country. The reformation of some of the most oppressive laws has taken
place, and is taking place. The allotment of the State into subordinate
governments, the administration of which is committed to persons chosen
by the people, will work in time a very beneficial change in their
constitution. The expense of the trappings of monarchy, too, is
lightening. Many of the useless officers, high and low, of the King,
Queen, and Princes, are struck off. Notwithstanding all this, the
discovery of the abominable abuses of public money by the late
Comptroller General, some new expenses of the court, not of a piece with
the projects of reformation, and the imposition of new taxes, have, in
the course of a few weeks, raised a spirit of discontent in this nation,
so great and so general, as to threaten serious consequences. The
parliaments in general, and particularly that of Paris, put themselves
at the head of this effervescence, and direct its object to the calling
the States General, who have not been assembled since 1614. The object
is to fix a constitution, and to limit expenses. The King has been
obliged to hold a bed of justice, to enforce the registering the new
taxes: the parliament, on their side, propose to issue a prohibition
against their execution. Very possibly this may bring on their exile.
The mild and patriotic character of the new ministry is the principal
dependence against this extremity.
The turn which the affairs of Europe will take, is not yet decided.
A war, wherein France, Holland, and England should be parties, seems,
_primâ facie_, to promise much advantage to us. But, in the first place,
no war can be safe for us, which threatens France with an unfavorable
issue. And, in the next, it will probably embark us again into the
ocean of speculation, engage us to overtrade ourselves, convert us into
sea-rovers, under French and Dutch colors, divert us from agriculture,
which is our wisest pursuit, because it will in the end contribute
most to real wealth, good morals, and happiness. The wealth acquired by
speculation and plunder, is fugacious in its nature, and fills society
with the spirit of gambling. The moderate and sure income of husbandry
begets permanent improvement, quiet life, and orderly conduct, both
public and private. We have no occasion for more commerce than to
take off our superfluous produce, and the people complain that some
restrictions prevent this; yet the price of articles with us, in
general, shows the contrary. Tobacco, indeed, is low, not because we
cannot carry it where we please, but because we make more than the
consumption requires. Upon the whole, I think peace advantageous to
us, necessary for Europe, and desirable for humanity. A few days will
decide, probably, whether all these considerations are to give way to
the bad passions of Kings, and those who would be Kings.
I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem and respect, Dear Sir,
your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
P. S. August 15. The parliament is exiled to Troyes this morning. T. J.
LETTER LXXXVIII.--TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS, August 14, 1787
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
Paris, August 14, 1787.
Dear Sir,
I remember when you left us, it was with a promise to supply all the
defects of correspondence in our friends, of which we complained, and
which you had felt in common with us. Yet I have received but one letter
from you, which was dated June the 5th, 1786, and I answered it August
the 14th, 1786. Dropping that, however, and beginning a new account,
I will observe to you, that wonderful improvements are making here in
various lines. In architecture, the wall of circumvallation round
Paris, and the palaces by which we are to be let out and in, are
nearly completed; four hospitals are to be built instead of the old
_hôtel-dieu_; one of the old bridges has all its houses demolished, and
a second nearly so; a new bridge is begun at the Place Louis XV.; the
Palais Royal is gutted, a considerable part in the centre of the
garden being dug out, and a subterranean circus begun, wherein will be
equestrian exhibitions, &c. In society, the _habit habille_ is almost
banished, and they begin to go even to great suppers in frock: the court
and diplomatic corps, however, must always be excepted. They are too
high to be reached by any improvement. They are the last refuge from
which etiquette, formality, and folly will be driven. Take away these,
and they would be on a level with other people.
[After describing the unsettled state of Europe, as in some
of the preceding letters, the writer proceeds.]
So much for the blessings of having Kings, and magistrates who would be
Kings. From these events our young republics may learn useful lessons,
never to call on foreign powers to settle their differences, to guard
against hereditary magistrates, to prevent their citizens from becoming
so established in wealth and power, as to be thought worthy of alliance
by marriage with the nieces, sisters, &c. of Kings, and, in short, to
besiege the throne of Heaven with eternal prayers, to extirpate from
creation this class of human lions, tigers, and mammoths, called Kings;
from whom, let him perish who does not say, ‘Good Lord, deliver us;’ and
that so we may say, one and all, or perish, is the fervent prayer of
him who has the honor to mix with it sincere wishes for your health and
happiness, and to be, with real attachment and respect, Dear Sir, your
affectionate friend and humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXXIX.--TO JOHN JAY, August 15, 1787
TO JOHN JAY.
Sir,
Paris, August 15, 1787.
An American gentleman leaving Paris this afternoon, to go by the way
of L’Orient to Boston, furnishes me the rare occasion of a conveyance,
other than the packet, sure and quick. My letter by the packet informed
you of the bed of justice, for enregistering the stamp tax and land
tax. The parliament, on their return came to an _Arrêtée_ (a resolution)
which, besides protesting against the enregistering, as done by force,
laid the foundation for an _Arrêt de defence_ (an act) against the
execution of the two new laws. The question on the final _Arrêt_ was
adjourned to the day before yesterday. It is believed they did not
conclude on this _Arrêt_, as it has not appeared. However, there was a
concourse of about ten thousand people at the parliament house, who, on
their adjournment, received them with acclamations of joy, loosened
the horses of the most eminent speakers against the tax from their
carriages, and drew them home. This morning, the parliament is exiled
to Troyes. It is believed to proceed, principally, from the fear of a
popular commotion here.
The officer charged by this court, to watch the English squadron, which
was under sailing orders, returned about a week ago with information
that it had sailed, having shaped its course west-wardly. This is
another step towards war. It is the more suspicious, as their minister
here denies the fact. Count Adhemar is here from London, by leave from
his court. The Duke of Dorset, the British ambassador here, has lately
gone to London on leave. Neither of these ambassadors has the confidence
of his court, on the point of abilities. The latter merits it for his
honesty. The minister of the British court, resident here, remains; but
Mr. Eden, their ambassador to Spain, under pretence of taking this
in his route, is in truth their _fac-totum_ in the present emergency.
Nothing worth noting has occurred since my last, either in the Dutch or
Austrian Netherlands.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XC.--TO JOHN ADAMS, August 30, 1787
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, August 30, 1787.
Dear Sir,
Since your favor of July the 10th, mine have been of July the 17th,
23rd, and 28th. The last enclosed a bill of exchange from Mr. Grand, on
Tessier, for £46. 17s. 10d. sterling, to answer General Sullivan’s bill
for that sum. I hope it got safe to hand, though I have been anxious
about it, as it went by post, and my letters through that channel
sometimes miscarry.
From the separation of the _Notables_ to the present moment, has been
perhaps the most interesting interval ever known in this country.
The propositions of the government, approved by the _Notables_, were
precious to the nation, and have been in an honest course of execution,
some of them being carried into effect, and others preparing. Above all,
the establishment of the Provincial Assemblies, some of which have begun
their sessions, bid fair to be the instrument for circumscribing the
power of the crown, and raising the people into consideration. The
election given to them, is what will do this. Though the minister, who
proposed these improvements, seems to have meant them as the price
of the new supplies, the game has been so played, as to secure the
improvements to the nation, without securing the price. The _Notables_
spoke softly on the subject of the additional supplies. But the
parliament took them up roundly, refused to register the edicts for the
new taxes, till compelled in a bed of justice, and suffered themselves
to be transferred to Troyes, rather than withdraw their opposition. It
is urged principally against the King, that his revenue is one hundred
and thirty millions more than that of his predecessor was, and yet he
demands one hundred and twenty millions further. You will see this well
explained in the ‘_Conference entre un Ministre d’etat et un Conseiller
au parliament,_’ which I send you with some small pamphlets. In the
mean time, all tongues in Paris (and in France as it is said) have been
let loose, and never was a license of speaking against the government,
exercised in London more freely or more universally. Caricatures,
placards, _bons-mots_, have been indulged in by all ranks of people,
and I know of no well attested instance of a single punishment. For some
time, mobs of ten, twenty, and thirty thousand people collected daily,
surrounded the Parliament house, huzzaed the members, even entered
the doors and examined into their conduct, took the horses out of the
carriages of those who did well, and drew them home. The government
thought it prudent to prevent these, drew some regiments into the
neighborhood, multiplied the guards, had the streets constantly
patrolled by strong parties, suspended privileged places, forbade all
clubs, &c. The mobs have ceased: perhaps this may be partly owing to the
absence of Parliament. The Count d’Artois, sent to hold a bed of justice
in the _Cour des Aides_, was hissed and hooted without reserve, by the
populace; the carriage of Madame de (I forget the name), in the Queen’s
livery, was stopped by the populace, under a belief that it was Madame
de Polignac, whom they would have insulted; the Queen, going to the
theatre at Versailles with Madame de Polignac, was received with a
general hiss. The King, long in the habit of drowning his cares in
wine, plunges deeper and deeper. The Queen cries, but sins on. The Count
d’Artois is detested, and Monsieur, the general favorite. The Archbishop
of Toulouse is made minister principal, a virtuous, patriotic, and able
character. The Marechal de Castries retired yesterday, notwithstanding
strong solicitations to remain in office. The Marechal de Segur retired
at the same time, prompted to it by the court. Their successors are not
yet known. Monsieur de St. Priest goes ambassador to Holland, in the
room of Verac, transferred to Switzerland, and the Count de Moustier
goes to America, in the room of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who has
a promise of the first vacancy. These nominations are not yet made
formally, but they are decided on, and the parties are ordered to
prepare for their destination.
As it has been long since I have had a confidential conveyance to you,
I have brought together the principal facts from the adjournment of the
Notables, to the present moment, which, as you will perceive from their
nature, required a confidential conveyance. I have done it the rather,
because, though you will have heard many of them, and seen them in the
public papers, yet, floating in the mass of lies which constitute the
atmosphere of London and Paris, you may not have been sure of their
truth; and I have mentioned every truth of any consequence, to enable
you to stamp as false, the facts pretermitted. I think that in the
course of three months, the royal authority has lost, and the rights
of the nation gained, as much ground by a revolution of public opinion
only, as England gained in all her civil wars under the Stuarts. I
rather believe, too, they will retain the ground gained, because it
is defended by the young and the middle-aged, in opposition to the old
only. The first party increases, and the latter diminishes daily, from
the course of nature. You may suppose, that in this situation, war would
be unwelcome to France. She will surely avoid it, if not forced into it
by the courts of London and Berlin. If forced, it is probable she
will change the system of Europe totally, by an alliance with the two
empires, to whom nothing would be more desirable. In the event of such
a coalition, not only Prussia, but the whole European world must receive
from them their laws. But France will probably endeavor to preserve the
present system, if it can be done, by sacrificing, to a certain degree,
the pretensions of the patriotic party in Holland. But of all these
matters, you can judge, in your position, where less secrecy is
observed, better than I can.
I have news from America as late as July the 19th. Nothing had
transpired from the federal convention. I am sorry they began their
deliberations by so abominable a precedent, as that of tying up the
tongues of their members. Nothing can justify this example, but the
innocence of their intentions, and ignorance of the value of public
discussions. I have no doubt that all their other measures will be good
and wise. It is really an assembly of demigods. General Washington was
of opinion, that they should not separate till October.
I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of friendship and respect,
Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XCI.--TO MR. WYTHE, September 16,1787
TO MR. WYTHE.
Paris, September 16,1787.
Dear Sir,
I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of December the 13th
and 22nd, 1786, and of January, 1787. These should not have been so
long unanswered, but that they arrived during my absence on a journey of
between three and four months, through the southern parts of France and
northern of Italy. In the latter country, my time allowed me to go no
further than Turin, Milan, and Genoa: consequently, I scarcely got
into classical ground. I took with me some of the writings, in which
endeavors have been made to investigate the passage of Annibal over the
Alps, and was just able to satisfy myself, from a view of the
country, that the descriptions given of his march are not sufficiently
particular, to enable us, at this day, even to guess at his track across
the Alps. In architecture, painting, sculpture, I found much amusement:
but more than all, in their agriculture, many objects of which might be
adopted with us to great advantage. I am persuaded, there are many parts
of our lower country where the olive tree might be raised, which is
assuredly the richest gift of Heaven. I can scarcely except bread. I see
this tree supporting thousands among the Alps, where there is not soil
enough to make bread for a single family. The caper, too, might be
cultivated with us. The fig we do raise. I do not speak of the vine,
because it is the parent of misery. Those who cultivate it are always
poor, and he who would employ himself with us in the culture of corn,
cotton, &c. can procure, in exchange for them, much more wine, and
better, than he could raise by its direct culture.
I sent you formerly copies of the documents on the Tagliaferro family,
which I had received from Mr. Febroni. I now send the originals. I have
procured for you a copy of Polybius, the best edition; but the best
edition of Vitruvius which is with the commentaries of Ficinus, is not
to be got here. I have sent to Holland for it. In the mean time, the
Polybius comes in a box containing books for Peter Carr, and for some of
my friends in Williamsburg and its vicinities. I have taken the liberty
of addressing the box to you. It goes to New York in the packet-boat
which carries this letter, and will be forwarded to you by water, by Mr.
Madison. Its freight to New York is paid here. The transportation from
thence to Williamsburg, will be demanded of you, and shall stand as the
equivalent to the cost of Polybius and Vitruvius, if you please. The
difference either way, will not be worth the trouble of raising and
transmitting accounts. I send you herewith a state of the contents of
the box, and for whom each article is. Among these are some, as you will
perceive, of which I ask your acceptance. It is a great comfort to me,
that while here, I am able to furnish some amusement to my friends, by
sending them such productions of genius, ancient and modern, as might
otherwise escape them; and I hope they will permit me to avail myself of
the occasion, while it lasts.
This world is going all to war. I hope ours will remain clear of it. It
is already declared between the Turks and Russians, and considering the
present situation of Holland, it cannot fail to spread itself all over
Europe. Perhaps it may not be till next spring, that the other powers
will be engaged in it: nor is it as yet clear, how they will arrange
themselves. I think it not impossible, that France and the two empires
may join against all the rest. The Patriotic party in Holland will
be saved by this, and the Turks sacrificed. The only thing which can
prevent the union of France and the two empires, is the difficulty of
agreeing about the partition of the spoils. Constantinople is the key of
Asia. Who shall have it, is the question. I cannot help looking forward
to the re-establishment of the Greeks as a people, and the language of
Homer becoming again a living language, as among possible events. You
have now with you Mr. Paradise, who can tell you how easily the modern
may be improved into the ancient Greek.
You ask me in your letter, what ameliorations I think necessary in our
federal constitution. It is now too late to answer the question, and
it would always have been presumption in me to have done it. Your own
ideas, and those of the great characters who were to be concerned with
you in these discussions, will give the law, as they ought to do, to us
all. My own general idea was, that the States should severally preserve
their sovereignty in whatever concerns themselves alone, and that
whatever may concern another State, or any foreign nation, should be
made a part of the federal sovereignty: that the exercise of the federal
sovereignty should be divided among three several bodies, legislative,
executive, and judiciary, as the State sovereignties are: and that
some peaceable means should be contrived, for the federal head to force
compliance on the part of the States. I have reflected on your idea of
wooden or ivory diagrams, for the geometrical demonstrations. I should
think wood as good as ivory; and that in this case, it might add to the
improvement of the young gentlemen, that they should make the figures
themselves. Being furnished by a workman with a piece of vineer, no
other tool than a penknife and a wooden rule would be necessary. Perhaps
pasteboards, or common cards, might be still more convenient. The
difficulty is, how to reconcile figures which must have a very sensible
breadth, to our ideas of a mathematical line, which, as it has neither
breadth nor thickness, will revolt more at these, than at simple lines
drawn on paper or slate. If, after reflecting on this proposition, you
would prefer having them made here, lay your commands on me, and they
shall be executed.
I return you a thousand thanks for your goodness to my nephew. After my
debt to you for whatever I am myself, it is increasing it too much,
to interest yourself for his future fortune. But I know that to you, a
consciousness of doing good is a luxury ineffable. You have enjoyed it
already, beyond all human measure, and that you may long live to enjoy
it, and to bless your country and friends, is the sincere prayer of him,
who is, with every possible sentiment of esteem and respect, Dear Sir,
your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XCII.--TO JOHN JAY, September 19, 1787
TO JOHN JAY.
Sir,
Paris, September 19, 1787.
My last letters to you were of the 6th and 15th of August; since which,
I have been honored with yours of July the 24th, acknowledging the
receipt of mine of the 14th and 23d of February. I am anxious to hear
you have received that also of May the 4th, written from Marseilles.
According to the desires of Congress, expressed in their vote confirming
the appointments of Francisco Giuseppa and Girolamo Chiappi, their
agents in Morocco, I have written letters to these gentlemen, to begin a
correspondence with them. To the first, I have enclosed the ratification
of the treaty with the Emperor of Morocco, and shall send it either by
our agent at Marseilles, who is now here, or by the Count Daranda, who
sets out for Madrid in a few days, having relinquished his embassy here.
I shall proceed on the redemption of our captives at Algiers, as soon as
the commissioners of the treasury shall enable me, by placing the money
necessary under my orders. The prisoners redeemed by the religious order
of Mathurins, cost about four hundred dollars each, and the General of
the order told me, that they had never been able to redeem foreigners on
so good terms as their own countrymen. Supposing that their redemption,
clothing, feeding, and transportation should amount to five hundred
dollars each, there must be, at least, a sum of ten thousand dollars set
apart for this purpose. Till this is done, I shall take no other step
than the preparatory one, of destroying at Algiers all idea of our
intending to redeem the prisoners. This, the General of the Mathurins
told me, was indispensably necessary, and that it must not, on any
account, transpire, that the public would interest themselves for their
redemption. This was rendered the more necessary, by the declaration of
the Dey to the Spanish consul, that he should hold him responsible, at
the Spanish price, for our prisoners, even for such as should die. Three
of them have died of the plague. By authorizing me to redeem at the
prices usually paid by the European nations, Congress, I suppose, could
not mean the Spanish price, which is not only unusual but unprecedented,
and would make our vessels the first object with those pirates. I
shall pay no attention, therefore, to the Spanish price, unless further
instructed. Hard as it may seem, I should think it necessary, not to
let it be known even to the relations of the captives, that we mean to
redeem them.
I have the honor to inclose you a paper from the admiralty of
Guadaloupe, sent to me as a matter of form, and to be lodged, I suppose,
with our marine records. I enclose, also, a copy of a letter from the
Count de Florida Blanca to Mr. Carmichael, by which you will perceive,
they have referred the settlement of the claim of South Carolina for
the use of their frigate, to Mr. Gardoqui, and to the Delegates of South
Carolina in Congress.