1805
Napoleon and Voltaire--Demands of the Holy See--Coolness between the
pope and the Emperor--Napoleon's departure for Italy--Last interview
between the Pope and the Emperor at Turin--Alessandria--The field of
Marengo--The last Doge of Genoa--Bonaparte's arrival at Milan--Union
of Genoa to the French Empire--Error in the Memorial of St. Helen--
Bonaparte and Madam Grassini--Symptoms of dissatisfaction on the
part of Austria and Russia--Napoleon's departure from Milan--
Monument to commemorate the battle of Marengo--Napoleon's arrival in
Paris and departure for Boulogne--Unfortunate result of a naval
engagement--My visit to Fouche's country seat--Sieyes, Barras, the
Bourbons, and Bonaparte--Observations respecting Josephine.
Voltaire says that it is very well to kiss the feet of Popes provided
their hands are tied. Notwithstanding the slight estimation in which
Bonaparte held Voltaire, he probably, without being aware of this
irreverent satire, put it into practice. The Court of Rome gave him the
opportunity of doing so shortly after his Coronation. The Pope, or
rather the Cardinals, his advisers' conceiving that so great an instance
of complaisance as the journey of His Holiness to Paris ought not to go
for nothing; demanded a compensation, which, had they been better
acquainted with Bonaparte's character and policy, they would never have
dreamed of soliciting. The Holy see demanded the restitution of Avignon,
Bologna, and some parts of the Italian territory which had formerly been
subject to the Pope's dominion. It may be imagined how such demands were
received by Napoleon, particularly after he had obtained all he wanted
from the Pope. It was, it must be confessed, a great mistake of the
Court of Rome, whose policy is usually so artful and adroit, not to make
this demand till after the Coronation. Had it been made the condition of
the Pope's journey to France perhaps Bonaparte would have consented to
give up, not Avignon, certainly, but the Italian territories, with the
intention of taking them back again. Be this as it may, these tardy
claims, which were peremptorily rejected, created an extreme coolness
between Napoleon and Pius VII. The public did not immediately perceive
it, but there is in the public an instinct of reason which the most able
politicians never can impose upon; and all eyes were opened when it was
known that the Pope, after having crowned Napoleon as Emperor of France,
refused to crown him as sovereign of the regenerated kingdom of Italy.
Napoleon left Paris on the 1st of April to take possession of the Iron
Crown at Milan. The Pope remained some time longer in the French
capital. The prolonged presence of His Holiness was not without its
influence on the religious feelings of the people, so great was the
respect inspired by the benign countenance and mild manners of the Pope.
When the period of his persecutions arrived it would have been well for
Bonaparte had Pius VII. never been seen in Paris, for it was impossible
to view in any other light than as a victim the man whose truly evangelic
meekness had been duly appreciated.
Bonaparte did not evince great impatience to seize the Crown of Italy,
which he well knew could not escape him. He stayed a considerable time
at Turin, where he resided in the Stupinis Palace, which may be called
the St. Cloud of the Kings of Sardinia. The Emperor cajoled the
Piedmontese. General Menou, who was made Governor of Piedmont, remained
there till Napoleon founded the general government of the Transalpine
departments in favour of his brother-in-law, the Prince Borghese, of whom
he would have, found it difficult to make anything else than a Roman
Prince. Napoleon was still at Turin when the Pope passed through that
city on his return to Rome. Napoleon had a final interview with His
Holiness to whom he now affected to show the greatest personal deference.
From Turin Bonaparte proceeded to Alessandria, where he commenced those
immense works on which such vast sums were expended. He had many times
spoken to me of his projects respecting Alessandria, as I have already
observed, all his great measures as Emperor were merely the execution of
projects conceived at a time when his future elevation could have been
only a dream of the imagination. He one day said to Berthier, in my
presence, during our sojurn at Milan after the battle of Marengo, "With
Alessandria in my possession I should always be master of Italy. It
might be made the strongest fortress in the world; it is capable of
containing a garrison of 40,000 men, with provisions for six months.
Should insurrection take place, should Austria send a formidable force
here, the French troops might retire to Alessandria, and stand a six
months' siege. Six months would be more than sufficient, wherever I
might be, to enable me to fall upon Italy, rout the Austrians, and
raise the siege of Alessandria!"
As he was so near the field of Marengo the Emperor did not fail to visit
it, and to add to this solemnity he reviewed on the field all the corps
of French troops which were in Italy. Rapp told me afterwards that the
Emperor had taken with him from Paris the dress and the hat which he wore
on the day of that memorable battle, with the intention of wearing them
on the field where it was fought. He afterwards proceeded by the way of
Casal to Milan.
There the most brilliant reception he had yet experienced awaited him.
His sojourn at Milan was not distinguished by outward demonstrations of
enthusiasm alone. M. Durszzo, the last Doge of Genoa, added another gem
to the Crown of Italy by supplicating the Emperor in the name of the
Republic, of which he was the representative, to permit Genoa to exchange
her independence for the honour of becoming a department of France. This
offer, as may be guessed, was merely a plan contrived beforehand. It was
accepted with an air of protecting kindness, and at the same moment that
the country of Andrea Doria was effaced from the list of nations its last
Doge was included among the number of French Senators. Genoa, which
formerly prided herself in her surname, the Superb, became the chief
station of the twenty-seventh military division. The Emperor went to
take possession of the city in person, and slept in the Doria Palace, in
the bed where Charles V. had lain. He left M. le Brun at Genoa as
Governor-General.
At Milan the Emperor occupied the Palace of Monza. The old Iron Crown of
the Kings of Lombardy was brought from the dust in which it had been
buried, and the new Coronation took place in the cathedral at Milan, the
largest in Italy, with the exception of St. Peter's at Rome. Napoleon
received the crown from the hands of the Archbishop of Milan, and placed
it on his head, exclaiming, "Dieu me l'a donnee, gare a qui la touche."
This became the motto of the Order of the Iron Crown, which the Emperor
founded in commemoration of his being crowned King of Italy.
Napoleon was crowned in the month of May 1805: and here I cannot avoid
correcting some gross and inconceivable errors into which Napoleon must
have voluntarily fallen at St. Helena. The Memorial states "that the
celebrated singer Madame Grasaini attracted his attention at the time of
the Coronation." Napoleon alleges that Madame Grassini on that occasion
said to him, "When I was in the prime of my beauty and talent all I
wished was that you would bestow a single look upon me. That wish was
not fulfilled, and now you notice me when I am no longer worthy your
attention."
I confess I am at a loss to conceive what could induce Napoleon to invent
such a story. He might have recollected his acquaintance with Madame
Grassini at Milan before the battle of Marengo. It was in 1800, and not
in 1805, that I was first introduced to her, and I know that I several
times took tea with her and Bonaparte in the General's apartments I
remember also another circumstance, which is, that on the night when I
awoke Bonaparte to announce to him the capitulation of Genoa, Madame
Grassini also awoke. Napoleon was charmed with Madame Grasaini's
delicious voice, and if his imperious duties had permitted it he would
have listened with ecstasy to her singing for hours together. Whilst
Napoleon was at Milan, priding himself on his double sovereignty, some
schemes were set on foot at Vienna and St. Petersburg which I shall
hereafter have occasion to notice. The Emperor, indeed, gave cause for
just complaint by the fact of annexing Genoa to the Empire within four
months after his solemn declaration to the Legislative Body, in which he
pledged himself in the face of France and Europe not to seek any
aggrandisement of territory. The pretext of a voluntary offer on the
part of Genoa was too absurd to deceive any one. The rapid progress of
Napoleon's ambition could not escape the observation of the Cabinet of
Vienna, which began to allow increased symptoms of hostility. The change
which was effected in the form of the Government of the Cisalpine
Republic was likewise an act calculated to excite remonstrance on the
part of all the powers who were not entirely subject to the yoke of
France. He disguised the taking of Genoa under the name of a gift, and
the possession of Italy under the appearance of a mere change of
denomination. Notwithstanding these flagrant outrages the exclusive
apologists of Napoleon have always asserted that he did not wish for war,
and he himself maintained that assertion at St. Helena. It is said that
he was always attacked, and hence a conclusion is drawn in favour of his
love of peace. I acknowledge Bonaparte would never have fired a single
musket-shot if all the powers of Europe had submitted to be pillaged by
him one after the other without opposition. It was in fact declaring war
against them to place them under the necessity of breaking a peace,
during the continuance of which he was augmenting his power, and
gratifying his ambition, as if in defiance of Europe. In this way
Napoleon commenced all the wars in which he was engaged, with the
exception of that which followed the peace of Marengo, and which
terminated in Moreau's triumph at Hohenlinden. As there was no liberty
of the press in France he found it easy to deceive the nation. He was in
fact attacked, and thus he enjoyed the pleasure of undertaking his great
military expeditions without being responsible in the event of failure.
During the Emperor's stay in the capital of the new kingdom of Italy he
received the first intelligence of the dissatisfaction of Austria and
Russia. That dissatisfaction was not of recent date. When I entered on
my functions at Hamburg I learned some curious details (which I will
relate in their proper place) respecting the secret negotiations which
had been carried on for a considerable time previously to the
commencement of hostilities. Even Prussia was no stranger to the
dissatisfaction of Austria and Russia; I do not mean the King, but the
Cabinet of Berlin, which was then under the control of Chancellor
Hardenberg; for the King of Prussia had always personally declared
himself in favour of the exact observance of treaties, even when their
conditions were not honourable. Be that as it may, the Cabinet of
Berlin, although dissatisfied in 1806 with the rapid progress of
Napoleon's ambition, was nevertheless constrained to conceal its
discontent, owing to the presence of the French troops in Hanover.
On returning from Milan the Emperor ordered the erection, of a monument
on the Great St. Bernard in commemoration of the victory of Marengo.
M. Denon who accompanied Napoleon, told me that he made a use less search
to discover the body of Desaix, which Bonaparte wished to be buried
beneath the monument and that it was at length found by General Savary.
It is therefore certain that the ashes of the brave Desaix repose on the
summit of the Alps.
The Emperor arrived in Paris about the end of June and instantly set off
for the camp at Boulogne. It was now once more believed that the project
of invading England would be accomplished. This idea obtained the
greater credit because Bonaparte caused some experiments for embarkation
to be made, in his presence. These experiments, however, led to no
result. About this period a fatal event but too effectually contributed
to strengthen the opinion of the inferiority of our navy. A French
squadron consisting of fifteen ships, fell in with the English fleet
commanded by Admiral Calder, who had only nine vessels under his command,
and in an engagement, which there was every reason to expect would
terminate in our favour, we had the misfortune to lose two ships. The
invasion of England was as little the object of this as of the previous
journey to Boulogne; all Napoleon had in view was to stimulate the
enthusiasm of the troops, and to hold out those threats against England
when conceived necessary for diverting attention from the real motive of
his hostile preparations, which was to invade Germany and repulse the
Russian troops, who had begun their march towards Austria. Such was the
true object of Napoleons last journey to Boulogne.
I had been some time at Hamburg when these events took place, and it was
curious to observe the effect they produced. But I must not forget one
circumstance in which I am personally concerned, and which brings me back
to the time when I was in Paris. My new title of Minister
Plenipotentiary obliged me to see a little more of society than during
the period when prudence required me to live as it were in retirement.
I had received sincere congratulations from Duroc, Rape, and Lauriston,
the three friends who had shown the greatest readiness to serve my
interests with the Emperor; and I had frequent occasion to see M.
Talleyrand, as my functions belonged to his department. The Emperor, on
my farewell audience, having informed me that I was to correspond
directly with the Minister of the General Police, I called on Fouche, who
invited me to spend some days at his estate of Pont-Carre. I accepted
the invitation because I wanted to confer with him, and I spent Sunday
and Monday, the 28th and 29th of April, at Pont-Carre.
Fouche, like the Emperor, frequently revealed what he intended to
conceal; but he had such a reputation for cunning that this sort of
indiscretion was attended by no inconvenience to him. He was supposed to
be such a constant dissembler that those who did not know him well looked
upon the truth when he spoke it merely as an artful snare laid to entrap
them. I, however, knew that celebrated person too well to confound his
cunning with his indiscretion. The best way to get out of him more than
he was aware of was to let him talk on without interruption. There were
very few visitors at Pont-Carre, and during the two days I spent there I
had several conversations with Fouche. He told me a great deal about the
events of 1804, and he congratulated himself on having advised Napoleon
to declare himself Emperor--"I have no preference," says Fouche, "for
one form of government more than another. Forms signify nothing. The
first object of the Revolution was not the overthrow of the Bourbons, but
merely the reform of abuses and the destruction of prejudices. However,
when it was discovered that Louis XVI. had neither firmness to refuse
what he did not wish to grant, nor good faith to grant what his weakness
had led him to promise, it was evident that the Bourbons could no longer
reign over France and things were carried to such a length that we were
under the necessity of condemning Louis XVI. and resorting to energetic
measures. You know all that passed up to the 18th Brumaire, and after.
We all perceived that a Republic could not exist in France; the question,
therefore, was to ensure the perpetual removal of the Bourbons; and I
behaved the only means for so doing was to transfer the inheritance of
their throne to another family. Some time before the 18th Brumaire I had
a conversation with Sieyes and Barras, in which it was proposed, in case
of the Directory being threatened, to recall the Duke of Orleans; and I
could see very well that Barras favoured that suggestion, although he
alluded to it merely as a report that was circulated about, and
recommended me to pay attention to it. Sieyes said nothing, and I
settled the question by observing, that if any such thing had been
agitated I must have been informed of it through the reports of my
agents. I added, that the restoration of the throne to a collateral
branch of the Bourbons would be an impolitic act, and would but
temporarily change the position of those who had brought about the
Revolution. I rendered an account of this interview with Barras to
General Bonaparte the first time I had an opportunity of conversing with
him after your return from Egypt. I sounded him; and I was perfectly
convinced that in the state of decrepitude into which the Directory had
fallen he was just the man we wanted. I therefore adopted such measures
with the police as tended to promote his elevation to the First
Magistracy. He soon showed himself ungrateful, and instead of giving me
all his confidence he tried to outwit me. He put into the hands of a
number of persons various matters of police which were worse than
useless. Most of their agents, who were my creatures, obeyed my
instructions in their reports; and it often happened that the First
Consul thought he had discovered, through the medium of others,
information that came from me, and of the falsehood of which I easily
convinced him. I confess I was at fault on the 3d Nivoise; but are there
any human means of preventing two men, who have no accomplices, from
bringing a plot to execution? You saw the First Consul on his return
from the opera; you heard all his declamations. I felt assured that the
infernal machine was the work of the Royalists. I told the Emperor this,
and he was, I am sure, convinced of it; but he, nevertheless, proscribes
a number of men on the mere pretence of their old opinions. Do you
suppose I am ignorant of what he said of me and of my vote at the
National Convention? Most assuredly it ill becomes him to reproach the
Conventionists. It was that vote which placed the crown upon his head.
But for the situation in which we were placed by that event, which
circumstances had rendered inevitable, what should we have cared for the
chance of seeing the Bourbons return? You must have remarked that the
Republicans, who were not Conventionists, were in general more averse
than we to the proceedings of the 18th Brumaire, as, for example,
Bernadotte and Moreau. I know positively that Moreau was averse to the
Consulate; and that it was only from irresolution that he accepted the
custody of the Directory. I know also that he excused himself to his
prisoners for the duty which had devolved upon him. They themselves told
me this."
Fouche entered further into many details respecting his conduct, and the
motives which had urged him to do what he did in favour of the First
Consul. My memory does not enable me to report all he told me, but I
distinctly recollect that the impression made on my mind by what fell
from him was, that he had acted merely with a view to his own interests.
He did not conceal his satisfaction at having outwitted Regnier, and
obliged Bonaparte to recall him, that he set in motion every spring
calculated to unite the conspirators, or rather to convert the
discontented into conspirators, is evident from the following remarks
which fell from him: "With the information I possessed, had I remained in
office it is probable that I might have prevented the conspiracy, but
Bonaparte would still have had to fear the rivalry of Moreau. He would
not have been Emperor; and we should still have had to dread the return
of the Bourbons, of which, thank God, there is now no fear."
During my stay at Pont-Carry I said but little to Fouche about my long
audience with the Emperor. However, I thought I might inform him that I
was authorised to correspond directly with his Majesty. I thought it
useless to conceal this fact, since he would soon learn it through his
agents. I also said a few words about Bonaparte's regret at not having
children. My object was to learn Fouche's opinion on this subject, and
it was not without a feeling of indignation that I heard him say, "It is
to be hoped the Empress will soon die. Her death will remove many
difficulties. Sooner or later he must take a wife who will bear him a
child; for as long as he has no direct heir there is every chance that
his death will be the signal for a Revolution. His brothers are
perfectly incapable of filling his place, and a new party would rise up
in favour of the Bourbons; which must be prevented above all things. At
present they are not dangerous, though they still have active and devoted
agents. Altona is full of them, and you will be surrounded by them.
I beg of you to keep a watchful eye upon them, and render me a strict
account of all their movements, and even of their most trivial actions.
As they have recourse to all sorts of disguises, you cannot be too
vigilant; therefore it will be advisable, in the first place, to
establish a good system of espionage; but have a care of the spies who
serve both sides, for they swarm in Germany."
This is all I recollect of my, conversations with Fouche at Pont-Carre.
I returned to Paris to make preparations for my journey to Hamburg.