not read English, and I cannot write French, I must beg leave to answer
him through you. I thank him for his hints on the subject of tobacco.
I am now pressing for arrangements as to that article, to take place on
the expiration of Mr. Morris’s contract, and the order of Bernis.
What form this business will take, or what will be the nature of the
arrangements, or whether there will be any, I am as yet unable to say. I
will take care to inform you the moment there is a decision.
The public business with which Mr. Barclay has been charged rendering
it necessary for him to repair to Congress, and the interest of his
creditors, his family, and himself requiring his return to America, he
has departed for that country. I know nothing of Mr. Barclay’s affairs
in this country. He has good possessions in America, which, he assured
me, were much more than sufficient to satisfy all the demands against
him. He went, determined to convert those immediately into money, and to
collect the debts due to him there, that he might be enabled to pay his
debts. My opinion of his integrity is such, as to leave no doubt in my
mind, that he will do every thing in his power to render justice to his
creditors; and I know so well his attachment to M. Cathalan, as to be
satisfied, that if he makes any difference among his creditors, he will
be among the most favored. Mr. Barclay is an honest and honorable man,
and is more goaded towards the payment of his debts by his own feelings,
than by all the processes of law, which could be set on foot against
him.
No arrangements having ever been made as yet, for cases like that of
the carpenter of the American ship Sally, I am unable to answer on that
subject. I am in hopes, his money will last till he recovers his senses,
or till we can receive instructions what to do in that and similar
cases.
M. Cathalan wishes a copy of my Notes on Virginia. If you will be so
good as to advise me by what channel they will go safely, I will do
myself the honor of sending a copy, either of the original or of the
translation. Present me affectionately to Mrs. Cathalan, the mother and
daughter; tell the latter I feed on the hopes of seeing her one day at
Paris. My friendly respects wait also on your father; and on yourself,
assurances of the esteem and consideration with which I have the honor
to be, Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXIX.--TO THE DELEGATES OF RHODE ISLAND, July 22,1787
TO THE DELEGATES OF RHODE ISLAND.
Paris, July 22,1787.
Gentlemen,
I was honored, in the month of January last, with a letter from the
honorable the Delegates of Rhode Island in Congress, enclosing a letter
from the corporation of Rhode Island College to his Most Christian
Majesty, and some other papers. I was then in the hurry of a preparation
for a journey into the south of France, and therefore unable, at that
moment, to make the inquiries which the object of the letter rendered
necessary. As soon as I returned, which was in the last month, I
turned my attention to that object, which was the establishment of a
professorship of the French language in the College, and the obtaining
a collection of the best French authors, with the aid of the King.
That neither the College nor myself might be compromitted uselessly, I
thought it necessary to sound, previously, those who were able to inform
me what would be the success of the application. I was assured, so as to
leave no doubt, that it would not be complied with; that there had
never been an instance of the King’s granting such a demand in a foreign
country, and that they would be cautious of setting the precedent: that
in this moment, too, they were embarrassed with the difficult operation
of putting down all establishments of their own, which could possibly be
dispensed with, in order to bring their expenditures down to the level
of their receipts. Upon such information I was satisfied, that it was
most prudent not to deliver the letter, and spare to both parties the
disagreeableness of giving and receiving a denial. The King did give
to two colleges in America copies of the works printing in the public
press. But were this to be obtained for the College of Rhode Island,
it would extend only to a volume or two of Buffon’s works, still to
be printed, Manilius’s Astronomicon, and one or two other works in the
press, which are of no consequence. I did not think this an object for
the College worth being pressed. I beg the favor of you, gentlemen,
to assure the corporation, that no endeavors of mine should have been
spared, could they have effected their wish: and that they have been
faithfully used in making the preliminary inquiries which are necessary,
and which ended in an assurance, that nothing could be done. These
papers having been transmitted to me through your delegation, will,
I hope, be an apology for my availing myself of the same channel for
communicating the result.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXX.--TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN, July 23, 1787
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.
Paris, July 23, 1787.
Sir,
I had the honor, a few days ago, of putting into the hands of your
Excellency, some observations on the other articles of American produce,
brought into the ports of this country. That of our tobaccos, from the
particular form of their administration here, and their importance to
the King’s revenues, has been placed on a separate line, and considered
separately. I will now ask permission to bring that subject under your
consideration.
The mutual extension of their commerce was among the fairest advantages
to be derived to France and the United States, from the independence of
the latter. An exportation of eighty millions, chiefly in raw materials,
is supposed to constitute the present limits of the commerce of the
United States with the nations of Europe; limits, however, which extend
as their population increases. To draw the best proportion of this into
the ports of France, rather than of any other nation, is believed to
be the wish and interest of both. Of these eighty millions, thirty are
constituted by the single article of tobacco. Could the whole of this
be brought into the ports of France, to satisfy its own demands, and the
residue to be re-vended to other nations, it would be a powerful link
of commercial connection. But we are far from this. Even her own
consumption, supposed to be nine millions, under the administration
of the monopoly to which it is farmed, enters little, as an article of
exchange, into the commerce of the two nations. When this article was
first put into Farm, perhaps it did not injure the commercial interests
of the kingdom; because nothing but British manufactures were then
allowed to be given in return for American tobaccos. The laying the
trade open, then, to all the subjects of France, could not have relieved
her from a payment in money. Circumstances are changed; yet the old
institution remains. The body to which this monopoly was given, was
not mercantile. Their object is to simplify, as much as possible, the
administration of their affairs. They sell for cash; they purchase,
therefore, with cash. Their interest, their principles, and their
practice seem opposed to the general interest of the kingdom, which
would require, that this capital article should be laid open to a free
exchange for the productions of this country. So far does the spirit of
simplifying their operations govern this body, that, relinquishing the
advantages to be derived from a competition of sellers, they contracted
some time ago with a single person (Mr. Morris) for three years’
supplies of American tobacco, to be paid for in cash. They obliged
themselves, too, expressly, to employ no other person to purchase in
America, during that term. In consequence of this, the mercantile houses
of France, concerned in sending her productions to be exchanged for
tobacco, cut off for three years from the hope of selling these tobaccos
in France, were of necessity to abandon that commerce. In consequence of
this, too, a single individual, constituted sole purchaser of so great a
proportion of the tobaccos made, had the price in his own power. A great
reduction in it took place, and that not only on the quantity he bought,
but on the whole quantity made. The loss to the States producing the
article, did not go to cheapen it for their friends here. Their price
was fixed. What was gained on their consumption, was to enrich the
person purchasing it; the rest, the monopolists and merchants of other
countries. The effect of this operation was vitally felt by every farmer
in America, concerned in the culture of this plant. At the end of the
year, he found he had lost a fourth or a third of his revenue; the
State, the same proportion of its subjects of exchange with other
nations: the manufactures of this country, too, were either not to go
there at all, or go through the channel of a new monopoly, which, freed
from the control of competition in prices and qualities, was not likely
to extend their consumption. It became necessary to relieve the two
countries from the fatal effects of this double monopoly. I had the
honor of addressing a letter, on the 15th day of August, 1785, to his
late Excellency, the Count de Vergennes, upon this subject, a copy of
which I do myself the honor herein to enclose. The effectual mode of
relief was to lay the commerce open. But the King’s interest was also
to be guarded. A committee was appointed to take this matter into
consideration; and the result was, an order to the Farmers General, that
no such contract should be made again. And to furnish such aliment as
might keep that branch of commerce alive, till the expiration of the
present contract, they were required to put the merchants in general on
a level with Mr. Morris, for the quantity of twelve or fifteen thousand
hogsheads a year. That this relief, too, might not be intercepted from
the merchants of the two suffering nations, by those of a neighboring
one, and that the transportation of so bulky an article might go to
nourish their own shipping, no tobaccos were to be counted of this
purchase, but those brought in French or American vessels. Of this
order, made at Bernis, his Excellency, Count de Vergennes, was pleased
to honor me with a communication, by a letter of the 30th of May, 1786;
desiring that I would publish it as well in America as to the American
merchants in France. I did so; communicating it to Congress at the same
time. This order, thus viewed, with the transactions which produced
it, will be seen to have been necessary; and its punctual and candid
execution has been rendered still more so, by the speculations of the
merchants, entered into on the faith of it. Otherwise it would become
the instrument of their ruin instead of their relief. A twelvemonth
has elapsed some time since; and it is questioned, whether the Farmers
General have purchased, within that time, the quantity prescribed, and
on the conditions prescribed. It would be impossible for the merchants
to prove the negative; it will be easy for the Farmers General to show
the affirmative, if it exists. I hope that a branch of commerce of this
extent, will be thought interesting enough to both nations to render it
the desire of your Excellency to require, as I deem it my duty to ask,
a report of the purchases they have made, according to the conditions
of the order of Bernis, specifying in that report, 1. The quantities
purchased; 2. the prices paid; 3. the dates of the purchase and payment;
4. the flag of the vessel in which imported; 5. her name; 6. her port
of delivery; and 7. the name of the seller. The four first articles make
part of the conditions required by the order of Bernis; the three last
may be necessary for the correction of any errors, which should happen
to arise in the report.
But the order of Bernis was never considered but as a temporary relief.
The radical evil will still remain. There will be but one purchaser in
the kingdom, and the hazard of his refusal will damp every mercantile
speculation. It is very much to be desired, that before the expiration
of this order, some measure may be devised, which may bring this great
article into free commerce between the two nations. Had this been
practicable at the time it was put into Farm, that mode of collecting
the revenue would probably never have been adopted: now that it has
become practicable, it seems reasonable to discontinue this mode, and to
substitute some of those practised on other imported articles, on which
a revenue is levied, without absolutely suppressing them in commerce.
If the revenue can be secured, the interests of a few individuals will
hardly be permitted to weigh against those of as many millions, equally
subjects of his Majesty, and against those, too, of a nation allied
to him by all the ties of treaty, of interest, and of affection. The
privileges of the most favored nation have been mutually exchanged by
treaty. But the productions of other nations, which do not rival those
of France, are suffered to be bought and sold freely within the kingdom.
By prohibiting all his Majesty’s subjects from dealing in tobacco,
except with a single company, one third of the exports of the United
States are rendered uncommerciable here. This production is so
peculiarly theirs, that its shackles affect no other nation. A relief
from these shackles will form a memorable epoch in the commerce of
the two nations. It will establish at once a great basis of exchange
serving, like a point of union, to draw to it other members of our
commerce. Nature, too, has conveniently assorted our wants and our
superfluities to each other. Each nation has exactly to spare the
articles which the other wants. We have a surplus of rice, tobacco,
furs, peltry, potash, lamp-oils, timber, which France wants; she has a
surplus of wines, brandies, esculent oils, fruits, and manufactures of
all kinds, which we want. The governments have nothing to do, but not
to hinder their merchants from making the exchange. The difference of
language, laws, and customs, will be some obstacle for a time; but the
interest of the merchants will surmount them. A more serious obstacle
is our debt to Great Britain. Yet, since the treaty between this country
and that, I should not despair of seeing that debt paid, in part, with
the productions of France, if our produce can obtain here a free course
of exchange for them. The distant prospect is still more promising. A
century’s experience has shown, that we double our numbers every twenty
or twenty-five years. No circumstance can be foreseen, at this moment,
which will lessen our rate of multiplication for centuries to come. For
every article of the productions and manufactures of this country, then,
which can be introduced into habit there, the demand will double every
twenty or twenty-five years. And to introduce the habit, we have only to
let the merchants alone. Whether we may descend, by a single step,
from the present state to that of perfect freedom of commerce in this
article; whether any, and what, intermediate operation may be necessary
to prepare the way to this; what cautions must be observed for the
security of his Majesty’s revenue, which we do not wish to impair, will
rest with the wisdom of his ministers, whose knowledge of the subject
will enable them to devise the best plans, and whose patriotism and
justice will dispose them to pursue them. To the friendly dispositions
of your Excellency, of which we have had such early and multiplied
proofs, I take the liberty of committing this subject, particularly,
trusting that some method may be devised of reconciling the collection
of his Majesty’s revenues with the interests of the two nations; and
have the honor of assuring you of those sincere sentiments of esteem and
respect, with which I am your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble
servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXI.--TO MR. SKIPWITH, July 28, 1787
TO MR. SKIPWITH.
Paris, July 28, 1787.
Dear Sir,
A long journey has prevented me from writing to any of my friends for
some time past. This was undertaken with a view to benefit a dislocated
and ill-set wrist, by the mineral waters of Aix, in Provence. Finding
this hope vain, I was led from other views to cross the Alps as far as
Turin, Milan, Genoa; to follow the Mediterranean as far as Cette, the
canal of Languedoc, the Garonne, &c, to Paris. A most pleasing journey
it proved; arts and agriculture offering something new at every step,
and often things worth our imitation. But the accounts from our country
give me to believe, that we are not in a condition to hope for the
imitation of any thing good. All my letters are filled with details of
our extravagance. From these accounts, I look back to the time of the
war, as a time of happiness and enjoyment, when amidst the privation
of many things not essential to happiness, we could not run in debt,
because nobody would trust us; when we practised, of necessity, the
maxim of buying nothing but what we had money in our pockets to pay
for; a maxim, which, of all others, lays the broadest foundation for
happiness. I see no remedy to our evils, but an open course of law.
Harsh as it may seem, it would relieve the very patients who dread it,
by stopping the course of their extravagance, before it renders their
affairs entirely desperate. The eternal and bitter strictures on our
conduct, which teem in every London paper, and are copied from them into
others, fill me with anxiety on this subject. The state of things in
Europe is rather threatening at this moment. The innovations of the
Emperor in his dominions, have excited a spirit of resistance. His
subjects in Brabant and Flanders are arming, and he has put forty-five
thousand troops in motion towards that country. I believe they will come
to blows. The parties in Holland have already spilt too much blood to be
easily stopped. If left to themselves, I apprehend the Stadtholderians
will be too strong; and if foreign powers interfere, the weight is still
on their side. England and Prussia will be too much for France. As it is
certain that neither of these powers wish for war, and that England and
France are particularly averse to it, perhaps the matter may end in an
armed mediation. If the mediators should not agree, they will draw their
negotiations into length, and trust to the chapter of accidents for
their final solution. With respect to our country, it stands well with
the present ministry here. The non-payment of our debt is against us. We
are occupied in procuring favorable terms of reception for our produce.
*****
Adieu, my Dear Sir, and be assured of the sentiments of sincere esteem
of your affectionate friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXII.--TO J. W. EPPES, July 28,1787
TO J. W. EPPES.
Paris, July 28,1787.
Dear Jack,
The letter which you were so kind as to write to me the 22nd of May,
1786, was not delivered to me till the 3rd of May, 1787, when it found
me in the neighborhood of Marseilles. Before that time you must have
taken your degree, as mentioned in your letter. Those public testimonies
which are earned by merit, and not by solicitation, may always be
accepted without the imputation of vanity. Of this nature is the
degree which your masters proposed to confer on you. I congratulate you
sincerely on it. It will be a pleasing event to yourself; it will be the
same to your parents and friends, and to none more than myself. Go on
deserving applause, and you will be sure to meet with it: and the way to
deserve it, is to be good, and to be industrious. I am sure you will be
good, and hope you will be industrious. As to your future plan, I am
too distant from you, to advise you on sure grounds. In general, I am
of opinion that till the age of about sixteen, we are best employed on
languages; Latin, Greek, French, and Spanish, or such of them as we can.
After this, I think the College of William and Mary the best place to
go through courses of Mathematics, Natural Philosophy in its different
branches, and Law. Of the languages I have mentioned, I think Greek the
least useful. Write me word, from time to time, how you go on. I shall
always be glad to assist you with any books you may have occasion for,
and you may count with certainty on every service I can ever render you,
as well as on the sincere esteem of, Dear Jack, yours affectionately,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXIII.--TO A. DONALD, July 28, 1787
TO A. DONALD.
Paris, July 28, 1787.
Dear Sir,
I received with infinite satisfaction your letter of the 1st of March:
it was the first information I had of your being in America. There is no
person whom I shall see again with more cordial joy, whenever it shall
be my lot to return to my native country; nor any one whose prosperity,
in the mean time, will be more interesting to me. I find as I grow
older, that I set a higher value on the intimacies of my youth, and am
more afflicted by whatever loses one of them to me. Should it be in my
power to render any service, in your shipment of tobacco to Havre de
Grace, I shall do it with great pleasure. The order of Bernis has, I
believe, been evaded by the Farmers General as much as possible. At
this moment, I receive information from most of the seaports, that they
refuse taking any tobacco, under the pretext, that they have purchased
their whole quantity. From Havre I have heard nothing, and believe you
will stand a better chance there than any where else. Being one of the
ports of manufacture, too, it is entitled to a higher price. I have now
desired that the Farmers may make a distinct return of their purchases,
which are conformable to the order of Bernis. If they have really bought
their quantity, on those terms, we must be satisfied: if they have not,
I shall propose their being obliged to make it up instantly. There is a
considerable accumulation of tobacco in the ports.
Among many good qualities which my countrymen possess, some of a
different character unhappily mix themselves. The most remarkable are
indolence, extravagance, and infidelity to their engagements. Cure the
two first, and the last would disappear, because it is a consequence
of them, and not proceeding from a want of morals. I know of no remedy
against indolence and extravagance, but a free course of justice. Every
thing else is merely palliative: but unhappily, the evil has gained
too generally the mass of the nation, to leave the course of justice
unobstructed. The maxim of buying nothing without the money in our
pockets to pay for it, would make of our country one of the happiest
upon earth. Experience during the war proved this; as I think every man
will remember, that under all the privations it obliged him to submit
to, during that period, he slept sounder, and awaked happier than he
can do now. Desperate of finding relief from a free course of justice,
I look forward to the abolition of all credit, as the only other
remedy which can take place. I have seen, therefore, with pleasure, the
exaggerations of our want of faith, with which the London papers
teem. It is, indeed, a strong medicine for sensible minds, but it is a
medicine. It will prevent their crediting us abroad, in which case, we
cannot be credited at home. I have been much concerned at the losses
produced by the fire of Richmond. I hope you have escaped them. It will
give me much pleasure to hear from you, as often as you can spare a
moment to write. Be assured that nobody entertains for you sentiments of
more perfect and sincere esteem than, Dear Sir, your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXIV.--TO WILLIAM DRAYTON, July 30, 1787
TO WILLIAM DRAYTON.
Paris, July 30, 1787.
Sir,