil,
and the unhealthiness of a situation on the banks of a river which was
subject to rise twenty feet and more, and overflow its banks, leaving
behind vast quantities of stagnant water, whence proceeded noxious
exhalations, the cause of a long catalogue of diseases, were altogether,
in his mind, such objections to the place, that he could never imagine a
majority of the House could consent to it. He further observed, that the
Government would be secluded from the world, and the channels of
information; there were few inhabitants, unless it was in the
neighborhood of York or Lancaster.
But, beside all these considerations, there was this further, that there
was an existing resolution of Congress for erecting the necessary
buildings for their accommodation on the banks of the Delaware and
Potomac, and an absolute grant of money for the purpose of defraying the
expense. Now, as these had each of them strong pretensions, he was
willing to have them considered and examined by commissioners sent on
the ground. For the sake of accommodation, he would, therefore, move to
amend the resolution, by striking out the words "east bank of the river
Susquehanna, in the State of Pennsylvania," and inserting in lieu
thereof the words "Potomac, Susquehanna, or Delaware."
On the question that the House do agree to the said amendment, it passed
in the negative; the yeas and nays being required, are as follows:
YEAS.--Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Boudinot, Brown, Burke,
Cadwalader, Carroll, Coles, Contee, Griffin, Jackson, Lee,
Madison, Matthews, Moore, Parker, Page, Sinnickson, Smith,
(of South Carolina,) Stone, Sumter, Tucker and Vining--23.
NAYS.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Floyd,
Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Grout, Hartley,
Hathorn, Heister, Lawrence, Livermore, P. Muhlenberg,
Partridge, Van Rensselaer, Scott, Seney, Sherman,
Sylvester, Smith, (of Maryland,) Thatcher, Trumbull,
Wadsworth and Wynkoop--28.
Mr. BOUDINOT then moved to amend the resolution by striking out the
words "east bank of the river Susquehanna, in the State of
Pennsylvania," and inserting in lieu thereof, the words, "banks of
either side of the river Delaware, not more than eight miles above or
below the lower falls of Delaware."
On this question, the yeas and nays were demanded, and are:
YEAS.--Messrs. Boudinot, Cadwalader, Gerry and
Sinnickson--4.
NAYS.--Messrs. Ames, Baldwin, Benson, Bland, Brown, Burke,
Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster,
Gale, Gilman, Griffin, Grout, Goodhue, Hartley, Hathorn,
Heister, Jackson, Lawrence, Lee, Livermore, Madison,
Matthews, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Partridge, Van
Rensselaer, Scott, Seney, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith, (of
Maryland,) Smith, (of South Carolina,) Stone, Sumter,
Thatcher, Trumbull, Tucker, Wadsworth and Wynkoop--46.
Mr. STONE then moved to amend the resolution, by striking out the words
"east bank," and inserting in lieu thereof the word "banks;" and on the
question, that the House do agree to the said amendment, the yeas and
nays being demanded, were as follow:
YEAS.--Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Boudinot, Brown, Burke,
Cadwalader, Carroll, Coles, Contee, Gale, Griffin, Jackson,
Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Page, Parker, Seney,
Sinnickson, Smith, (of Maryland,) Smith, (of South
Carolina,) Stone, Sumter, Tucker, and Vining--26.
NAYS.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Floyd,
Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Grout, Hartley, Hathorn,
Heister, Lawrence, Livermore, Muhlenberg, Partridge, Van
Rensselaer, Scott, Sherman, Sylvester, Thatcher, Trumbull,
Wadsworth and Wynkoop--25.
So it passed in the affirmative.
A motion was then made and seconded, further to amend the said
resolution, by inserting, after the word "Pennsylvania," the words "or
Maryland," and, on the question the House do agree to the said
amendment, it passed in the negative; and the yeas and nays being
demanded, were as follow:
AYES.--Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Boudinot, Brown, Burke,
Cadwalader, Carroll, Coles, Contee, Gale, Griffin, Jackson,
Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Page, Parker, Sinnickson,
Smith, (of M.) Smith, (of S. C.) Stone, Sumter, Tucker and
Vining--25.
NAYS.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Floyd,
Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Grout, Hartley, Hathorn,
Heister, Lawrence, Livermore, P. Muhlenberg, Partridge, Van
Rensselaer, Scott, Seney, Sherman, Sylvester, Thatcher,
Trumbull, Wadsworth and Wynkoop--26.
Mr. LEE expected the question would be divided on the resolution, as it
contained two distinct objects, the permanent and temporary residence.
Mr. PAGE suggested the propriety of striking out the latter part of the
clause, relating to New York, and to confine the resolution merely to
the avowed object, namely, the permanent residence.
The question was taken on striking out, and it passed in the negative,
24 for, 27 against it.
Mr. VINING then moved to strike out the words "City of New York," and
insert, in lieu thereof, "Borough of Wilmington, in the State of
Delaware;" and on the question to agree to the said amendment, the yeas
and nays being demanded, were as follow:
AYES.--Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Boudinot, Brown, Burke,
Cadwalader, Carroll, Coles, Contee, Gale, Griffin, Jackson,
Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Page, Parker, Sinnickson,
Sumter and Vining--21.
NAYS.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Floyd,
Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Grout, Hartley, Hathorn,
Heister, Lawrence, Livermore, Muhlenberg, Partridge, Van
Rensselaer, Scott, Seney, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith, (of
Maryland,) Smith, (of South Carolina,) Stone, Thatcher,
Trumbull, Tucker, Wadsworth and Wynkoop--30.
So it passed in the negative.