Cataracts of the Kalongosi. Passage of the river disputed.
Leeches and method of detaching them. Syde bin Habib's slaves
escape. Enormous collection of tusks. III. Theory of the Nile
sources. Tribute to Miss Tinné. Notes on climate. Separation of
Lake Nyassa from the Nile system. Observations on Victoria
Nyanza. Slaves dying. Repentant deserters. Mohamad Bogharib.
Enraged Imbozhwa. An attack. Narrow escape. Renewed attack. A
parley. Help arrives. Bin Juma. March from the Imbozhwa country.
Slaves escape. Burial of Syde bin Habib's brother. Singular
custom. An elephant killed. Native game-laws. Rumour of Baker's
Expedition. Christmas dinners.
_11th October, 1868._--From Kizinga north the country is all covered
with forest, and thrown up into ridges of hardened sandstone, capped
occasionally with fine-grained clay schist. Trees often appear of
large size and of a species closely resembling the gum-copal tree; on
the heights masukos and rhododendrons are found, and when exposed they
are bent away from the south-east. Animals, as buffaloes and
elephants, are plentiful, but wild. Rivulets numerous, and running now
as briskly as brooks do after much rain in England. All on the
south-western side of Kalongosi are subjects of Casembe, that is
Balunda, or Imbozhwa.
It was gratifying to see the Banyamwezi carrying their sick in cots
slung between two men: in the course of time they tired of this, and
one man, who was carried several days, remained with Chuma. We crossed
the Luongo far above where we first became acquainted with it, and
near its source in Urungu or Usungu Hills, then the Lobubu, a goodly
stream thirty yards broad and rapid with fine falls above our ford,
which goes into Kalongosi.
_6th October, 1868._--Cross the Papusi, and a mile beyond the Luéna of
forty yards and knee deep; here we were met by about 400 of Kabanda's
men, as if they were come to dispute our passage at the ford: I went
over; all were civil; but had we shown any weakness they would no
doubt have taken advantage of it.
_7th October, 1868._--We came to the Kalongosi, flowing over five
cataracts made by five islets in a place called Kabwérumé. Near the
Mebamba a goodly rivulet joins it.
_12th October, 1868._--We came to the Kalongosi at the ford named
Mosolo: by pacing I found it to be 240 yards broad, and thigh deep at
the end of the dry season, it ran so strongly that it was with
difficulty I could keep my feet. Here 500 at least of Nsama's people
stood on the opposite shore to know what we wanted. Two fathoms of
calico were sent over, and then I and thirty guns went over to protect
the people in the ford: as we approached they retired. I went to them,
and told them that I had been to Nsama's, and he gave me a goat and
food, and we were good friends: some had seen me there, and they now
crowded to look till the Arabs thought it unsafe for me to be among
them: if I had come with bared skin they would have fled. All became
friendly: an elephant was killed, and we remained two days buying
food. We passed down between the ranges of hills on the east of Moero,
the path we followed when we first visited Casembe.
_20th and 21st October, 1868._--From the Luao I went over to the chief
village of Muabo, and begged him to show me the excavations in his
country: he declined, by saying that I came from a crowd of people,
and must go to Kabwabwata, and wait awhile there, meanwhile he would
think what he should do, whether to refuse or invite me to come. He
evidently does not wish me to see his strongholds. All his people
could go into them, though over ten thousand: they are all abundantly
supplied with water, and they form the storehouses for grain.
_22nd October, 1868._--We came to Kabwabwata, and I hope I may find a
way to other underground houses. It is probable that they are not the
workmanship of the ancestors of the present occupants, for they
ascribe their formation invariably to the Deity, Mulungu or Réza: if
their forefathers had made them, some tradition would have existed of
them.
_23rd October, 1868._--Syde bin Habib came over from Mpwéto's; he
reports Lualaba and Lufira flowing into the Lake of Kinkonza.
Lungabalé is paramount chief of Rua.
Mparahala horns measured three feet long and three inches in diameter
at the base: this is the yellow kualata of Makololo, bastard gemsbuck
of the Dutch.
_27th, 29th, and 30th October, 1868._--Salem bin Habib was killed by
the people in Rua: he had put up a tent and they attacked it in the
night, and stabbed him through it. Syde bin Habib waged a war of
vengeance all through Rua after this for the murder of his brother:
Sef's raid may have led the people to the murder.
_29th October, 1868._--In coming north in September and October, the
last months of the dry season, I crossed many burns flowing quite in
the manner of our brooks at home, after a great deal of rain; here,
however, the water was clear, and the banks not abraded in the least.
Some rivulets had a tinge of white in them, as if of felspar in
disintegrating granite; some nearly stagnant burns had as if milk and
water in them, and some red oxide of iron.
Where leeches occur they need no coaxing to bite, but fly at the white
skin like furies, and refuse to let go: with the fingers benumbed,
though the water is only 60°, one may twist them round the finger and
tug, but they slip through. I saw the natives detaching them with a
smart slap of the palm, and found it quite effectual.
Swifts, Senegal swallows, and common dark-bellied swallows appeared at
Kizinga in the beginning of October: other birds, as drongo shrikes, a
bird with a reddish bill, but otherwise like a grey linnet, keep in
flocks yet. _(5th December.)_ They pair now. The kite came sooner than
the swallows; I saw the first at Bangweolo on the 20th July, 1868.
_1st November, 1868._--At Kabwabwata; we are waiting till Syde comes
up that we may help him. He has an enormous number of tusks and bars
of copper, sufficient it seems for all his people to take forward,
going and returning three times over. He has large canoes on the Lake,
and will help us in return.
_2nd November, 1868._--News came yesterday from Mpwéto's that
twenty-one slaves had run away from Syde bin Habib at one time: they
were Rua people, and out of the chains, as they were considered safe
when fairly over the Lualaba, but they showed their love of liberty on
the first opportunity. Mpwéto is suspected to have harboured them, or
helped them over the river; this will probably lead to Syde attacking
him, as he has done to so many chiefs in Rua. In this case Mpwéto will
have no sympathy; he is so wanting in the spirit of friendliness to
others.
_3rd November, 1868._--Sent off men to hasten Syde onwards. We start
in two or three days.
The oldest map known to be in existence is the map of the Ethiopian
Goldmines, dating from the time of Sethos I., the father of Rameses
II., long enough before the time of the bronze tablet of Aristagoras,
on which was inscribed the circuit of the whole earth, and all the sea
and all rivers. (Tylor, p. 90, quoted from Birch's _Archaeologia_,
vol. xxxiv. p. 382.) Sesostris was the first to distribute his maps.
_8th November, 1868._--Syde bin Habib is said to have amassed 150
frasilahs of ivory = 5250 lbs., and 300 frasilahs of copper = 10,500
lbs. With one hundred carriers he requires to make four relays, or
otherwise make the journey four times over at every stage. Twenty-one
of his slaves ran away in one night, and only four were caught again:
they were not all bought, nor was the copper and ivory come at by fair
means; the murder of his brother was a good excuse for plunder,
murder, and capture. Mpwéto is suspected of harbouring them as living
on the banks of the Lualaba, for they could not get over without
assistance from his canoes and people. Mpwéto said, "Remove from me,
and we shall see if they come this way." They are not willing to
deliver fugitives up. Syde sen£ for Elmas, the only thing of the
Mullam or clerical order here, probably to ask if the Koran authorizes
him to attack Mpwéto. Mullam will reply, "Yes, certainly. If Mpwéto
won't restore your slaves, take what you can by force." Syde's
bloodshed is now pretty large, and he is becoming afraid for his own
life; if he ceases not, he will himself be caught some day.
Ill of fever two days. Better and thankful.
[Whilst waiting to start for Ujiji, Livingstone was intently occupied
on the great problem of the Nile and the important part he had taken
so recently in solving it: he writes at this date as follows:--]
The discovery of the sources of the Nile is somewhat akin in
importance to the discovery of the North-West Passage, which
called forth, though in a minor degree, the energy, the
perseverance, and the pluck of Englishmen, and anything that does
that is beneficial to the nation and to its posterity. The
discovery of the sources of the Nile possesses, moreover, an
element of interest which the North-West Passage never had. The
great men of antiquity have recorded their ardent desires to know
the fountains of what Homer called "_Egypt's heaven-descended
spring._" Sesostris, the first who in camp with his army made and
distributed maps, not to Egyptians only, but to the Scythians,
naturally wished to know the springs, says Eustathius, of the
river on whose banks he flourished. Alexander the Great, who
founded a celebrated city at this river's-mouth, looked up the
stream with the same desire, and so did the Caesars. The great
Julius Caesar is made by Lucan to say that he would give up the
civil war if he might but see the fountains of this far-famed
river. Nero Caesar sent two centurions to examine the "_Caput
Nili_." They reported that they saw the river rushing with great
force from two rocks, and beyond that it was lost in immense
marshes. This was probably "native information," concerning the
cataracts of the Nile and a long space above them, which had
already been enlarged by others into two hills with sharp conical
tops called Crophi and Mophi--midway between which lay the
fountains of the Nile--fountains which it was impossible to
fathom, and which gave forth half their water to Ethiopia in the
south, and the other half to Egypt in the north: that which these
men failed to find, and that which many great minds in ancient
times longed to know, has in this late age been brought to light
by the patient toil and laborious perseverance of Englishmen.[66]
In laying a contribution to this discovery at the feet of his
countrymen, the writer desires to give all the honour to his
predecessors which they deserve. The work of Speke and Grant is
deserving of the highest commendation, inasmuch as they opened up
an immense tract of previously unexplored country, in the firm
belief they were bringing to light the head of the Nile. No one
can appreciate the difficulties of their feat unless he has gone
into new country. In association with Captain Burton, Speke came
much nearer to the "coy fountains," than at the Victoria Nyanza,
but they all turned their backs on them. Mr. Baker showed courage
and perseverance worthy of an Englishman in following out the
hints given by Speke and Grant. But none rises higher in my
estimation than the Dutch lady Miss Tinné, who, after the
severest domestic afflictions, nobly persevered in the teeth of
every difficulty, and only turned away from the object of her
expedition, after being assured by Speke and Grant that they had
already discovered in Victoria Nyanza the sources she sought. Had
they not given their own mistaken views, the wise foresight by
which she provided a steamer, would inevitably have led her to
pull up, and by canoes to reach Lake Bangweolo's sources full
five hundred miles south of the most southerly part of Victoria
Nyanza. She evidently possesses some of the indomitable pluck of
Van Tromp, whose tomb every Englishman who goes to Holland must
see.[67] Her doctor was made a baron--were she not a Dutch lady
already we think she ought to be made a duchess.
By way of contrast with what, if I live through it, I shall have
to give, I may note some of the most prominent ideas entertained
of this world-renowned river. Ptolemy, a geographer who lived in
the second century, and was not a king of Egypt, with the most
ancient maps made the Nile rise from the "Montes Lunae," between
ten and twelve south lat., by six several streams which flowed
north into two Lakes, situated east and west of each other.
These streams flowed about west of his river Rhapta, or Raptus,
which is probably our Rovuma or Louma. This was very near the
truth, but the Mountains of the Moon cannot be identified with
the Lokinga, or mountains of Bisa, from which many of the springs
do actually arise. Unless, indeed, we are nearer to the great
alterations in climate which have taken place, as we are supposed
to be nearer the epoch of the mammoth, aurochs, and others. Snow
never lay in these latitudes, on altitudes of 6000 feet above the
sea.
Some of the ancients supposed the river to have its source in the
ocean. This was like the answer we received long ago from the
natives on the Liambai or Upper Zambesi when inquiring for its
source. "It rises in Leoatlé, the white man's sea, or Métséhula."
The second name means the "_grazing water_," from the idea of the
tides coming in to graze; as to the freshness of the Liambai
waters, they could offer no explanation.
Some again thought that the Nile rose in Western Africa, and
after flowing eastwards across the Continent, turned northwards
to Egypt; others still thought that it rose in India! and others
again, from vague reports collected from their slaves, made it
and several other rivers rise but of a great inland sea.
_Achélunda_ was said to be the name of this Lake, and in the
language of Angola, it meant the "sea." It means only "_of_" or
"_belonging to Lunda_," a country. It might have been a sea that
was spoken of on a whole, or anything. "_Nyassi, or the sea_,"
was another name and another blunder. "Nyassi" means long grass,
and nothing else. Nyanza contracted into Nyassa, means lake,
marsh, any piece of water, or even the dry bed of a lake. The _N_
and _y_ are joined in the mouth, and never pronounced separately.
The "Naianza"!--it would be nearer the mark to say the Nancy!
Of all theoretical discoverers, the man who ran in 200 miles of
Lake and placed them on a height of some 4000 feet at the
north-west end of Lake Nyassa, deserves the highest place. Dr.
Beke, in his guess, came nearer the sources than most others, but
after all he pointed out where they would not be found. Old Nile
played the theorists a pretty prank by having his springs 500
miles south of them all! I call mine a contribution, because it
is just a hundred years (1769) since Bruce, a greater traveller
than any of us, visited Abyssinia, and having discovered the
sources of the Blue Nile, he thought that he had then solved the
ancient problem. Am I to be cut out by some one discovering
southern fountains of the river of Egypt, of which I have now no
conception?
David Livingstone.
[The tiresome procrastination of Mohamad and his horde was not
altogether an unmixed evil. With so many new discoveries in hand
Livingstone had an opportunity for working out several problems, and
instituting comparisons between the phenomena of Inner Africa and the
well-marked changes which go on in other parts of the world. We find
him at this time summing them up as follows:--]
The subject of change of climate from alteration of level has not
received the investigation it deserves. Mr. Darwin saw reason to
believe that very great alterations of altitude, and of course of
climate, had taken place in South America and the islands of the
Pacific; the level of a country above the sea I believe he thought to
be as variable as the winds. A very great alteration of altitude has
also taken place in Africa; this is apparent on the sea-coast of
Angola, and all through the centre of the country, where large rivers
which once flowed southwards and westwards are no longer able to run
in these directions: the general desiccation of the country, as seen
in the beds of large rivers and of enormous lakes, tells the same
tale. Portions of the east coast have sunk, others have risen, even in
the Historic Period. The upper or northern end of the Red Sea has
risen, so that the place of the passage of the children of Israel is
now between forty and fifty miles from Suez, the modern head of the
Gulf. This upheaval, and not the sand from the desert, caused the
disuse of the ancient canal across the Isthmus: it took place since
the Mohamadan conquest of Egypt. The women of the Jewish captivities
were carried past the end of the Red Sea and along the Mediterranean
in ox-waggons, where such cattle would now all perish for want of
water and pasture; in fact, the route to Assyria would have proved
more fatal to captives then than the middle passage has been to
Africans since. It may be true that, _as the desert is now_, it could
not have been traversed by the multitude under Moses--the German
strictures put forth by Dr. Colenso, under the plea of the progress of
science, assume that no alteration has taken place in either desert or
climate--but a scientific examination of the subject would have
ascertained what the country was then when it afforded pasture to
"flocks and herds, and even very much cattle." We know that Eziongeber
was, with its docks, on the seashore, with water in abundance for the
ship-carpenters: it is now far from the head of the Elaic Gulf in a
parched desert. Aden, when visited by the Portuguese Balthazar less
than 300 years ago, was a perfect garden; but it is now a vast
conglomeration of black volcanic rocks, with so little vegetation,
that, on seeing flocks of goats driven out, I thought of the Irish
cabman at an ascent slamming the door of his cab and whispering to his
fare, "Whish, it's to desave the baste: he thinks that you are out
walking." Gigantic tanks in great numbers and the ruins of aqueducts
appear as relics of the past, where no rain now falls for three or
more years at a time. They have all dried up by a change of climate,
possibly similar and cotemporaneous with that which has dried up the
Dead Sea.
The journey of Ezra was undertaken after a fast at the River Ahava.
With nearly 50,000 people he had only about 8000 beasts of burden. He
was ashamed to ask a band of soldiers and horsemen for protection in
the way. It took about four months to reach Jerusalem; this would give
five and a half or six miles a day, as the crow flies, which is equal
to twelve or fifteen miles of surface travelled over; this bespeaks a
country capable of yielding both provisions and water, such as cannot
now be found. Ezra would not have been ashamed to ask for camels to
carry provisions and water had the country been as dry as it is now.
The prophets, in telling all the woes and miseries of the captivities,
never allude to suffering or perishing by thirst in the way, or being
left to rot in the route as African slaves are now in a well-watered
country. Had the route to Assyria been then as it is now, they could
scarcely have avoided referring to the thirst of the way; but
everything else is mentioned except that.
Respecting this system of Lakes in the centre of Africa, it will
possibly occur to some that Lake Nyassa may give a portion of its
water off from its northern end to the Nile, but this would imply a
Lake giving off a river at both ends; the country, too, on the
north-north-west and north-east rises to from 4000 to 6000 feet above
the sea, and there is not the smallest indication that Nyassa and
Tanganyika were ever connected. Lake Liemba is the most southerly part
of Tanganyika; its latitude is 8° 46' south; the most northerly point
of Lake Nyassa is probably 10° 56'-8° 46' = 2° 10'. Longitude of
Liemba 34° 57'-31° 57' = 3° 00' = 180' of longitude. Of latitude 130'
+ 180' = 310', two-thirds of which is about 206', the distance between
two Lakes; and no evidence of fissure, rent, or channel now appears on
the highland between.
Again, Liemba is 3000 feet above the sea. The altitude of Nyassa is
1200/x800 feet. Tanganyika would thus go to Nyassa--down the Shiré
into the Zambesi and the sea, if a passage existed even below ground.
The large Lake, said to exist to the north-west of Tanganyika might,
however, send a branch to the Nile; but the land rises up into a high
ridge east of this Lake.
It is somewhat remarkable that the impression which intelligent
Suaheli, who have gone into Karagwé, have received is, that the
Kitangulé flows from Tanganyika into Lake Ukerewé. One of Syde bin
Omar's people put it to me very forcibly the other day by saying,
"Kitangulé is an arm of Tanganyika!" He had not followed it out; but
that Dagara, the father of Rumanyika, should have in his lifetime
seriously proposed to deepen the upper part of it, so as to allow
canoes to pass from his place to Ujiji, is very strong evidence of the
river being large on the Tanganyika side. We know it to be of good
size, and requiring canoes on the Ukerewé side. Burton came to the
very silly conclusion that when a native said a river ran one way, he
meant that it flowed in the opposite direction. Ujiji, in Rumanyika's
time, was the only mart for merchandise in the country. Garaganza or
Galaganza has most trade and influence now. (_14th Sept., 1868._)
Okara is the name by which Victoria Nyanza is known on the eastern
side, and an arm of it, called Kavirondo, is about forty miles broad.
Lake Baringo is a distinct body of water, some fifty miles broad, and
giving off a river called Ngardabash, which flows eastwards into the
Somauli country. Lake Naibash is more to the east than Kavirondo, and
about fifty miles broad too: it gives off the River Kidété, which is
supposed to flow into Lufu. It is south-east of Kavirondo; and
Kilimanjaro can be seen from its shores; in the south-east Okara,
Naibash and Baringo seem to have been run by Speke into one Lake.
Okara, in the south, is full of large islands, and has but little
water between them; that little is encumbered with aquatic vegetation
called "Tikatika," on which, as in lakelet Gumadona, a man can walk.
Waterlilies and duckweed are not the chief part of this floating mass.
In the north Okara is large. Burukineggé land is the boundary between
the people of Kavirondo and the Gallahs with camels and horses.
_9th November, 1868._--Copied several Notes written at Kizinga and
elsewhere, and at Kabwabwata resume Journal. Some slight showers have
cooled the air a little: this is the hottest time of the year.
_10th November, 1868._--A heavier shower this morning will have more
of the same effect.
_11th November, 1868._--Muabo visited this village, but refuses to
show his underground houses.
_13th November, 1868._--I was on the point of starting without Mohamad
Bogharib, but he begged me not to go till he had settled some weighty
matter about a wife he is to get at Ujiji from Mpamari; we must have
the new moon, which will appear in three days, for lucky starting, and
will leave Syde bin Habib at Chisabi's. Meanwhile two women slaves ran
away, and Syde has got only five back of his twenty-one fugitives.
Mullam was mild with his decisions, and returned here; he informed me
that many of Syde's slaves, about forty, fled. Of those who cannot
escape many die, evidently broken-hearted; they are captives, and not,
as slaves often are, criminals sold for their guilt, hence the great
mortality caused by being taken to the sea to be, as they believe,
fatted and eaten. Poor things! Heaven help them!
Ujiji is the pronunciation of the Banyamwezi; and they call the people
Wayeiyé, exactly as the same people styled themselves on the River
Zougha, near Ngami.
[It will be remembered that several of his men refused to go to Lake
Bangweolo with him: they seem now to have thought better of it, and on
his return are anxious to come back to their old master who, for his
part, is evidently willing to overlook a good deal.]
I have taken all the runaways back again; after trying the independent
life they will behave better. Much of their ill conduct may be
ascribed to seeing that after the flight of the Johanna men I was
entirely dependent on them: more enlightened people often take
advantage of men in similar circumstances; though I have seen pure
Africans come out generously to aid one abandoned to their care. I
have faults myself.
_15th November, 1868._--The Arabs have some tradition of the Emir Musa
coming as far south as the Jagga country. Some say he lived N.E. of
Sunna, now Mtéza; but it is so mixed up with fable and tales of the
Genii (Mageni), that it cannot refer to the great Moses, concerning
whose residence at Meröe and marriage of the king of Ethiopia's
daughter there is also some vague tradition further north: the only
thing of interest to me is the city of Meröe, which is lost, and may,
if built by ancient Egyptians, still be found.
The Africans all beckon with the hand, to call a person, in a
different way from what Europeans do. The hand is held, as surgeons
say, _prone_, or palm down, while we beckon with the hand held
_supine_, or palm up: it is quite natural in them, for the idea in
their mind is to lay the hand on the person and draw him towards them.
If the person wished for is near, say forty yards off, the beckoner
puts out his right hand on a level with his breast, and makes the
motion of catching the other by shutting the fingers and drawing him
to himself: if the person is further off, this motion is exaggerated
by lifting up the right hand as high as he can; he brings it down with
a sweep towards the ground, the hand being still held prone as before.
In nodding assent they differ from us by lifting up the chin instead
of bringing it down as we do. This lifting up the chin looks natural
after a short usage therewith, and is perhaps purely conventional, not
natural, as the other seems to be.
_16th November, 1868._--I am tired out by waiting after finishing the
Journal, and will go off to-morrow north. Simon killed a zebra after I
had taken the above resolution, and this supply of meat makes delay
bearable, for besides flesh, of which I had none, we can buy all kinds
of grain and pulse for the next few days. The women of the adjacent
villages crowd into this as soon as they hear of an animal killed, and
sell all the produce of their plantations for meat.
_17th November, 1868._--It is said that on the road to the Great Salt
Lake in America the bones and skulls of animals lie scattered
everywhere, yet travellers are often put to great straits for fuel:
this, if true, is remarkable among a people so apt in turning
everything to account as the Americans. When we first steamed up the
River Shiré our fuel ran out in the elephant marsh, where no trees
exist, and none could be reached without passing through many miles on
either side of impassable swamp, covered with reeds, and intersected
everywhere with deep branches of the river. Coming to a spot where an
elephant had been slaughtered, I at once took the bones on board, and
these, with the bones of a second elephant, enabled us to steam
briskly up to where wood abounded. The Scythians, according to
Herodotus, used the bones[68] of the animal sacrificed to boil the
flesh, the Guachos of South America do the same when they have no
fuel: the ox thus boils himself.
_18th November, 1868._--A pretty little woman ran away from her
husband, and came to "Mpamari." Her husband brought three hoes, a
checked cloth, and two strings of large neck beads to redeem her; but
this old fellow wants her for himself, and by native law he can keep
her as his slave-wife. Slave-owners make a bad neighbourhood, for the
slaves, are always running away and the headmen are expected to
restore the fugitives for a bit of cloth. An old woman of Mpmari fled
three times; she was caught yesterday, and tied to a post for the
young slaves to plague her. Her daughter burst into an agony of tears
on seeing them tying her mother, and Mpamari ordered her to be tied to
the mother's back for crying; I interceded for her, and she was let
go. He said, "You don't care, though Sayed Majid loses his money." I
replied, "Let the old woman go, she will be off again to-morrow." But
they cannot bear to let a slave have freedom. I don't understand what
effect his long prayers and prostrations towards the "Kibla" have on
his own mind, they cannot affect the minds of his slaves favourably,
nor do they mine, though I am as charitable as most people.
_19th November, 1868._--I prepared to start to-day, but Mohamad
Bogharib has been very kind, and indeed cooked meals for me from my
arrival at Casembe's, 6th May last, till we came here, 22nd October;
the food was coarse enough, but still it was food; and I did not like
to refuse his genuine hospitality. He now begged of me not to go for
three days, and then he would come along with me! Mpamari also
entreated. I would not have minded him, but they have influence with
the canoe-men on Tanganyika, and it is well not to get a bad name if
possible.
_20th November, 1868._--Mohamad Bogharib purposed to attack two
villages near to this, from an idea that the people there concealed
his runaway slaves; by remaining I think that I have put a stop to
this, as he did not like to pillage while I was in company: Mpamari
also turned round towards peace, though he called all the riff-raff to
muster, and caracoled among them like an old broken-winded horse. One
man became so excited with yelling, that the others had to disarm
him, and he then fell down as if in a fit; water poured on his head
brought him to calmness. We go on the 22nd.
_22nd November, 1868._--This evening the Imbozhwa, or Babemba, came at
dusk, and killed a Wanyamwezi woman on one side of the village, and a
woman and child on the other side of it. I took this to be the result
of the warlike demonstration mentioned above; but one of Mohamad
Bogharib's people, named Bin Juma, had gone to a village on the north
of this and seized two women and two girls, in lieu of four slaves who
had run away. The headman, resenting this, shot an arrow into one of
Bin Junta's party, and Bin Juma shot a woman with his gun.
This, it turned out, had roused the whole country, and next morning we
were assailed by a crowd of Imbozhwa on three sides: we had no
stockade, but the men built one as fast as the enemy allowed, cutting
down trees and carrying them to the line of defence, while others kept
the assailants at bay with their guns. Had it not been for the crowd
of Banyamwezi which we have, who shot vigorously with their arrows,
and occasionally chased the Imbozhwa, we should have been routed. I
did not go near the fighting, but remained in my house to defend my
luggage if necessary. The women went up and down the village with
sieves, as if winnowing, and singing songs, and lullilooing, to
encourage their husbands and friends who were fighting, each had a
branch of the Ficus indica in her hand, which she waved, I suppose as
a charm. About ten of the Imbozhwa are said to have been killed, but
dead and wounded were at once carried off by their countrymen. They
continued the assault from early dawn till 1 P.M., and showed great
bravery, but they wounded only two with their arrows. Their care to
secure the wounded was admirable: two or three at once seized the
fallen man, and ran off with him, though pursued by a great crowd of
Banyamwezi with spears, and fired at by the Suaheli--Victoria-cross
fellows truly many of them were! Those who had a bunch of animals'
tails, with medicine, tied to their waists, came sidling and ambling
up to near the unfinished stockade, and shot their arrows high up into
the air, to fall among the Wanyamwezi, then picked up any arrows on
the field, ran back, and returned again. They thought that by the
ambling gait they avoided the balls, and when these whistled past them
they put down their heads, as if to allow them to pass over; they had
never encountered guns before. We did not then know it, but Muabo,
Phuta, Ngurué, Sandaruko, and Chapi, were the assailants, for we found
it out by the losses each of these five chiefs sustained.
It was quite evident to me that the Suaheli Arabs were quite taken
aback by the attitude of the natives; they expected them to flee as
soon as they heard a gun fired in anger, but instead of this we were
very nearly being cut off, and should have been but for our Banyamwezi
allies. It is fortunate that the attacking party had no success in
trying to get Mpwéto and Karembwé to join them against us, or it would
have been more serious still.
_24th November, 1868._--The Imbozhwa, or Babemba rather, came early
this morning, and called on Mohamad to come out of his stockade if he
were a man who could fight, but the fence is now finished, and no one
seems willing to obey the taunting call: I have nothing to do with it,
but feel thankful that I was detained, and did not, with my few
attendants, fall into the hands of the justly infuriated Babemba. They
kept up the attack to-day, and some went out to them, fighting till
noon: when a man was killed and not carried off, the Wanyamwezi
brought his head and put it on a pole on the stockade--six heads were
thus placed. A fine young man was caught and brought in by the
Wanyamwezi, one stabbed him behind, another cut his forehead with an
axe, I called in vain to them not to kill him. As a last appeal, he
said to the crowd that surrounded him, "Don't kill me, and I shall
take you to where the women are." "You lie," said his enemies; "you
intend to take us where we may be shot by your friends;" and they
killed him. It was horrible: I protested loudly against any repetition
of this wickedness, and the more sensible agreed that prisoners ought
not to be killed, but the Banyamwezi are incensed against the Babemba
because of the women killed on the 22nd.
_25th November, 1868._--The Babemba kept off on the third day, and the
Arabs are thinking it will be a good thing if we get out of the
country unscathed. Men were sent off on the night of the 23rd to Syde
bin Habib for powder and help. Mohamad Bogharib is now unwilling to
take the onus of the war: he blames Mpamari, and Mpamari blames him; I
told Mohamad that the war was undoubtedly his work, inasmuch as Bin
Juma is his man, and he approved of his seizing the women.
He does not like this, but it is true; he would not have entered a
village of Casembe or Moamba or Chikumbi as he did Chapi's man's
village: the people here are simply men of more metal than he
imagined, and his folly in beginning a war in which, if possible, his
slaves will slip through his hands is apparent to all, even to
himself. Syde sent four barrels of gunpowder and ten men, who arrived
during last night.
_27th November, 1868._--Two of Muabo's men came over to bring on a
parley; one told us that he had been on the south side of the village
before, and heard one man say to another "mo pigé" (shoot him).
Mpamari gave them a long oration in exculpation, but it was only the
same everlasting, story of fugitive slaves. The slave-traders cannot
prevent them from escaping, and impudently think that the country
people ought to catch them, and thus be their humble servants, and
also the persecutors of their own countrymen! If they cannot keep
them, why buy them--why put their money into a bag with holes?
It is exactly what took place in America--slave-owners are bad
neighbours everywhere. Canada was threatened, England browbeaten, and
the Northerners all but kicked on the same score, and all as if
property in slaves had privileges which no other goods have. To hear
the Arabs say of the slaves after they are fled, "Oh, they are bad,
bad, very bad!" (and they entreated me too to free them from the
yoke), is, as the young ladies say, "too absurd." The chiefs also who
do not apprehend fugitives, they too are "bad."
I proposed to Mohamad Bogharib to send back the women seized by Bin
Juma, to show the Babemba that he disapproved of the act and was
willing to make peace, but this was too humiliating; I added that
their price as slaves was four barrels of gunpowder or 160 dollars,
while slaves lawfully bought would have cost him only eight or ten
yards of calico each. At the conclusion of Mpamari's speech the four
barrels of gunpowder were exhibited, and so was the Koran, to impress
them (Muabo's people) with an idea of their great power.
_28th and 29th November, 1868._--It is proposed to go and force our
way if we can to the north, but all feel that that would be a fine
opportunity for the slaves to escape, and they would not be loth to
embrace it; this makes it a serious matter, and the Koran is consulted
at hours which are auspicious.
_30th November, 1868._--Messengers sent to Muabo to ask a path, or in
plain words protection from him; Mpamari protests his innocence of the
whole affair.
_1st December, 1868._--Muabo's people over again; would fain send them
to make peace with Chapi!
_2nd December, 1868._--The detention is excessively vexatious to me.
Muabo sent three slaves as offers of peace--a fine self-imposed, but
he is on our south side, and we wish to go north.
_3rd December, 1868._--A party went to-day to clear the way to the
north, but were warmly received by Babemba with arrows; they came back
with one woman captured, and they say that they killed one man: one of
themselves is wounded, and many others in danger: others who went east
were shot at, and wounded too.
_4th December, 1868._--A party went east, and were fain to flee from
the Babemba, the same thing occurred on our west, and to-day _(5th)_
all were called to strengthen the stockade for fear that the enemy may
enter uninvited. The slaves would certainly flee, and small blame to
them though they did. Mpamari proposed to go off north by night, but
his people objected, as even a child crying would arouse the Babemba,
and reveal the flight, so finally he sent off to ask Syde what he
ought to do, whether to retire by day or by night; probably entreating
Syde to come and protect him.
A sort of idol is found in every village in this part, it is of wood,
and represents the features, markings and fashion of the hair of the
inhabitants: some have little huts built for them--others are in
common houses. The Babemba call them _Nkisi_ ("Sancan" of the Arabs):
the people of Rua name one _Kalubi_; the plural, _Tulubi_; and they
present pombe, flour, bhang, tobacco, and light a fire for them to
smoke by. They represent the departed father or mother, and it is
supposed that they are pleased with the offerings made to their
representatives, but all deny that they pray to them. Casembe has very
many of these Nkisi; one with long hair, and named _Motombo_, is
carried in front when he takes the field; names of dead chiefs are
sometimes given to them. I have not met with anyone intelligent enough
to explain if prayers are ever made to anyone; the Arabs who know
their language, say they have no prayers, and think that at death
there is an end of the whole man, but other things lead me to believe
this is erroneous. Slaves laugh at their countrymen, in imitation of
their masters, and will not reveal their real thoughts: one said that
they believed in two Superior Beings--Réza above, who kills people,
and Réza below, who carries them away after death.
_6th December, 1868._--Ten of Syde bin Habib's people came over,
bringing a letter, the contents of which neither Mpamari nor Mohamad
cares to reveal. Some think, with great probability, that he asks,
"Why did you begin a war if you wanted to leave so soon? Did you not
know that the country people would take advantage of your march,
encumbered as you will be by women and slaves?" Mohamad Bogharib
called me to ask what advice I could give him, as all his own advice,
and devices too, had been lost or were useless, and he did not know
what to do. The Banyamwezi threatened to go off by night and leave
him, as they are incensed against the Babemba, and offended because
the Arabs do not aid them in wreaking their vengeance upon them.
I took care not to give any advice, but said, if I had been or was in
his place, I would have sent or would send back Bin Juma's captives,
to show that I disapproved of his act--the first in the war--and was
willing to make peace with Chapi. He said that he did not know that
Bin Juma would capture these people; that Bin Juma had met some
natives with fish, and took ten by force, that the natives, in
revenge, caught three Banyamwezi slaves, and Bin Juma then gave one
slave to them as a fine, but Mohamad did not know of this affair
either. I am of opinion, however, that he was fully aware of both
matters, and Mpamari's caracoling showed that he knew it all, though
now he denies it.
Bin Juma is a long, thin, lanky Suaheli, six feet two high, with a
hooked nose and large lips: I told Mohamad that if he were to go with
us to Manyuema, the whole party would be cut off. He came here, bought
a slave-boy, and allowed him to escape; then browbeat Chapi's man
about him (and he says, three others); and caught ten in lieu of him,
of which Mohamad restored six: this was the origin of the war. Now
that we are in the middle of it, I must do as Mohamad does in going
off either by day or by night. It is unreasonable to ask my advice
now, but it is felt that they have very unjustifiably placed me in a
false position, and they fear that Syed Majid will impute blame to
them, meanwhile Syde bin Habib sent a private message to me to come
with his men to him, and leave this party.
I perceive that the plan now is to try and clear our way of Chapi, and
then march, but I am so thoroughly disgusted with this slave-war, that
I think of running the risk of attack by the country people, and go
off to-morrow without Mohamad Bogharib, though I like him much more
than I do Mpamari or Syde bin Habib. It is too glaring hypocrisy to go
to the Koran for guidance while the stolen women, girls, and fish, are
in Bin Juma's hands.
_8th and 9th December, 1868._--I had to wait for the Banyamwezi
preparing food: Mohamad has no authority over them, or indeed over
anyone else. Two Babemba men came in and said that they had given up
fighting, and begged for their wives, who had been captured by Syde's
people on their way here: this reasonable request was refused at
first, but better counsels prevailed, and they were willing to give
something to appease the anger of the enemy, and sent back six
captives, two of whom were the wives prayed for.
[At last he makes a start on the 11th of December with the Arabs, who
are bound eastwards for Ujiji. It is a motley group, composed of
Mohamad and his friends, a gang of Unyamwezi hangers-on, and strings
of wretched slaves yoked together in their heavy slave-sticks. Some
carry ivory, others copper, or food for the march, whilst hope and
fear, misery and villainy, may be read off on the various faces that
pass in line out of this country, like a serpent dragging its accursed
folds away from the victim it has paralysed with its fangs.]
* * * * *
_11th December, 1868._--We marched four hours unmolested by the
natives, built a fence, and next day crossed the Lokinda River and its
feeder the Mookosi; here the people belonged to Chisabi, who had not
joined the other Babemba. We go between two ranges of tree-covered
mountains, which are continuations of those on each side of Moero.
_12th December, 1868._--The tiresome tale of slaves running away was
repeated again last night by two of Mpamari's making off, though in
the yoke, and they had been with him from boyhood. Not one
good-looking slave-woman is now left of Mohamad Bogharib's fresh
slaves; all the pretty ones obtain favour by their address, beg to be
unyoked, and then escape. Four hours brought us to many villages of
Chisabi and the camp of Syde bin Habib in the middle of a set-in rain,
which marred the demonstration at meeting with his relative Mpamari;
but the women braved it through, wet to the skin, and danced and
lullilooed with "draigled" petticoats with a zeal worthy of a better
cause, as the "penny-a-liners" say. It is the custom for the trader
who receives visitors to slaughter goats, and feed all his guests for
at least two days, nor was Syde wanting in this hospitality, though
the set-in rain continuing, we did not enjoy it as in fine weather.
_14th December, 1868._--Cotton-grass and brackens all over the country
show the great humidity of Marungu. Rain daily; but this is not the
great rain which falls when the sun comes back south over our heads.
_15th December, 1868._--March two hours only to the range of Tamba. A
pretty little light-grey owl, called "nkwékwé," was killed by a
native as food; a black ring round its face and its black ears gave it
all the appearance of a cat, whose habits it follows.
_16th to 18th December, 1868._--A brother of Syde bin Habib died last
night: I had made up my mind to leave the whole party, but Syde said
that Chisabi was not to be trusted, and the death of his brother
having happened, it would not be respectful to leave him to bury his
dead alone. Six of his slaves fled during the night--one, the keeper
of the others. A Mobemba man, who had been to the coast twice with
him, is said to have wished a woman who was in the chain, so he loosed
five out, and took her off; the others made clear heels of it, and now
that the grass is long and green, no one can trace their course.
Syde told me that the slaves would not have detained him, but his
brother's death did. We buried the youth, who has been ill three
months. Mpamari descended into the grave with four others; a broad
cloth was held over them horizontally, and a little fluctuation made,
as if to fan those who were depositing the body in the side excavation
made at the bottom: when they had finished they pulled in earth, and
all shoved it towards them till the grave was level. Mullam then came
and poured a little water into and over the grave, mumbled a few
prayers, at which Mpamari said aloud to me, "Mullam does not let his
voice be heard;" and Mullam smiled to me, as if to say, "Loud enough
for all I shall get:" during the ceremony the women were all wailing
loudly. We went to the usual sitting-place, and shook hands with Syde,
as if receiving him back again into the company of the living.
Syde told me previously to this event that he had fought the people
who killed his elder brother Salem bin Habib, and would continue to
fight them till all their country was spoiled and a desolation: there
is no forgiveness with Moslems for bloodshed. He killed many, and took
many slaves, ivory, and copper: his tusks number over 200, many of
large size.
_19th and 20th December, 1868._--To Chisabi's village stockade, on the
left bank of the Lofunso, which flows in a marshy valley three miles
broad. Eight of Mohamad Bogharib's slaves fled by night, one with his
gun and wife; a, large party went in search, but saw nothing of them.
To-day an elephant was killed, and they sent for the meat, but Chisabi
ordered the men to let his meat alone: experience at Kabwabwata said,
"Take the gentle course," so two fathoms of calico and two hoes were
sent to propitiate the chief; Chisabi then demanded half the meat and
one tusk: the meat was given, but the tusk was mildly refused: he is
but a youth, and this is only the act of his counsellors. It was
replied that Casembe, Chikumbi, Nsama, Meréré, made no demand at all:
his counsellors have probably heard of the Portuguese self-imposed
law, and wish to introduce it here, but both tusks were secured.
_22nd December, 1868._--We crossed the Lofunso River, wading three
branches, the first of forty-seven yards, then the river itself, fifty
yards, and neck deep to men and women of ordinary size. Two were swept
away and drowned; other two were rescued by men leaping in and saving
them, one of whom was my man Susi. A crocodile bit one person badly,
but was struck, and driven off. Two slaves escaped by night; a woman
loosed her husband's yoke from the tree, and got clear off.
_24th December, 1868._--Five sick people detain us to-day; some cannot
walk from feebleness and purging brought on by sleeping on the damp
ground without clothes.
Syde bin Habib reports a peculiar breed of goats in Rua, remarkably
short in the legs, so much so, that they cannot travel far; they give
much milk, and become very fat, but the meat is indifferent. Gold is
found at Katanga in the pool of a waterfall only: it probably comes
from the rocks above this. His account of the Lofu, or, as he says,
West Lualaba, is identical with that of his cousin, Syde bin Omar; it
flows north, but west of Lufira, into the Lake of Kinkonza, so named
after the chief. The East Lualaba becomes very large, often as much as
six or eight miles broad, with many inhabited islands, the people of
which, being safe from invasion, are consequently rapacious and
dishonest, and their chiefs, Moengé and Nyamakunda, are equally
lawless. A hunter, belonging to Syde, named Kabwebwa, gave much
information gleaned during his hunting trips; for instance, the Lufira
has nine feeders of large size; and one, the Lekulwé, has also nine
feeders; another, the Kisungu, is covered with, "tikatika," by which
the people cross it, though it bends under their weight; he also
ascribes the origin of the Lufira and the Lualaba West, or Lofu, with
the Liambai to one large earthen mound, which he calls "segulo," or an
anthill!
_25th December, 1868, Christmas Day._--We can buy nothing except the
very coarsest food--not a goat or fowl--while Syde, having plenty of
copper, can get all the luxuries. We marched past Mount Katanga,
leaving it on our left, to the River Kapéta, and slaughtered a
favourite kid to make a Christmas dinner. A trading-party came up from
Ujiji; they said that we were ten camps from Tanganyika. They gave an
erroneous report that a steamer with a boat in tow was on Lake
Chowambé--an English one, too, with plenty of cloth and beads on
board. A letter had come from Abdullah bin Salem, Moslem missionary at
Mtésa's, to Ujiji three months ago with this news.
_26th December, 1868._--We marched up an ascent 2-1/2 hours, and got
on to the top of one of the mountain ridges, which generally run N.
and S. Three hours along this level top brought us to the Kibawé
River, a roaring rivulet beside villages. There were no people on the
height over which we came, though the country is very fine--green and
gay with varying shades of that colour. We passed through patches of
brackens five feet high and gingers in flower, and were in a damp
cloud all day. Now and then a drizzle falls in these parts, but it
keeps all damp only, and does not show in the rain-gauge. Neither sun
nor stars appear.
_27th and 28th December, 1868._--Remain on Sunday, then march and
cross five rivulets about four yards wide and knee deep, going to the
Lofunso. The grass now begins to cover and hide the paths; its growth
is very rapid: blobs of water lie on the leaves all day, and keep the
feet constantly wet by falling as we pass.
_29th December, 1868._--We kept well on the ridge between two ranges
of hills; then went down, and found a partially-burned native
stockade, and lodged in it; the fires of the Ujiji party had set the
huts on fire after the party left. We are in the Itandé district at
the Nswiba River.
_30th December, 1868._--We now went due east, and made a good deal of
easting too from Mount Katanga on the Lofunso, and crossed the River
Lokivwa, twelve yards wide, and very deep, with villages all about. We
ascended much as we went east. Very high mountains appeared on the
N.W. The woods dark gieen, with large patches of a paler hue.
_31st December, 1868._--We reached the Lofuko yesterday in a pelting
rain; not knowing that the camp with huts was near, I stopped and put
on a bernouse, got wet, and had no dry clothes. Remain to-day to buy
food. Clouds cover all the sky from N.W. The river, thirty yards wide,
goes to Tanganyika east of this. Scenery very lovely.
FOOTNOTES:
[66] In 1827 Linant reached 13° 30' N. on the White Nile. In 1841 the
second Egyptian, under D'Arnauld and Sabatier, explored the river to
4° 42' N., and Jomard published his work on Limmoo and the River
Habaiah. Dr. Beke and Mr. D'Abbadie contributed their share to making
the Nile better known. Brun Rollet established a trading station in
1854 at Belema on the Nile at 5° N. lat.
[67] Miss Tinné succumbed to the dangers of African travelling before
Livingstone penned these just words of appreciation.
[68] Ezek. xxiv. 5.
END OF VOL. I.