CHAPTER XXXI

THE ASCENDENCY OF FRANCE UNDER LOUIS XIV

[Sidenote: France at the accession of Louis XIV, 1643-1715.]

191. Under the despotic rule of Louis XIV (1643-1715) France enjoyed a

commanding influence in European affairs. After the wars of religion

were over, the royal authority had been reëstablished by the wise

conduct of Henry IV. Richelieu had solidified the monarchy by depriving

the Huguenots of the exceptional privileges granted to them for their

protection by Henry IV; he had also destroyed the fortified castles of

the nobles, whose power had greatly increased during the turmoil of the

Huguenot wars. His successor, Cardinal Mazarin, who conducted the

government during Louis XIV's boyhood, was able to put down a last

rising of the discontented nobility.[348]

[Sidenote: What Richelieu and Mazarin had done for the French Monarchy.]

When Mazarin died in 1661, he left to the young monarch a kingdom such

as no previous French king had enjoyed. The nobles, who for centuries

had disputed the power with Hugh Capet and his successors, were no

longer feudal lords but only courtiers. The Huguenots, whose claim to a

place in the state beside the Catholics had led to the terrible civil

wars of the sixteenth century, were reduced in numbers and no longer

held fortified towns from which they could defy the king's agents.

Richelieu and Mazarin had successfully taken a hand in the Thirty Years'

War, and France had come out of it with enlarged territory and increased

importance in European affairs.

[Sidenote: The government of Louis XIV.]

Louis XIV carried the work of these great ministers still farther. He

gave that form to the French monarchy which it retained until the

French Revolution. He made himself the very mirror of kingship. His

marvelous court at Versailles became the model and the despair of other

less opulent and powerful princes, who accepted his theory of the

absolute power of kings but could not afford to imitate his luxury. By

his incessant wars of aggression he kept Europe in turmoil for over half

a century. The distinguished generals who led his newly organized

troops, and the wily diplomats who arranged his alliances and negotiated

his treaties, made France feared and respected by even the most powerful

of the other European states.

[Sidenote: The theory of the 'divine right' of kings in France.]

192. Louis XIV had the same idea of kingship that James I had tried in

vain to induce the English people to accept. God had given kings to men,

and it was His will that monarchs should be regarded as His lieutenants

and that all those subject to them should obey them absolutely, without

asking any questions or making any criticisms; for in yielding to their

prince they were really yielding to God Himself. If the king were good

and wise, his subjects should thank the Lord; if he proved foolish,

cruel, or perverse, they must accept their evil ruler as a punishment

which God had sent them for their sins. But in no case might they limit

his power or rise against him.[349]

[Sidenote: Different attitude of the English and French nations toward

absolute monarchy.]

Louis had two great advantages over James. In the first place the

English nation has always shown itself far more reluctant than France to

place absolute power in the hands of its rulers. By its Parliament, its

courts, and its various declarations of the nation's rights, it had

built up traditions which made it impossible for the Stuarts to

establish their claim to be absolute rulers. In France, on the other

hand, there was no Great Charter or Bill of Rights; the Estates General

did not hold the purse strings, and the king was permitted to raise

money without asking their permission or previously redressing the

grievances which they chose to point out. They were therefore only

summoned at irregular intervals. When Louis XIV took charge of the

government, forty-seven years had passed without a meeting of the

Estates General, and a century and a quarter was still to elapse before

another call to the representatives of the nation was issued in 1789.

Moreover, the French people placed far more reliance upon a powerful

king than the English, perhaps because they were not protected by the

sea from their neighbors, as England was. On every side France had

enemies ready to take advantage of any weakness or hesitation which

might arise from dissension between a parliament and the king. So the

French felt it best, on the whole, to leave all in the king's hands,

even if they suffered at times from his tyranny.

[Illustration: Louis XIV]

[Sidenote: Personal characteristics of Louis XIV.]

Louis had another great advantage over James. He was a handsome man, of

elegant and courtly mien and the most exquisite perfection of manner;

even when playing billiards he retained an air of world mastery. The

first of the Stuarts, on the contrary, was a very awkward man, whose

slouching gait, intolerable manners, and pedantic conversation were

utterly at variance with his lofty pretensions. Louis added to his

graceful exterior a sound judgment and quick apprehension. He said

neither too much nor too little. He was, for a king, a hard worker and

spent several hours a day attending to the business of government. It

requires, in fact, a great deal of energy and application to be a real

despot. In order really to understand and to solve the problems which

constantly face the ruler of a great state, a monarch must, like

Frederick the Great or Napoleon, rise early and toil late. Louis was

greatly aided by the able ministers who sat in his council, but he

always retained for himself the place of first minister. He would never

have consented to be dominated by an adviser, as his father had been by

Richelieu. "The profession of the king," he declared, "is great, noble,

and delightful if one but feels equal to performing the duties which it

involves,"--and he never harbored a doubt that he himself was born for

the business.

[Sidenote: The king's palace at Versailles.]

193. Louis XIV was careful that his surroundings should suit the

grandeur of his office. His court was magnificent beyond anything that

had been dreamed of in the West. He had an enormous palace constructed

at Versailles, just outside of Paris, with interminable halls and

apartments and a vast garden stretching away behind it. About this a

town was laid out, where those who were privileged to be near his

majesty or supply the wants of the royal court lived. This palace and

its outlying buildings, including two or three less gorgeous residences

for the king when he occasionally tired of the ceremony of Versailles,

probably cost the nation about a hundred million dollars, in spite of

the fact that thousands of peasants and soldiers were forced to turn to

and work without remuneration. The furnishings and decorations were as

rich and costly as the palace was splendid. For over a century

Versailles continued to be the home of the French kings and the seat of

their government.

[Illustration: The King's Bedroom in the Palace of Versailles]

[Sidenote: Life at Louis XIV's court.]

This splendor and luxury helped to attract the nobility, who no longer

lived on their estates in well-fortified castles, planning how they

might escape the royal control. They now dwelt in the effulgence of the

king's countenance. They saw him to bed at night and in stately

procession they greeted him in the morning. It was deemed a high honor

to hand him his shirt as he was being dressed, or, at dinner, to provide

him with a fresh napkin. Only by living close to the king could the

courtiers hope to gain favors, pensions, and lucrative offices for

themselves and their friends, and perhaps occasionally to exercise some

little influence upon the policy of the government. For they were now

entirely dependent upon the good will of their monarch.[350]

[Sidenote: The reforms of Colbert.]

The reforms which Louis carried out in the earlier part of his reign

were largely the work of the great financier, Colbert, to whom France

still looks back with gratitude. He early discovered that Louis'

officials were stealing and wasting vast sums. The offenders were

arrested and forced to disgorge, and a new system of bookkeeping was

introduced similar to that employed by business men. He then turned his

attention to increasing the manufactures of France by establishing new

industries and seeing that the older ones kept to a high standard, which

would make French goods sell readily in foreign markets. He argued

justly that if foreigners could be induced to buy French goods, these

sales would bring gold and silver into the country and so enrich it. He

made rigid rules as to the width and quality of cloths which the

manufacturers might produce and the dyes which they might use. He even

reorganized the old mediæval guilds; for through them the government

could keep its eye on all the manufacturing that was done, and this

would have been far more difficult if every one had been free to carry

on any trade which he might choose. There were serious drawbacks to this

kind of government regulation, but France accepted it, nevertheless, for

many years.[351]

[Sidenote: Art and literature in the reign of Louis XIV.]

It was, however, as a patron of art and literature that Louis XIV gained

much of his celebrity. Molière, who was at once a playwright and an

actor, delighted the court with comedies in which he delicately

satirized the foibles of his time. Corneille, who had gained renown by

the great tragedy of _The Cid_ in Richelieu's time, found a worthy

successor in Racine, the most distinguished perhaps of French tragic

poets. The charming letters of Madame de Sévigné are models of prose

style and serve at the same time to give us a glimpse into the more

refined life of the court. In the famous memoirs of Saint-Simon, the

weaknesses of the king, as well as the numberless intrigues of the

courtiers, are freely exposed with inimitable skill and wit.

[Sidenote: The government fosters the development of the French

language and literature.]

Men of letters were generously aided by the king with pensions. Colbert

encouraged the French Academy, which had been created by Richelieu. This

body gave special attention to making the French tongue more eloquent

and expressive by determining what words should be used. It is now the

greatest honor that a Frenchman can obtain to be made one of the forty

members of this association. A magazine which still exists, the _Journal

des Savants_, was founded for the promotion of science. Colbert had an

astronomical observatory built at Paris; and the Royal Library, which

only possessed about sixteen thousand volumes, began to grow into that

great collection of two and a half million volumes--by far the largest

in existence--which to-day attracts scholars to Paris from all parts of

the world. In short, Louis and his ministers believed one of the chief

objects of any government to be the promotion of art, literature, and

science, and the example they set has been followed by almost every

modern state.[352]

[Sidenote: Louis XIV's warlike enterprises.]

194. Unfortunately for France, the king's ambitions were by no means

altogether peaceful. Indeed, he regarded his wars as his chief glory. He

employed a carefully reorganized army and the skill of his generals in a

series of inexcusable attacks on his neighbors, in which he finally

squandered all that Colbert's economies had accumulated and led France

to the edge of financial ruin.

[Sidenote: He aims to restore the 'natural boundaries' of France.]

Louis XIV's predecessors had had, on the whole, little time to think of

conquest. They had first to consolidate their realms and gain the

mastery of their feudal dependents, who shared the power with them; then

the claims of the English Edwards and Henrys had to be met, and the

French provinces freed from their clutches; lastly, the great religious

dispute was only settled after many years of disintegrating civil war.

But Louis was now at liberty to look about him and consider how he

might best realize the dream of his ancestors and perhaps reëstablish

the ancient boundaries which Cæsar reported that the Gauls had occupied.

The "natural limits" of France appeared to be the Rhine on the north and

east, the Jura Mountains and the Alps on the southeast, and to the south

the Mediterranean and the Pyrenees. Richelieu had believed that it was

the chief end of his ministry to restore to France the boundaries

determined for it by nature. Mazarin had labored hard to win Savoy and

Nice, and to reach the Rhine on the north. Before his death France at

least gained Alsace and reached the Pyrenees, "which," as the treaty

with Spain says (1659), "formerly divided the Gauls from Spain."

[Sidenote: Louis lays claim to the Spanish Netherlands.]

Louis first turned his attention to the conquest of the Spanish

Netherlands, to which he laid claim through his wife, the elder sister

of the Spanish king, Charles II (1665-1700). In 1667 he surprised Europe

by publishing a little treatise in which he set forth his claims not

only to the Spanish Netherlands, but even to the whole Spanish monarchy.

By confounding the kingdom of France with the old empire of the Franks

he could maintain that the people of the Netherlands were his subjects.

[Sidenote: The invasion of the Netherlands, 1667.]

Louis placed himself at the head of the army which he had reformed and

reorganized, and announced that he was to undertake a "journey," as if

his invasion was only an expedition into another part of his undisputed

realms. He easily took a number of towns on the border, and completely

conquered Franche-Comté. This was an outlying province of Spain,

isolated from her other lands, and a most tempting morsel for the hungry

king of France. These conquests alarmed Europe, and especially Holland,

which could not afford to have the barrier between it and France

removed, for Louis would be an uncomfortable neighbor. A Triple

Alliance, composed of Holland, England, and Sweden, was accordingly

organized to induce France to make peace with Spain. Louis contented

himself for the moment with the dozen border towns that he had taken

and which Spain ceded to him on condition that he would return

Franche-Comté (Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1668).

[Sidenote: Louis breaks up the Triple Alliance and allies himself with

Charles II of England.]

The success with which Holland had held her own against the navy of

England[353] and brought the proud king of France to a halt, produced an

elation on the part of that tiny country which was very aggravating to

Louis. He was thoroughly vexed that he should have been blocked by so

trifling an obstacle as Dutch intervention. He consequently conceived a

strong dislike for the United Provinces, which was increased by the

protection that they afforded to political writers who annoyed him with

their attacks. He broke up the Triple Alliance by inducing Charles II of

England to conclude a treaty which arranged that England should help

France in a new war against the Dutch.

[Sidenote: Louis' invasion of Holland, 1672.]

Louis then startled Europe again by seizing the duchy of Lorraine, which

brought him to the border of Holland. At the head of a hundred thousand

men he crossed the Rhine (1672) and easily conquered southern Holland.

For the moment the Dutch cause appeared to be lost. But William of

Orange showed the spirit of his great ancestor, William the Silent; the

sluices in the dikes were opened and the country flooded, so the French

army was checked before it could take Amsterdam and advance into the

north. Holland found an ally in the elector of Brandenburg, and the war

became general. The emperor sent an army against Louis, and England

deserted him and made peace with Holland.

[Sidenote: Peace of Nimwegen, 1678.]

[Sidenote: Louis' encroachments on German territory.]

When a general peace was concluded at Nimwegen, at the end of six years,

the chief provisions were that Holland should be left intact, and that

France should retain Franche-Comté, which had been conquered by Louis in

person. This bit of the Burgundian heritage thus became at last a part

of France, after France and Spain had quarreled over it for a century

and a half. For the ten years following there was no open war, but Louis

busied himself in the interval by instituting courts in the debatable

region between France and Germany, to decide what neighboring districts

belonged to the various territories and towns which had been ceded to

France by the treaties of Westphalia and later ones. The vestiges of the

old feudal entanglements gave ample scope for claims, which were

reënforced by Louis' troops. Louis, moreover, seized the important free

city of Strasburg, and made many other less conspicuous but equally

unwarranted additions to his territory. The emperor was unable to do

more than protest against these outrageous encroachments, for he was

fully occupied with the Turks, who had just laid siege to Vienna.[354]

[Sidenote: Situation of the Huguenots at the beginning of Louis XIV's

reign.]

195. Louis XIV exhibited as woeful a want of statesmanship in the

treatment of his Protestant subjects as in the prosecution of disastrous

wars. The Huguenots, deprived of their former military and political

power, had turned to manufacture, trade, and banking; "as rich as a

Huguenot" had become a proverb in France. There were perhaps a million

of them among fifteen million Frenchmen, and they undoubtedly formed by

far the most thrifty and enterprising part of the nation. The Catholic

clergy, however, did not cease to urge the complete suppression of

heresy.

[Sidenote: Louis' policy of suppression.]

Louis XIV had scarcely taken the reins of government into his own hands

before the perpetual nagging and injustice to which the Protestants had

been subjected at all times took a more serious form. Upon one pretense

or another their churches were demolished. Children were authorized to

renounce Protestantism when they reached the age of seven. If they were

induced by the offer of a toy or a sweetmeat to say, for example, the

words "Ave Maria" (Hail, Mary), they might be taken from their parents

to be brought up in a Catholic school. In this way Protestant families

were pitilessly broken up. Rough and licentious dragoons were quartered

upon the Huguenots with the hope that the insulting behavior of the

soldiers might drive the heretics to accept the religion of the king.

[Sidenote: Revocation of the Edict of Nantes and its results.]

At last Louis was led by his officials to believe that practically all

the Huguenots had been converted by these drastic measures. In 1685,

therefore, he revoked the Edict of Nantes, and the Protestants thereby

became outlaws and their ministers subject to the death penalty. Even

liberal-minded Catholics, like the kindly writer of fables, La Fontaine,

and the charming letter writer, Madame de Sévigné, hailed the

reëstablishment of "religious unity" with delight. They believed that

only an insignificant and seditious remnant still clung to the beliefs

of Calvin. But there could have been no more serious mistake. Thousands

of the Huguenots succeeded in eluding the vigilance of the royal

officials and fled, some to England, some to Prussia, some to America,

carrying with them their skill and industry to strengthen France's

rivals. This was the last great and terrible example of that fierce

religious intolerance which had produced the Albigensian Crusade, the

Spanish Inquisition, and the Massacre of St. Bartholomew.[355]

[Sidenote: Louis' operations in the Rhenish Palatinate.]

Louis now set his heart upon conquering the Rhenish Palatinate, to which

he easily discovered that he had a claim. The rumor of his intention and

the indignation occasioned in Protestant countries by the revocation of

the Edict of Nantes, resulted in an alliance against the French king

headed by William of Orange. Louis speedily justified the suspicions of

Europe by a frightful devastation of the Palatinate, burning whole towns

and destroying many castles, including the exceptionally beautiful one

of the elector at Heidelberg. Ten years later, however, Louis agreed to

a peace which put things back as they were before the struggle began. He

was preparing for the final and most ambitious undertaking of his life,

which precipitated the longest and bloodiest war of all his warlike

reign.

[Illustration: TREATY OF UTRECHT]

[Sidenote: The question of the Spanish succession.]

196. The king of Spain, Charles II, was childless and brotherless, and

Europe had long been discussing what would become of his vast realms

when his sickly existence should come to an end. Louis had married one

of his sisters, and the emperor, Leopold I, another, and these two

ambitious rulers had been considering for some time how they might

divide the Spanish possessions between the Bourbons and the Hapsburgs.

But when Charles II died, in 1700, it was discovered that he had left a

will in which he made Louis' younger grandson, Philip, the heir to his

twenty-two crowns, but on the condition that France and Spain should

never be united.

[Sidenote: Louis' grandson, Philip, becomes king of Spain.]

It was a weighty question whether Louis should permit his grandson to

accept this hazardous honor. Should Philip become king of Spain, Louis

and his family would control all of southwestern Europe from Holland to

Sicily, as well as a great part of North and South America. This would

mean the establishment of an empire more powerful than that of Charles

V. It was clear that the disinherited emperor and the ever watchful

William of Orange, now king of England, would never permit this

unprecedented extension of French influence. They had already shown

themselves ready to make great sacrifices in order to check far less

serious aggressions on the part of the French king. Nevertheless, family

pride and personal ambition led Louis criminally to risk the welfare of

his country. He accepted the will and informed the Spanish ambassador at

the French court that he might salute Philip V as his new king. The

leading French newspaper of the time boldly proclaimed that the Pyrenees

were no more.

[Sidenote: The War of the Spanish Succession.]

King William soon succeeded in forming a new Grand Alliance (1701) in

which Louis' old enemies, England, Holland, and the emperor, were the

most important members. William himself died just as hostilities were

beginning, but the long War of the Spanish Succession was carried on

vigorously by the great English general, the duke of Marlborough, and

the Austrian commander, Eugene of Savoy. The conflict was even more

general than the Thirty Years' War; even in America there was fighting

between French and English colonists, which passes in American histories

under the name of Queen Anne's War. All the more important battles went

against the French, and after ten years of war, which was rapidly

ruining the country by the destruction of its people and its wealth,

Louis was willing to consider some compromise, and after long discussion

a peace was arranged in 1713.

[Sidenote: The Treaty of Utrecht, 1713.]

The Treaty of Utrecht changed the map of Europe as no previous treaty

had done, not even that of Westphalia. Each of the chief combatants got

its share of the Spanish booty over which they had been fighting. The

Bourbon Philip V was permitted to retain Spain and its colonies on

condition that the Spanish and French crowns should never rest on the

same head. To Austria fell the Spanish Netherlands, hereafter called the

Austrian Netherlands, which continued to form a barrier between Holland

and France. Holland received certain fortresses to make its position

still more secure. The Spanish possessions in Italy, i.e., Naples and

Milan, were also given to Austria, and in this way Austria got the hold

on Italy which it retained until 1866. England acquired from France,

Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, and the Hudson Bay region, and so began the

expulsion of the French from North America. Besides these American

provinces she received the island of Minorca with its fortress, and the

rock and fortress of Gibraltar, which still gives her command of the

narrow entrance to the Mediterranean.

[Sidenote: The development of international law.]

The period of Louis XIV is remarkable for the development of

international law. The incessant wars, the great alliances embracing

several powers, and the prolonged peace negotiations, such as those

which preceded the treaties of Westphalia and Utrecht, made increasingly

clear the need of well-defined rules governing independent states in

their relations with one another both in peace and in war. It was of

the utmost importance to determine, for instance, the rights of

ambassadors and of the vessels of neutral powers not engaged in the war,

and what should be considered fair conduct in warfare and in the

treatment of prisoners.

[Sidenote: Grotius' _War and Peace_.]

The first great systematic treatise on international law was published

by Grotius in 1625, when the horrors of the Thirty Years' War were

impressing men's minds with the necessity of finding some other means

than war of settling disputes between nations. Grotius' _War and Peace_

was followed, in Louis XIV's time, by Pufendorf's _On the Law of Nature

and Nations_ (1672). While the rules laid down by these and later

writers on international law have by no means put an end to war, they

have prevented many conflicts by settling certain questions and by

increasing the ways in which nations may come to an understanding with

one another through their ambassadors without recourse to arms.

Louis XIV outlived his son and grandson, and left a sadly demoralized

kingdom to his five-year-old great-grandson, Louis XV (1715-1774). The

national treasury was depleted, the people were reduced in numbers and

were in a miserable state, and the army, once the finest in Europe, was

in no condition to gain further victories. Later we must study the

conditions in France which led to the great Revolution. Now, however, we

turn to the rise of two new European powers, Prussia and Russia, which

began in the eighteenth century to play a prominent rôle in European

affairs.

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