Was born in Philadelphia, in 1806, and was through life a consistent
member of the Society of Friends. His parents were persons of great
respectability and integrity. The son early showed an ardent desire for
improvement, and was distinguished among his young companions for warm
affections, amiable disposition, and genial manners, rare purity and
refinement of feeling, and a taste for literary pursuits. Preferring as
his associates those to whom he looked for instruction and example, and
aiming at a high standard, he won a position, both mentally and
socially, superior to his early surroundings. With a keen sense of
justice and humanity, he could not fail to share in the traditional
opposition of his religious society to slavery, and to be quickened to
more intense feeling as the evils of the system were more fully revealed
in the Anti-slavery agitation which in his early manhood began to stir
the nation.
A visit to England, in 1834, brought him into connection and friendship
with many leading Friends in that country, who were actively engaged in
the Anti-slavery movement, and probably had much to do with directing
his attention specially to the subject. Once enlisted, he never wavered,
but as long as slavery existed by law in our country his influence, both
publicly and privately, was exerted against it. He was strengthened in
his course by a warm friendship and frequent intercourse with the late
Abraham L. Pennock, a man whose unbending integrity and firm allegiance
to duty were equalled only by his active benevolence, broad charity, and
rare clearness of judgment. Samuel Rhoads, like him, while sympathizing
with other phases of the Anti-slavery movement, took especial interest
in the subject of abstaining from the use of articles produced by slave
labor. Believing that the purchase of such articles, by furnishing to
the master the only possibility of pecuniary profit from the labor of
his slaves, supplied one motive for holding them in bondage, and that
the purchaser thus became, however unwittingly, a partaker in the guilt,
he felt conscientiously bound to withhold his individual support as far
as practicable, and to recommend the same course to others.
His practical action upon these views began about the year 1841, and was
persevered in, at no small expense and inconvenience, till slavery
ceased in this country to have a legal existence. About this time he
united with the American Free Produce Association, which had been formed
in 1838, and in 1845 took an active part in the formation of the Free
Produce Association of Friends of Philadelphia, Y.M.; both associations
having the object of promoting the production by free labor of articles
usually grown by slaves, particularly of cotton. Agents were sent into
the cotton States, to make arrangements with small planters, who were
growing cotton by the labor of themselves and their families without the
help of slaves, to obtain their crops, which otherwise went into the
general market, and could not be distinguished. A manufactory was
established for working this cotton, and a limited variety of goods were
thus furnished. In all these operations Samuel Rhoads aided efficiently
by counsel and money.
In 1846, "The Non-slave-holder," a monthly periodical, devoted mainly to
the advocacy of the Free Produce cause, was established in Philadelphia,
edited by A.L. Pennock, S. Rhoads, and George W. Taylor. It was
continued five years, for the last two of which Samuel Rhoads conducted
it alone. He wrote also a pamphlet on the free labor question. From
July, 1856 to January, 1867 he was Editor of the "Friends' Review," a
weekly paper, religious and literary, conducted in the interest of his
own religious society, and in this position he gave frequent proofs of
interest in the slave, keeping his readers well advised of events and
movements bearing upon the subject.
While thus awake to all forms of anti-slavery effort, his heart and hand
were ever open to the fugitive from bondage, who appealed to him, and
none such were ever sent away empty. Though not a member of the
Vigilance Committee, he rendered it frequent and most efficient aid,
especially during the dark ten years after the passage of the Fugitive
Slave Law.
A second visit to England, in 1847, had enlarged his connection and
correspondence with anti-slavery friends there, and in addition to his
own contributions, very considerable sums of money were transmitted to
him, especially through A.H. Richardson, for the benefit of the
fugitives. Often when the treasury of the Committee ran low, he came
opportunely to their relief with funds sent by his English friends,
while his sympathy and encouragement never failed. The extent of his
assistance in this direction was known to but few, but by them its value
was gratefully acknowledged. None rejoiced more than he in the overthrow
of American slavery, though its end came in convulsion and bloodshed, at
which his spirit revolted, not by the peaceful means through which he
with others had labored to bring it about. He had some years before been
active in preparing a memorial to Congress, asking that body to make an
effort to put an end to slavery in the States, by offering from the
national treasury, to any State or States which would emancipate the
slaves therein, and engage not to renew the system, compensation for
losses thus sustained. This proposition was made, not as admitting any
_right_ of the masters to compensation; but on the ground that the whole
nation, having shared in the guilt of maintaining slavery, might justly
share also in whatever pecuniary loss might follow its abandonment.
This memorial was sent to Congress, but elicited no response; and in the
fulness of time, the nation paid even in money many times any possible
price that could have been demanded under this plan. Samuel Rhoads died
in 1868.