April the 24th and June the 9th. I am happy to find that the States have
come so generally into the scheme of the federal convention, from which,
I am sure, we shall see wise propositions. I confess, I do not go as
far in the reforms thought necessary, as some of my correspondents in
America; but if the convention should adopt such propositions, I shall
suppose them necessary. My general plan would be, to make the States
one as to every thing connected with foreign nations, and several as
to every thing purely domestic. But with all the imperfections of our
present government, it is, without comparison, the best existing, or
that ever did exist. Its greatest defect is the imperfect manner in
which matters of commerce have been provided for. It has been so often
said, as to be generally believed, that Congress have no power by the
Confederation to enforce any thing; for example, contributions of money.
It was not necessary to give them that power expressly; they have it
by the law of nature. When two parties make a compact, there results to
each a power of compelling the other to execute it. Compulsion was never
so easy as in our case, where a single frigate would soon levy on the
commerce of any State the deficiency of its contributions; nor more
safe than in the hands of Congress, which has always shown that it
would wait, as it ought to do, to the last extremities, before it
would execute any of its powers which are disagreeable. I think it
very material, to separate, in the hands of Congress, the executive and
legislative powers, as the judiciary already are, in some degree. This,
I hope, will be done. The want of it has been the source of more
evil, than we have experienced from any other cause. Nothing is so
embarrassing nor so mischievous, in a great assembly, as the details
of execution. The smallest trifle of that kind, occupies as long as the
most important act of legislation, and takes place of every thing else.
Let any man recollect, or look over, the files of Congress: he will
observe the most important propositions hanging over, from week to week,
and month to month, till the occasions have passed them, and the things
never done. I have ever viewed the executive details as the greatest
cause of evil to us, because they in fact place us as if we had no
federal head, by diverting the attention of that head from great to
small objects; and should this division of power not be recommended by
the convention, it is my opinion, Congress should make it, itself, by
establishing an executive committee.
*****
I have the honor to be, with sincere esteem and respect, Dear Sir, your
most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson,
LETTER LXXVIII.--TO DR. CURRIE, August 4, 1787
TO DR. CURRIE.
Paris, August 4, 1787.
Dear Sir,
I am favored with your letter of May the 2nd, and most cordially
sympathize in your late immense losses. It is a situation in which a man
needs the aid of all his wisdom and philosophy. But as it is better
to turn from the contemplation of our misfortunes, to the resources
we possess for extricating ourselves, you will, of course, have found
solace in your vigor of mind, health of body, talents, habits of
business, in the consideration that you have time yet to retrieve every
thing, and a knowledge that the very activity necessary for this, is a
state of greater happiness than the unoccupied one, to which you had a
thought of retiring. I wish the bulk of my extravagant countrymen had as
good prospects and resources as you. But with many of them, a feebleness
of mind makes them afraid to probe the true state of their affairs, and
procrastinate the reformation which alone can save something, to those
who may yet be saved. How happy a people were we during the war, from
the single circumstance that we could not run in debt! This counteracted
all the inconveniences we felt, as the present facility of ruining
ourselves overweighs all the blessings of peace. I know no condition
happier than that of a Virginia farmer might be, conducting himself as
he did during the war. His estate supplies a good table, clothes itself
and his family with their ordinary apparel, furnishes a small surplus to
buy salt, sugar, coffee, and a little finery for his wife and daughters,
enables him to receive and to visit his friends, and furnishes him
pleasing and healthy occupation. To secure all this, he needs but one
act of self-denial, to put off buying any thing till he has the money to
pay for it. Mr. Ammonett did not come. He wrote to me, however, and I am
making inquiry for the town and family he indicated. As yet, neither
can be heard of, and were they to be found, the length of time would
probably bar all claims against them. I have seen no object present
so many desperate faces. However, if inquiry can lighten our way, that
shall not be wanting, and I will write to him as soon as we discover
any thing, or despair of discovering. Littlepage has succeeded well in
Poland. He has some office, it is said, worth five hundred guineas a
year. The box of seeds you were so kind as to forward me, came safe to
hand. The arrival of my daughter, in good health, has been a source
of immense comfort to me. The injury of which you had heard, was a
dislocated wrist, and though it happened eleven months ago, was a simple
dislocation, and immediately aided by the best surgeon in Paris, it is
neither well, nor ever will be, so as to render me much service. The
fingers remain swelled and crooked, the hand withered, and the joint
having a very confined motion. You ask me when I shall return. My
commission expires next spring, and if not renewed, I shall return then.
If renewed, I shall stay somewhat longer: how much, will not depend on
me altogether. So far as it does, I cannot fix the epoch of my return,
though I always flatter myself it is not very distant. My habits are
formed to those of my own country. I am past the time of changing them,
and am, therefore, less happy any where else than there.
I shall always be happy to hear from you, being with very sincere
esteem, Dear Sir, your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXIX.--TO MR. HAWKINS, August 4, 1787
TO MR. HAWKINS.
Paris, August 4, 1787.
Dear Sir,
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of March the 8th and
June the 9th, and to give you many thanks for the trouble you have taken
with the _dionæa muscipula_. I have not yet heard any thing of them,
which makes me fear they have perished by the way. I believe the most
effectual means of conveying them hither will be by the seed. I must add
my thanks too for the vocabularies. This is an object I mean to pursue,
as I am persuaded that the only method of investigating the filiation of
the Indian nations, is by that of their languages.
I look up with you to the federal convention, for an amendment of our
federal affairs; yet I do not view them in so disadvantageous a light
at present, as some do. And above all things, I am astonished at some
people’s considering a kingly government as a refuge. Advise such to
read the fable of the frogs, who solicited Jupiter for a king. If that
does not put them to rights, send them to Europe, to see something of
the trappings of monarchy, and I will undertake, that every man shall go
back thoroughly cured. If all the evils which can arise among us, from
the republican form of our government, from this day to the day of
judgment, could be put into a scale against what this country suffers
from its monarchical form, in a week, or England, in a month, the latter
would preponderate. Consider the contents of the Red Book in England, or
the Almanac Royale of France, and say what a people gain by monarchy.
No race of kings has ever presented above one man of common, sense, in
twenty generations. The best they can do is, to leave things to their
ministers; and what are their ministers, but a committee, badly chosen?
If the king ever meddles, it is to do harm. Adieu, my Dear Sir, and be
assured of the esteem of your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXX.--TO COLONEL MONROE, August 5, 1787
TO COLONEL MONROE.
Paris, August 5, 1787.
Dear Sir,
A journey of between three and four months, into the southern parts of
France and northern of Italy, has prevented my writing to you. In
the mean time, you have changed your ground, and engaged in different
occupations, so that I know not whether the news of this side the water
will even amuse you. However, it is all I have for you. The storm which
seemed to be raised suddenly in Brabant, will probably blow over.
The Emperor, on his return to Vienna, pretended to revoke all the
concessions which had been made by his Governors General, to his
Brabantine subjects; but he, at the same time, called for deputies from
among them to consult with. He will use their agency to draw himself out
of the scrape, and all there I think will be quieted. Hostilities go on
occasionally in Holland. France espouses the cause of the Patriots, as
you know, and England and Prussia that of the Stadtholder. France and
England are both unwilling to bring on a war, but a hasty move of the
King of Prussia will perplex them. He has thought the stopping his
sister sufficient cause for sacrificing a hundred or two thousand of his
subjects, and as many Hollanders and French. He has therefore ordered
twenty thousand men to march, without consulting England, or even his
own ministers. He may thus drag England into a war, and of course this
country, against their will. But it is certain they will do every thing
they can, to prevent it; and that in this, at least, they agree.
Though such a war might be gainful to us, yet it is much to be
deprecated by us at this time. In all probability, France would be
unequal to such a war by sea and by land, and it is not our interest or
even safe for us, that she should be weakened. The great improvements
in their constitution, effected by the _Assemblée des Notables_, you
are apprized of. That of partitioning the country into a number
of subordinate governments, under the administration of Provincial
Assemblies, chosen by the people, is a capital one. But to the delirium
of joy which these improvements gave the nation, a strange reverse of
temper has suddenly succeeded. The deficiencies of their revenue
were exposed, and they were frightful. Yet there was an appearance
of intention to economize and reduce the expenses of government. But
expenses are still very, inconsiderately incurred, and all reformation
in that point despaired of. The public credit is affected; and such a
spirit of discontent has arisen, as has never been seen. The parliament
refused to register the edict for a stamp tax, or any other tax, and
call for the States General, who alone, they say, can impose a new
tax. They speak with a boldness unexampled. The King has called them to
Versailles to-morrow, where he will hold a _lit de justice_ and compel
them to register the tax. How the chapter will finish, we must wait to
see. By a vessel lately sailed from Havre to New York, I have sent
you some more _livraisons_ of the _Encyclopédie_, down to the 22nd
inclusive. They were in a box with Dr. Currie’s, and addressed to Mr.
Madison, who will forward them to Richmond. I have heard you are in the
Assembly. I will beg the favor of you, therefore, to give me, at the
close of the session, a history of the most remarkable acts passed,
the parties and views of the House, &c. This, with the small news of
my country, crops and prices, furnish you abundant matter to treat
me, while I have nothing to give you in return, but the history of
the follies of nations in their dotage. Present me in respectful and
friendly terms to Mrs. Monroe, and be assured of the sincere sentiments
of esteem and attachment, with which I am Dear Sir, your friend and
servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXXI.--TO JOHN JAY, August 6,1787
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, August 6,1787.
The last letter I had the honor of addressing you was dated June
the 21st. I have now that of enclosing you a letter from the Swedish
ambassador, praying that inquiry may be made for a vessel of his nation,
piratically carried off, and measures taken relative to the vessel,
cargo, and crew. Also a letter from William Russell and others, citizens
of America, concerned in trade to the island of Guadaloupe, addressed
to the Marechal de Castries, and complaining of the shutting to them the
port of Point a Pitre, and receiving them only at Basse-terre. This was
enclosed to me by the subscribers, to be delivered to the Marechal de
Castries. But the present is not the moment to move in that business:
and moreover, I suppose, that whenever parties are within the reach of
Congress, they should apply to them, and my instructions come through
that channel. Matters, arising within the kingdom of France, to which
my commission is limited, and not admitting time to take the orders
of Congress, I suppose I may move in originally. I also enclose you
the copy of a letter from Mr. Barclay, closing his proceedings in our
affairs with Morocco. Before this reaches you, he will have had the
honor of presenting himself to you in person. After his departure, the
parliament of Bordeaux decided that he was liable to arrest. This was
done on a letter from the minister, informing them that Mr. Barclay
was invested with no character which privileged him from arrest. His
constant character of consul was no protection, and they did not explain
whether his character to Morocco was not originally diplomatic, or
was expired. Mr. Barclay’s proceedings under this commission being now
closed, it would be incumbent on me to declare with respect to them, as
well as his consular transactions, my opinion of the judgment, zeal, and
disinterestedness with which he has conducted himself; were it not that
Congress has been so possessed of those transactions from time to time,
as to judge for themselves. I cannot but be uneasy, lest my delay of
entering on the subject of the consular convention, may be disapproved.
My hope was and is, that more practicable terms might be obtained: in
this hope, I do nothing till further orders, observing by an extract
from the journals you were pleased to send me, that Congress have
referred the matter to your consideration, and conscious that we are not
suffering in the mean time, as we have not a single consul in France,
since the departure of Mr. Barclay. I mentioned to you in my last, the
revival of the hopes of the Chevalier de la Luzerne. I thought it
my duty to remind the Count de Montmorin, the other day, of the long
absence of their minister from Congress. He told me, the Chevalier de
la Luzerne would not be sent back, but that we might rely, that in the
month of October a person would be sent, with whom we should be content.
He did not name the person, though there is no doubt that it is the
Count de Mourtier. It is an appointment, which, according to the opinion
I have formed of him, bids as fair to give content, as any one which
could be made.
I also mentioned in my last letter, that I had proposed the reducing the
substance of Monsieur de Calonne’s letter into the form of an _Arrêt_,
with some alterations, which, on consultation with the merchants at the
different ports I visited, I had found to be necessary. I received soon
after a letter from the Comptroller General, informing me, that the
letter of Monsieur de Calonne was in a course of execution. Of this, I
enclose you a copy. I was, in that moment, enclosing to him my general
observations on that letter, a copy of which is also enclosed. In these
I stated all the alterations I wished to have made. It became expedient
soon after, to bring on the article of tobacco; first, to know whether
the Farmers had executed the order of Bernis, and also to prepare some
arrangements to succeed the expiration of this order. So that I am
now pursuing the whole subject of our commerce, 1. to have necessary
amendments made in Monsieur de Calonne’s letter; 2. to put it into a
more stable form; 3. to have full execution of the order of Bernis; 4.
to provide arrangements for the article of tobacco, after that order
shall be expired. By the copy of my letter on the two last points,
you will perceive that I again press the abolition of the Farm of this
article. The conferences on that subject give no hope of effecting that.
Some poor palliative is probably all we shall obtain. The Marquis de la
Fayette goes hand in hand with me in all these transactions, and is
an invaluable auxiliary to me. I hope it will not be imputed either
to partiality or affectation, my naming this gentleman so often in my
despatches. Were I not to do it, it would be a suppression of truth, and
the taking to myself the whole merit where he has the greatest share.
The Emperor, on his return to Vienna, disavowed the concessions of
his Governors General to his subjects of Brabant. He at the same time
proposed their sending deputies to him, to consult on their affairs.
They refused in the first moment; but afterwards nominated deputies;
without giving them any power, however, to concede any thing. In the
mean time, they are arming and training themselves. Probably the Emperor
will avail himself of the aid of these deputies, to tread back his
steps. He will be the more prompt to do this, that he may be in
readiness to act freely, if he finds occasion, in the new scenes
preparing in Holland. What these will be, cannot be foreseen. You
well know, that the original party-divisions of that country were into
Stadtholderians, Aristocrats, and Democrats. There was a subdivision
of the Aristocrats, into violent and moderate, which was important.
The violent Aristocrats would have wished to preserve all the powers
of government in the hands of the Regents, and that these should remain
self-elective: but choosing to receive a modification of these powers
from the Stadtholder, rather than from the people, they threw themselves
into his scale. The moderate Aristocrats would have consented to a
temperate mixture of democracy, and particularly, that the Regents
should be elected by the people. They were the declared enemies of the
Stadtholder, and acted in concert with the Democrats, forming with them
what was called the Patriots. It is the opinion of dispassionate
people on the spot, that their views might have been effected. But the
democratic party aimed at more. They talked of establishing tribunes of
the people, of annual accounts, of depriving the magistrates at the will
of the people, &c.; of enforcing all this with the arms in the hands of
the _corps francs_; and in some places, as at Heusden, Sprang, &c.
began the execution of these projects. The moderate Aristocrats found it
difficult to strain their principles to this pitch. A schism took place
between them and the Democrats, and the former have for some time been
dropping off from the latter into the scale of the Stadtholder. This
is the fatal coalition which governs without obstacle in Zealand,
Friesland, and Guelderland, which constitutes the States of Utrecht, at
Amersfort, and, with their aid, the plurality in the States General.
The States of Holland, Groningen, and Overyssel, vote as yet in the
opposition. But the coalition gains ground in the States of Holland, and
has been prevalent in the Council of Amsterdam. If its progress be not
stopped by a little moderation in the Democrats, it will turn the scale
decidedly in favor of the Stadtholder, in the event of their being left
to themselves without foreign interference. If foreign powers interfere,
their prospect does not brighten. I see no sure friends to the Patriots
but France, while Prussia and England are their assured enemies. Nor is
it probable, that characters so greedy, so enterprising, as the Emperor
and Empress, will be idle during such a struggle. Their views have long
shown which side they would take. That France has engaged to interfere,
and to support the Patriots, is beyond doubt. This engagement was
entered into during the life of the late King of Prussia, whose eye was
principally directed on the Emperor, and whose dispositions towards the
Prince of Orange would have permitted him to be clipped a little close.
But the present King comes in with warmer dispositions towards the
Princess his sister. He has shown decidedly, that he will support her,
even to the destruction of the balance of Europe, and the disturbance
of its peace. The King of England has equally decided to support that
house, at the risk of plunging his nation into another war. He supplies
the Prince with money at this moment. A particular remittance of one
hundred and twenty thousand guineas is known of. But his ministry is
divided. Pitt is against the King’s opinion, the Duke of Richmond and
the rest of the ministers for it. Or, at least, such is the belief here.
Mr. Adams will have informed you more certainly. This division in the
English ministry, with the ill condition of their finances for war,
produces a disposition even in the King, to try first every pacific
measure: and that country and this were laboring jointly to stop
the course of hostilities in Holland, to endeavor to effect an
accommodation, and were scarcely executing at all the armaments ordered
in their ports; when all of a sudden an inflammatory letter, written
by the Princess of Orange to the King of Prussia, induces him, without
consulting England, without consulting even his own Council, to issue
orders by himself to his generals, to march twenty thousand men to
revenge the insult supposed to be offered to his sister. With a pride
and egotism planted in the heart of every King, he considers her being
stopped in the road, as a sufficient cause to sacrifice a hundred or two
thousand of his own subjects, and as many of his enemies, and to spread
fire, sword, and desolation over the half of Europe. This hasty measure
has embarrassed England, undesirous of war, if it can be avoided,
yet unwilling to separate from the power who is to render its success
probable. Still you may be assured, that that court is going on in
concurrence with this, to prevent extremities, if possible; always
understood, that if the war cannot be prevented, they will enter into
it as parties, and in opposition to one another. This event is, in my
opinion, to be deprecated by the friends of France. She never was equal
to such a war by land, and such a one by sea; and less so now, than in
any moment of the present reign. You remember that the nation was in a
delirium of joy on the convocation of the _Notables_, and on the various
reformations agreed on between them and the government. The picture of
the distress of their finances was indeed frightful, but the intentions
to reduce them to order seemed serious. The constitutional reformations
have gone on well, but those of expenses make little progress. Some
of the most obviously useless have indeed been lopped off, but the
remainder is a heavy mass, difficult to be reduced. Despair has seized
every mind, and they have passed from an extreme of joy to one of
discontent. The parliament, therefore, oppose the registering any new
tax, and insist on an Assembly of the States General. The object of
this is to limit expenses, and dictate a constitution. The edict for
the stamp tax has been the subject of reiterated orders and refusals to
register. At length, the King has summoned the parliament to Versailles
to hold a bed of justice, in which he will order them, in person,
to register the edict. At the moment of my writing, they are gone to
Versailles for this purpose. There will yet remain to them, to protest
against the register, as forced, and to issue orders against its
execution on pain of death. But as the King would have no peaceable mode
of opposition left, it remains to be seen, whether they will push the
matter to this extremity. It is evident, I think, that the spirit of
this country is advancing towards a revolution in their constitution.
There are not wanting persons at the helm, friends to the progress
of this spirit. The Provincial Assemblies will be the most probable
instrument of effecting it.