ministers, to which Monsieur and the Count d’Artois should be admitted.
At this committee, the latter attacked Mr. Necker personally, arraigned
his plans, and proposed one which some of his engines had put into his
hands. Mr. Necker, whose characteristic is the want of firmness, was
browbeaten and intimidated, and the King shaken. He determined that the
two plans should be deliberated on the next day, and the _seance royale_
put off a day longer. This encouraged a fiercer attack on Mr. Necker
the next day; his plan was totally dislocated, and that of the Count
d’Artois inserted into it. Himself and Monsieur de Montmorin offered
their resignation, which was refused; the Count d’Artois saying to
Mr. Necker, ‘No, Sir, you must be kept as the hostage; we hold you
responsible for all the ill which shall happen.’ This change of plan was
immediately whispered without doors. The nobility were in triumph, the
people in consternation. When the King passed, the next day, through the
lane they formed from the Chateau to the _Hotel des Etats_ (about half
a mile), there was a dead silence. He was about an hour in the House,
delivering his speech and declaration, copies of which I enclose you.
On his coming out, a feeble cry of ‘Vive le Roy’ was raised by some
children, but the people remained silent and sullen. When the Duke
d’Orleans followed, however, their applauses were excessive. This must
have been sensible to the King. He had ordered, in the close of
his speech, that the members should follow him, and resume their
deliberations the next day. The _Noblesse_ followed him, and so did the
Clergy, except about thirty, who, with the _Tiers_, remained in the room
and entered into deliberation. They protested against what the King
had done, adhered to all their former proceedings, and resolved the
inviolability of their own persons. An officer came twice to order them
out of the room, in the King’s name, but they refused to obey. In the
afternoon, the people, uneasy, began to assemble in great numbers in the
courts and vicinities of the palace. The Queen was alarmed, and sent for
Mr. Necker. He was conducted amidst the shouts and acclamations of the
multitude, who filled all the apartments of the palace. He was a few
minutes only with the Queen, and about three quarters of an hour with
the King. Not a word has transpired of what passed at these interviews.
The King was just going to ride out. He passed through the crowd to his
carriage, and into it, without being in the least noticed. As Mr. Necker
followed him, universal acclamations were raised of ‘_Vive Monsieur
Necker, vive le sauveur de la France opprimée_.’ He was conducted back
to his house with the same demonstrations of affection and anxiety.
About two hundred deputies of the _Tiers_, catching the enthusiasm of
the moment, went to his house, and extorted from him a promise that he
would not resign. These circumstances must wound the heart of the King,
desirous as he is, to possess the affections of his subjects. As soon
as the proceedings at Versailles were known at Paris, a run began on
the _caisse d’escompte_, which is the first symptom always of the public
diffidence and alarm. It is the less in condition to meet the run, as
Mr. Necker has been forced to make free with its funds, for the daily
support of the government. This is the state of things as late as I am
able to give them with certainty, at this moment. My letter not being to
go off till to-morrow evening, I shall go to Versailles to-morrow, and
be able to add the transactions of this day and to-morrow.
June 25. Just returned from Versailles, I am enabled to continue my
narration. On the 24th, nothing remarkable passed, except an attack by
the mob of Versailles on the Archbishop of Paris, who had been one
of the instigators of the court, to the proceedings of the, _seance
royale_. They threw mud and stones at his carriage, broke the windows of
it, and he in a fright promised to join the _Tiers_.
This day (the 25th) forty-eight of the Nobles have joined the _Tiers_.
Among these is the Duke d’Orleans. The Marquis de la Fayette could not
be of the number, being restrained by his instructions. He is writing
to his constituents, to change his instructions or to accept his
resignation. There are with the _Tiers_ now one hundred and sixty-four
members of the Clergy, so that the common chamber consists of upwards
of eight hundred members. The minority of the Clergy, however, call
themselves the Chamber of the Clergy, and pretend to go on with
business. I found the streets of Versailles much embarrassed with
soldiers. There was a body of about one hundred horse drawn up in front
of the Hotel of the States, and all the avenues and doors guarded by
soldiers. Nobody was permitted to enter but the members, and this was by
order of the King; for till now, the doors of the common room have
been open, and at least two thousand spectators attending their debates
constantly. They have named a deputation to wait on the King, and desire
a removal of the soldiery from their doors, and seem determined, if this
is not complied with, to remove themselves elsewhere.
Instead of being dismayed with what has passed, they seem to rise in
their demands, and some of them to consider the erasing every vestige
of a difference of order, as indispensable to the establishment and
preservation of a good constitution. I apprehend there is more courage
than calculation in this project. I did imagine, that seeing that Mr.
Necker and themselves were involved as common enemies in the hatred of
the aristocrats, they would have been willing to make common cause with
him, and to wish his continuance in office; and that Mr. Necker, seeing
that all the trimming he has used towards the court and Nobles has
availed him nothing, would engage himself heartily and solely on the
popular side, and view his own salvation in that alone. The confidence
which the people place in him, seems to merit some attention. However,
the mass of the common chamber are absolutely indifferent to his
remaining in office. They consider his head as unequal to the planning a
good constitution, and his fortitude to a co-operation in the effecting
it. His dismission is more credited to-day than it was yesterday. If
it takes place, he will retain his popularity with the nation, as the
members of the States will not think it important to set themselves
against it, but on the contrary, will be willing that he should continue
on their side, on his retirement. The run on the _caisse d’escompte_
continues. The members of the States admit, that Mr. Necker’s departure
out of office will occasion a stoppage of public payments. But they
expect to prevent any very ill effect, by assuring the public against
any loss, and by taking immediate measures for continuing payment. They
may, perhaps, connect these measures with their own existence, so as to
interest the public in whatever catastrophe may be aimed at them. The
gazettes of France and Leyden accompany this. During the continuance
of this crisis and my own stay, I shall avail myself of every private
conveyance to keep you informed of what passes.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCIX.--TO JOHN JAY, June 29, 1789
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, June 29, 1789.
Sir,
My letter of the 25th gave you the transactions of the States General to
the afternoon of that day. On the next, the Archbishop of Paris joined
the _Tiers_, as did some others of the Clergy and _Noblesse_. On the
27th, the question of the St. Domingo deputation came on, and it was
decided that it should be received. I have before mentioned to you the
ferment into which the proceedings at the _seance royale_ of the 23rd
had thrown the people. The soldiery also were affected by it. It began
in the French guards, extended to those of every other denomination
(except the Swiss), and even to the body-guards of the King. They began
to quit their barracks, to assemble in squads, to declare they would
defend the life of the King, but would not cut the throats of their
fellow-citizens. They were treated and caressed by the people, carried
in triumph through the streets, called themselves the soldiers of the
nation, and left no doubt on which side they would be, in case of a
rupture. Similar accounts came in from the troops in other parts of the
kingdom, as well those which had not heard of the _seance royale_, as
those which had, and gave good reason to apprehend that the soldiery,
in general, would side with their fathers and brothers, rather than with
their officers. The operation of this medicine, at Versailles, was as
sudden as it was powerful. The alarm there was so complete, that in the
afternoon of the 27th, the King wrote a letter to the President of
the Clergy, the Cardinal de la Rochefoucault, in these words: [* A
translation is here given.]
* My Cousin, Wholly engaged in promoted the general good of
my kingdom, and desirous, above all things, that the
Assembly of the States General should apply themselves to
objects of general interest, after the voluntary acceptance
by your order of my declaration of the 23rd of the present
month; I pass my word that my faithful Clergy will, without
delay, unite themselves with the other two orders, to hasten
the accomplishment of my paternal views. Those whose powers
are too limited, may decline voting until new powers are
procured. This will be a new mark of attachment which my
Clergy will give me. I pray God, my Cousin, to have you in
his holy keeping. LOUIS.’
A like letter was written to the Duke de Luxemburgh, President of
the _Noblesse_. The two chambers entered into debate on the question,
whether they should obey the letter of the King. There was a
considerable opposition; when notes written by the Count d’Artois to
sundry members, and handed about among the rest, decided the matter,
and they went in a body and took their seats with the _Tiers_, and thus
rendered the union of the orders in one chamber complete. As soon as
this was known to the people of Versailles, they assembled about the
palace, demanded the King and Queen, who came and showed themselves in
a balcony. They rent the skies with cries of ‘Vive la Roy,’ ‘Vive la
Reine.’ They, called for the Dauphin, who was also produced, and was
the subject of new acclamations. After feasting themselves and the royal
family with this tumultuary reconciliation, they went to the house
of Mr. Necker and M. de Montmorin, with shouts of thankfulness and
affection. Similar emotions of joy took place in Paris, and at this
moment, the triumph of the Tiers is considered as complete. Tomorrow
they will recommence business, voting by persons on all questions: and
whatever difficulties may be opposed in debate by the malcontents of the
Clergy and Nobility, every thing must be finally settled at the will of
the _Tiers_. It remains to see whether they will leave to the nobility
any thing but their titulary appellations. I suppose they will not. Mr.
Necker will probably remain in office. It would seem natural that he
should endeavor to have the hostile part of the Council removed, but
I question if he finds himself firm enough for that. A perfect
co-operation with the _Tiers_ will be his wisest game. This great crisis
being now over, I shall not have matter interesting enough to trouble
you with, as often as I have done lately. There has nothing remarkable
taken place in any other part of Europe.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most; obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCX.--TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, July 6, 1789
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
Paris, July 6, 1789.
Dear Sir,
I never made an offer to any body to have corn or flour brought here
from America: no such idea ever entered my head. Mr. Necker desired me
to give information in America, that there would be a want of flour. I
did so in a letter to Mr. Jay, which he published with my name to it,
for the encouragement of the merchants. Those here, who have named me
on this subject, must have mistaken me for Mr. Parker. I have heard
him say, he offered to Mr. Necker to bring a large supply, yet I do not
think I ever repeated this: or if I did, it must have been in a company
I relied on. I will thank you to satisfy Mr. Necker of the truth. It
would be disagreeable, and perhaps mischievous, were he to have an idea
that I encouraged censures on him. I will bring you the paper you desire
to-morrow; and shall dine at the Dutchess Danville’s, where I shall be
happy to meet you.
Adieu. Yours affectionately.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXI.--TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, July 7,1789
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
Paris, July 7,1789.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of yesterday gave me the first information that Monsieur de
Mirabeau had suggested to the honorable the Assembly of the Nation, that
I had made an offer to Mr. Necker to obtain from America a quantity
of corn or flour, which had been refused. I know not how Monsieur de
Mirabeau has been led into this error. I never in my life made any
proposition to Mr. Necker on the subject: I never said I had made such
a proposition. Some time last autumn, Mr. Necker did me the honor to
desire I would have notified in the United States, that corn and flour
would meet with a good sale in France. I conveyed this notice, in a
letter to Mr. Jay, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, as you will see by the
extract of my letter published by him in an American gazette, which I
have the honor to send you. I must beg leave to avail myself of your
friendship and of your position to have a communication of these facts
made to the honorable Assembly of the Nation, of which you are a member,
and to repeat to you those sentiments of respect and attachment, with
which I have the honor to be, my dear Sir, your most obedient and most
humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXII.--TO MR. NECKER, July 8, 1789
TO MR. NECKER.
Paris, July 8, 1789
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose you a copy of my letter to Monsieur de
la Fayette. When I called on him yesterday, he had already spoken to
Monsieur de Mirabeau, who acknowledged he had been in an error in what
he had advanced in the Assembly of the Nation, as to the proposition
supposed to have been made by me to your Excellency, and undertook to
declare his error, when the subject should be resumed by the Assembly,
to whom my letter to the Marquis de la Fayette will be also read.
I have thought it a duty, Sir, thus to correct, in the first moment, an
error, by which your name had been compromitted by an unfounded use
of mine, and shall be happy in every occasion of proving to you those
sentiments of profound respect and attachment, with which I have the
honor to be, your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXIII.--TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN, July 8, 1789
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.
Paris, July 8, 1789.
Sir,
My hotel having been lately robbed for the third time, I take the
liberty of uniting my wish with that of the inhabitants of this quarter,
that it might coincide with the arrangements of police, to extend to us
the protection of a guard. While the _Douane_ remained here, no accident
of that kind happened, but since their removal, other houses in the
neighborhood have been robbed as well as mine. Perhaps it may lessen the
difficulties of this request, that the house occupied by the people of
the _Douane_, will lodge abundantly a _corps de garde_. On the one side
of that house is Chaillot, on the other the Roule, on the third the
Champs Elysees, where accidents are said to happen very frequently, all
of which are very distant from any _corps de garde_.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and
esteem, your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXIV.--TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, July 9, 1789
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
Paris, July 9, 1789.
Dear Sir,
Having been curious to form some estimate of the quantity of corn and
flour which have been supplied to France this year, I applied to a
person in the Farms to know upon what quantities the premium had been
paid. He could not give me information, but as to the Atlantic ports,
into which there have been imported from the United States, from March
to May inclusive, forty-four thousand one hundred and sixteen quintals
of corn, twelve thousand two hundred and twenty-one quintals of flour,
making fifty-six thousand three hundred and thirty-seven quintals in
the whole. Add to this what has been imported since May, suppose nearly
twenty thousand quintals a month, and what has been furnished to the
French islands, which has prevented an equal quantity being exported
from France, and you will have the proportion drawn from us. Observe,
that we have regular and constant markets for our corn and flour in
Spain, Portugal, and all the West India islands, except the French.
These take nearly our whole quantity. This year, France, the French
West Indies, and Canada were added. But a regular course of trade is not
quitted in an instant, nor constant customers deserted for accidental
ones. This is the reason that so small a proportion has come here.
I am, Dear Sir, with great sincerity, your affectionate friend and
servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXV.--TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, July 10, 1789
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
Paris, July 10, 1789.
Dear Sir,
The acknowledgment by Monsieur de Mirabeau to the National Assembly,
that he had been in an error as to the offer he supposed me to have
made, and the reading to them my letter, seem to be all that was
requisite for any just purpose. As I was unwilling my name should be
used to injure the minister, I am also unwilling it should be used
to injure Monsieur de Mirabeau. I learn that his enemies in Paris are
framing scandalous versions of my letter. I think, therefore, with you,
it may be better to print it, and I send you a copy of it. I gave copies
of it to Monsieur de Montmorin and Monsieur Necker, as was my duty.
I am, with sincere affection, my Dear Sir, your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCXVI.--TO THOMAS PAINE, July 11, 1789
TO THOMAS PAINE.
Paris, July 11, 1789.
Dear Sir,
Since my last, which was of May the 19th, I have received yours of
June the 17th and 18th. I am struck with the idea of the geometrical
wheel-barrow, and will beg of you a farther account, if it can be
obtained. I have no news yet of my _congé_.
Though you have doubtless heard most of the proceedings of the States
General since my last, I will take up the narration where that left it,
that you may be able to separate the true from the false accounts you
have heard. A good part of what was conjecture in that letter, is now
become true history.
*****
The National Assembly, then, (for that is the name they take,) having
shown through every stage of these transactions a coolness, wisdom, and
resolution to set fire to the four corners of the kingdom, and to perish
with it themselves, rather than to relinquish an iota from their plan
of a total change of government, are now in complete and undisputed
possession of the sovereignty. The executive and aristocracy are at
their feet; the mass of the nation, the mass of the clergy, and the
army are with them: they have prostrated the old government, and are now
beginning to build one from the foundation. A committee, charged with
the arrangement of their business, gave in, two days ago, the following
order of proceedings.
‘1. Every government should have for its only end, the preservation
of the rights of man: whence it follows, that to recall constantly
the government to the end proposed, the constitution should begin by a
declaration of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man.
‘2. Monarchical government being proper to maintain those rights, it has
been chosen by the French nation. It suits especially a great society;
it is necessary for the happiness of France. The declaration of the
principles of this government, then, should follow immediately the
declaration of the rights of man.
‘3. It results from the principles of monarchy, that the nation, to
assure its own rights, has yielded particular rights to the monarch: the
constitution, then, should declare, in a precise manner, the rights of
both. It should begin by declaring the rights of the French nation, and
then should declare the rights of the King.
‘4. The rights of the King and nation not existing but for the happiness
of the individuals who compose it, they lead to an examination of the
rights of citizens.
‘5. The French nation not being capable of assembling individually to
exercise all its rights, it ought to be represented. It is necessary,
then, to declare the form of its representation and the rights of its
representatives.
‘6. From the union of the powers of the nation and King, should result
the enacting and execution of the laws: thus, then, it should first
be determined how the laws shall be established; afterwards should be
considered, how they shall be executed.
‘7. Laws have for their object the general administration of the
kingdom, the property, and the actions of the citizens. The execution of
the laws which concern the general administration, requires Provincial
and Municipal Assemblies. It is necessary to examine, therefore, what
should be the organization of the Provincial Assemblies, and what of the
Municipal.
‘8. The execution of the laws, which concern the property and actions of
the citizens, calls for a judiciary power. It should be determined how
that should be confided, and then its duties and limits.
‘9. For the execution of the laws and the defence of the kingdom,
there exists a public force. It is necessary, then, to determine the
principles which should direct it, and how it should be employed.
‘Recapitulation.
‘Declaration of the rights of man. Principles of the monarchy. Rights of
the nation. Rights of the King. Rights of the citizens.
‘Organization and rights of the National Assembly. Forms necessary for
the enaction of laws. Organization and functions of the Provincial
and Municipal Assemblies. Duties and limits of the judiciary power.
Functions and duties of the military power.’
You see that these are the materials of a superb edifice, and the hands
which have prepared them are perfectly capable of putting them together,
and of filling up the work, of which these are only the outlines. While
there are some men among them of very superior abilities, the mass
possess such a degree of good sense, as enables them to decide well. I
have always been afraid their numbers might lead to confusion. Twelve
hundred men in one room are too many. I have still that fear. Another
apprehension is, that a majority cannot be induced to adopt the trial by
jury, and I consider that as the only anchor ever yet imagined by man,
by which a government can be held to the principles of its constitution.
Mr. Paradise is the bearer of this letter. He can supply those details
which it would be so tedious to write.
I am, with great esteem, Dear Sir, your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.