naturally became the so-called cliff-dwellings or isolated shelters.
In Cibola single stone houses are in common use, not to the exclusion,
however, of the lighter structures of brush, while in Tusayan these
lighter forms, of which there are a number of well defined varieties,
are almost exclusively used. A detailed study of the methods of
construction employed in these rude shelters would be of great interest
as affording a comparison both with the building methods of the ruder
neighboring tribes and with those adopted in constructing some of the
details of the terraced house; the writer, however, did not have an
opportunity of making an examination of all the field shelters used in
these pueblos. Two of the simpler types are the “tuwahlki,” or watch
house, and the “kishoni,” or uncovered shade. The former is constructed
by first planting a short forked stick in the ground, which supports one
end of a pole, the other end resting on the ground. The interval between
this ridge pole and the ground is roughly filled in with slanting sticks
and brush, the inclosed space being not more than 3 feet in height, with
a maximum width of four or five feet. These shelters are for the
accommodation of the children who watch the melon patches until the
fruit is harvested.
[Illustration: Fig. 111. Kishoni, or uncovered shade, of Tusayan.]
The kishoni, or uncovered shade, illustrated in Fig. 111, is perhaps the
simplest form of shelter employed. Ten or a dozen cottonwood saplings
are set firmly into the ground, so as to form a slightly curved
inclosure with convex side toward the south. Cottonwood and willow
boughs in foliage, grease-wood, sage brush, and rabbit brush are laid
with stems upward in even rows against these saplings to a height of 6
or 7 feet. This light material is held in place by bands of small
cottonwood branches laid in continuous horizontal lines around the
outside of the shelter and these are attached to the upright saplings
with cottonwood and willow twigs.
[Illustration: Plate CVII. Partial filling-in of a large opening in
Oraibi, converting it into a doorway.]
Figs. 112 and 113 illustrate a much more elaborate field shelter in
Tusayan. As may readily be seen from the figures this shelter covers a
considerable area; it will be seen too that the upright branches that
inclose two of its sides are of sufficient height to considerably shade
the level roof of poles and brush, converting it into a comfortable
retreat.
[Illustration: Fig. 112. A Tusayan field shelter, from southwest.]
[Illustration: Fig. 113. A Tusayan field shelter, from northeast.]
ARCHITECTURAL NOMENCLATURE.
The following nomenclature, collected by Mr. Stephen, comprises the
terms commonly used in designating the constructional details of Tusayan
houses and kivas:
Kiko´li The ground floor rooms forming the first terrace.
Tupu´bi The roofed recess at the end of the first terrace.
Ah´pabi } A terrace roof.
Ih´pobi }
Tupat´ca ih´pobi The third terrace, used in common as a loitering
place.
Tumtco´kobi “The place of the flat stone;” small rooms in
which “piki,” or paper-bread, is baked. “Tuma,”
the piki stone, and “tcok” describing its flat
position.
Tupa´tca “Where you sit overhead;” the third story.
O´mi Ah´pabi The second story; a doorway always opens from it
upon the roof of the “kiko´li.”
Kitcobi “The highest place;” the fourth story.
Tuhkwa A wall.
Puce An outer corner.
Apaphucua An inside corner.
Lestabi The main roof timbers.
Wina´kwapi Smaller cross poles. “Winahoya,” a small pole, and
“Kwapi,” in place.
Kaha´b kwapi The willow covering.
Süibi kwapi The brush covering.
Si´hü kwapi The grass covering.
Kiam´ balawi The mud plaster of roof covering,
“Balatle´lewini,” to spread.
Tcukat´cvewata Dry earth covering the roof. “Tcuka,” earth,
“katuto,” to sit, and “at´cvewata,” one laid
above another.
Kiami An entire roof.
Kwo´pku The fireplace.
Kwi´tcki “Smoke-house,” an inside chimney-hood.
Sibvu´tütük´mula A series of bottomless jars piled above each
other, and luted together as a chimney-top.
Sibvu´ A bottomless earthen vessel serving as a chimney
pot.
Bok´ci Any small hole in a wall, or roof, smaller than
a doorway.
Hi´tci An opening, such as a doorway. This term is also
applied to a gap in a cliff.
Hi´tci Kalau´wata A door frame.
Tûñañ´îata A lintel; literally, “that holds the sides in
place.”
Wuwûk´pi “The place step;” the door sill.
Niñuh´pi A handhold; the small pole in a doorway below the
lintel.
Pana´ptca ütc´pi bok´ci
A window; literally, “glass covered opening.”
Ut´cpi A cover.
Ahpa´bütc´pi } A door. “Apab,” inside; wina, a pole.
Wina´ütc´pi }
O´wa ütc´ppî “Stone cover,” a stone slab.
Tüi´ka A projection in the wall of a room suggesting a
partition, such as shown in Pl. LXXXV. The same
term is applied to a projecting cliff in a mesa.
Kiam´i An entire roof. The main beams, cross poles, and
roof layers have the same names as in the kiva,
given later.
Wĭna´kü´i Projecting poles; rafters extending beyond the
walls.
Bal´kakini “Spread out;” the floor.
O´tcokpü´h “Leveled with stones;” a raised level for the
foundation.
Ba´lkakini tü´wi “Floor ledge;” the floor of one room raised above
that of an adjoining one.
Hako´la “Lower place;” the floor of a lower room. Sand
dunes in a valley are called “Hakolpi.”
Ko´ltci A shelf.
Owako´ltci A stone shelf.
Ta´pü kü´ita A support for a shelf.
Wina´koltci A hewn plank shelf.
Kokiüni A wooden peg in a wall.
Tületa A shelf hanging from the ceiling.
Tület´haipi The cords for suspending a shelf.
Tükûlci A niche in the wall.
Tükûli A stone mortar.
Ma´ta The complete mealing apparatus for grinding corn.
Owa´mata The trough or outer frame of stone slabs.
Mata´ki The metate or grinding slab.
Kakom´ta mata´ki The coarsest grinding slab.
Tala´kî mata´ki The next finer slab; from “talaki” to parch
crushed corn in a vessel at the fire.
Piñ´nyümta mata´ki The slab of finest texture; from “pin,” fine.
Ma´ta ü´tci The upright partition stones separating the
metates. The rubbing stones have the same names
as the metates.
Hawi´wita A stone stairway.
Tütü´beñ hawi´wita A stairway pecked into a cliff face.
Sa´ka A ladder.
Wina´hawi´pi Steps of wood.
Ki´cka The covered way.
Hitcu´yî´wa “Opening to pass through;” a narrow passage
between houses.
Ki´sombi “Place closed with houses;” courts and spaces
between house groups.
Bavwa´kwapi A gutter pipe inserted in the roof coping.
[Illustration: Plate CVIII. Large openings reduced to small windows,
Oraibi.]
In kiva nomenclature the various parts of the roof have the same names
as the corresponding features of the dwellings. These are described on
pp. 148-151.
Le´stabi The main roof timbers.
Wina´kwapi The smaller cross poles.
Kaha´b kwapi The willow covering.
Süibi kwapi The brush covering.
Si´hü kwapi The grass covering.
Tcuka´tcve wata The dry earth layer of the roof.
Kiam´ba´lawi The layer of mud plaster on the roof.
Kiami An entire roof.
The following terms are used to specially designate various features of
the kivas:
Tüpat´caiata, Both of these terms are used to designate
lestabi } the kiva hatchway beams upon which the
Lesta´bkwapi, } hatchway walls rest.
Süna´cabi le´stabi The main beams in the roof, nearest to the
hatchway.
Ĕp´eoka le´stabi The main beams next to the central ones.
Püep´eoka le´stabi The main beams next in order, and all the beams
intervening between the “epeoka” and the end
beams are so designated.
Kala´beoka lestabi The beams at the ends of a kiva.
Mata´owa “Stone placed with hands.”
Hüzrüowa “Hard stone.”
Both of these latter terms are applied to
corner foundation stones.
Kwa´kü üt´cpi Moveable mat of reeds or sticks for covering
hatchway opening, Fig. 29.
“Kwaku,” wild hay; “utepi,” a stopper.
Tüpat´caiata The raised hatchway; “the sitting place,”
Fig. 95.
Tüpat´caiata tü´kwa The walls of the hatchway.
Kipat´ctjua´ta The kiva doorway; the opening into the hatchway,
Fig. 28.
Apa´pho´ya Small niches in the wall. “Apap,” from “apabi,”
inside, and “hoya,” small.
Si´papüh An archaic term. The etymology of this word is
not known.
Kwŏp´kota The fireplace. “Kwuhi,” coals or embers;
“küaiti,” head.
Kŏi´tci Pegs for drying fuel, fixed under the hatchway.
“Ko-hu,” wood; Fig. 28.
Kokü´ina Pegs in the walls.
Sa´ka A ladder. This term is applied to any ladder.
Figs. 45-47.
Sa´kaleta Ladder rungs; “Leta,” from “lestabi;” see above.
Tüvwibi The platform elevation or upper level of the
floor. “Tu-vwi,” a ledge; Fig. 24.
Tüvwi Stone ledges around the sides, for seats. The
same term is used to designate any ledge,
as that of a mesa, etc.
Katcin´ Kibü “Katcina,” house. The niche in a ledge at the
end of the kiva.
Kwi´sa The planks set into the floor, to which the
lower beam of a blanket loom is fastened.
Kaintup´ha } Terms applied to the main floor; they both mean
Kiva´kani } “the large space.”
Tapü´wü´tci Hewn planks a foot wide and 6 to 8 feet long,
set into the floor.
Wina´wü´tci A plank.
Owa´pühü´imiata “Stone spread out;” the flagged floor; also
designates the slabs covering the hatchway.
Yau´wiopi. Stones with holes pecked in the ends for holding
the loom beam while the warp is being
adjusted; also used as seats; see p. 132.
[Illustration: Plate CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashongnavi.]
The accompanying diagram is an ideal section of a Tusayan four-story
house, and gives the native names for the various rooms and terraces.
[Illustration: Fig. 114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces,
with Tusayan names.]
CONCLUDING REMARKS.
The modern villages of Tusayan and Cibola differ more widely in
arrangement and in the relation they bear to the surrounding topography
than did their predecessors even of historic times.
Many of the older pueblos of both groups appear to have belonged to the
valley types--villages of considerable size, located in open plains or
on the slopes of low-lying foothills. A comparison of the plans in
Chapters II and III will illustrate these differences. In Tusayan the
necessity of defense has driven the builders to inaccessible sites, so
that now all the occupied villages of the province are found on mesa
summits. The inhabitants of the valley pueblos of Cibola, although
compelled at one time to build their houses upon the almost inaccessible
summit of Tâaaiyalana mesa, occupied this site only temporarily, and
soon established a large valley pueblo, the size and large population of
which afforded that defensive efficiency which the Tusayan obtained only
by building on mesa promontories. This has resulted in some adherence on
the part of the Tusayan to the village plans of their ancestors, while
at Zuni the great house clusters, forming the largest pueblo occupied in
modern times, show a wide departure from the primitive types. In both
provinces the architecture is distinguished from that of other portions
of the pueblo region by greater irregularity of plan and by less
skillfully executed constructional details; each group, however, happens
to contain a notable exception to this general carelessness.
In Cibola the pueblo of Kin-tiel, built with a continuous defensive
outer wall, occupies architecturally a somewhat anomalous position,
notwithstanding its traditional connection with the group, and the Fire
House occupies much the same relation in reference to Tusayan. The
latter, however, does not break in upon the unity of the group, since
the Tusayan, to a much greater extent than the Zuñi, are made up of
remnants of various bands of builders. In Cibola, however, some of the
Indians state that their ancestors, before reaching Zuñi, built a number
of pueblos, whose ruins are distinguished from those illustrated in the
present paper by the presence of circular kivas, this form of ceremonial
room being, apparently, wholly absent from the Cibolan pueblos here
discussed.
The people of Cibola and of Tusayan belong to distinct linguistic
stocks, but their arts are very closely related, the differences being
no greater than would result from the slightly different conditions that
have operated within the last few generations. Zuñi, perhaps, came more
directly under early Spanish influence than Tusayan.
Churches were established, as has been seen, in both provinces, but it
is doubtful whether their presence produced any lasting impression on
the people. In Tusayan the sway of the Spaniards was very brief. At some
of the pueblos the churches seem to have been built outside of the
village proper where ample space was available within the pueblo; but
such an encroachment on the original inclosed courts seems never to have
been attempted. Zuñi is an apparent exception; but all the house
clusters east of the church have probably been built later than the
church itself, the church court of the present village being a much
larger area than would be reserved for the usual pueblo court. These
early churches were, as a rule, built of adobe, even when occurring in
stone pueblos. The only exception noticed is at Ketchipauan, where it
was built of the characteristic Indian smoothly chinked masonry. The
Spaniards usually intruded their own construction, even to the
composition of the bricks, which are nearly always made of straw adobe.
At Tusayan there is no evidence that a church or mission house ever
formed part of the villages on the mesa summits. Their plans are
complete in themselves, and probably represent closely the first pueblos
built on these sites. These summits have been extensively occupied only
in comparatively recent times, although one or more small clusters may
have been built here at an early date as outlooks over the fields in the
valleys below.
[Illustration: Plate CX. Portion of a corral in Pescado.]
It is to be noted that some of the ruins connected traditionally and
historically with Tusayan and Cibola differ in no particular from stone
pueblos widely scattered over the southwestern plateaus which have been
from time to time invested with a halo of romantic antiquity, and
regarded as remarkable achievements in civilization by a vanished but
once powerful race. These deserted stone houses, occurring in the midst
of desert solitudes, appealed strongly to the imaginations of early
explorers, and their stimulated fancy connected the remains with
“Aztecs” and other mysterious peoples. That this early implanted bias
has caused the invention of many ingenious theories concerning the
origin and disappearance of the builders of the ancient pueblos, is
amply attested in the conclusions reached by many of the writers on this
subject.
In connection with the architectural examination of some of these
remains many traditions have been obtained from the present tribes,
clearly indicating that some of the village ruins, and even cliff
dwellings, have been built and occupied by ancestors of the present
Pueblo Indians, sometimes at a date well within the historic period.
The migrations of the Tusayan clans, as described in the legends
collected by Mr. Stephen, were slow and tedious. While they pursued
their wanderings and awaited the favorable omens of the gods they halted
many times and planted. They speak traditionally of stopping at certain
places on their routes during a certain number of “plantings,” always
building the characteristic stone pueblos and then again taking up the
march.
When these Indians are questioned as to whence they came, their replies
are various and conflicting; but this is due to the fact that the
members of one clan came, after a long series of wanderings, from the
north, for instance, while those of other gentes may have come last from
the east. The tribe to-day seems to be made up of a collection or a
confederacy of many enfeebled remnants of independent phratries and
groups once more numerous and powerful. Some clans traditionally
referred to as having been important are now represented by few
survivors, and bid fair soon to become extinct. So the members of each
phratry have their own store of traditions, relating to the wanderings
of their own ancestors, which differ from those of other clans, and
refer to villages successively built and occupied by them. In the case
of others of the pueblos, the occupation of cliff dwellings and cave
lodges is known to have occurred within historic times.
Both architectural and traditional evidence are in accord in
establishing a continuity of descent from the ancient Pueblos to those
of the present day. Many of the communities are now made up of the more
or less scattered but interrelated remnants of gentes which in former
times occupied villages, the remains of which are to-day looked upon as
the early homes of “Aztec colonies,” etc.
The adaptation, of this architecture to the peculiar environment
indicates that it has long been practiced under the same conditions that
now prevail. Nearly all of the ancient pueblos were built of the
sandstone found in natural quarries at the bases of hundreds of cliffs
throughout these table-lands. This stone readily breaks into small
pieces of regular form, suitable for use in the simple masonry of the
pueblos without receiving any artificial treatment. The walls themselves
give an exaggerated idea of finish, owing to the care and neatness with
which the component stones are placed. Some of the illustrations in the
last chapter, from photographs, show clearly that the material of the
walls was much ruder than the appearance of the finished masonry would
suggest, and that this finish depended on the careful selection and
arrangement of the fragments. This is even more noticeable in the Chaco
ruins, in which the walls were wrought to a high degrees of surface
finish. The core of the wall was laid up with the larger and more
irregular stones, and was afterwards brought to a smooth face by
carefully filling in and chinking the joints with smaller stones and
fragments, sometimes not more than a quarter of an inch thick; this
method is still roughly followed by both Tusayan and Cibolan builders.
Although many details of construction and arrangement display remarkable
adaptation to the physical character of the country, yet the influence
of such environment would not alone suffice to produce this
architectural type. In order to develop the results found, another
element was necessary. This element was the necessity for defense. The
pueblo population was probably subjected to the more or less continuous
influence of this defensive motive throughout the period of their
occupation of this territory. A strong independent race of people, who
had to fear no invasion by stronger foes, would necessarily have been
influenced more by the physical environment and would have progressed
further in the art of building, but the motive for building rectangular
rooms--the initial point of departure in the development of pueblo
architecture--would not have been brought into action. The crowding of
many habitations upon a small cliff ledge or other restricted site,
resulting in the rectangular form of rooms, was most likely due to the
conditions imposed by this necessity for defense.
[Illustration: Plate CXI. Zuñi eagle-cage.]
The general outlines of the development of this architecture wherein the
ancient builders were stimulated to the best use of the exceptional
materials about them, both by the difficult conditions of their
semi-desert environment and by constant necessity for protection against
their neighbors, can be traced in its various stages of growth from the
primitive conical lodge to its culmination in the large communal village
of many-storied terraced buildings which we find to have been in use at
the time of the Spanish discovery, and which still survives in Zuñi,
perhaps its most striking modern example. Yet the various steps have
resulted from a simple and direct use of the material immediately at
hand, while methods gradually improved as frequent experiments taught
the builders more fully to utilize local facilities. In all cases the
material was derived from the nearest available source, and often
variations in the quality of the finished work are due to variations in
the quality of the stone near by. The results accomplished attest the
patient and persistent industry of the ancient builders, but the work
does not display great skill in construction or in preparation of
material. The same desert environment that furnished such an abundance
of material for the ancient builders, also, from its difficult and
inhospitable character and the constant variations in the water supply,
compelled the frequent employment of this material. This was an
important factor in bringing about the attained degree of advancement in
the building art. At the present day constant local changes occur in the
water sources of these arid table-lands, while the general character of
the climate remains unaltered.
The distinguishing characteristics of Pueblo architecture may be
regarded as the product of a defensive motive and of an arid environment
that furnished an abundance of suitable building material, and at the
same time the climatic conditions that compelled its frequent
employment.
The decline of the defensive motive within the last few years has
greatly affected the more recent architecture. Even after the long
practice of the system has rendered it somewhat fixed, comparative
security from attack has caused many of the Pueblo Indians to recognize
the inconvenience of dwellings grouped in large clusters on sites
difficult of access, while the sources of their subsistence are
necessarily sparsely scattered over large areas. This is noticeable in
the building of small, detached houses at a distance from the main
villages, the greater convenience to crops, flocks and water outweighing
the defensive motive. In Cibola particularly, a marked tendency in this
direction has shown itself within a score of years; Ojo Caliente, the
newest of the farming pueblos, is perhaps the most striking example
within the two provinces. The greater security of the pueblos as the
country comes more fully into the hands of Americans, has also resulted
in the more careless construction in modern examples as compared with
the ancient.
There is no doubt that, as time shall go on, the system of building
many-storied clusters of rectangular rooms will gradually be abandoned
by these people. In the absence of the defensive motive a more
convenient system, employing scattered small houses, located near
springs and fields, will gradually take its place, thus returning to a
mode of building that probably prevailed in the evolution of the pueblo
prior to the clustering of many rooms into large defensive villages. Pl.
LXXXIII illustrates a building of the type described located on the
outskirts of Zuñi, across the river from the main pueblo.
The cultural distinctions between the Pueblo Indians and neighboring
tribes gradually become less clearly defined as investigation
progresses. Mr. Cushing’s study of the Zuñi social, political, and
religious systems has clearly established their essential identity in
grade of culture with those of other tribes. In many of the arts, too,
such as weaving, ceramics, etc., these people in no degree surpass many
tribes who build ruder dwellings.
In architecture, though, they have progressed far beyond their
neighbors; many of the devices employed attest the essentially primitive
character of the art, and demonstrate that the apparent distinction in
grade of culture is mainly due to the exceptional condition of the
environment.
Errors and Anomalies for “Pueblo Architecture”:
Unusual letters:
Ko´ⁿ-lo ... Nata´ⁿ
Ko´[n]-lo ... Nata´[n] (small raised “n”)
Wĭna´kü´i
W[)i]na´kü´i (short “i”)
Ĕp´eoka le´stabi
[)E]p´eoka le´stabi (short “e”)
Kwŏp´kota
Kŏi´tci
Kw[)o]p´kota ... K[)o]i´tci (short “o”)
Variant Forms, unchanged from original:
nyumu
_sometimes hyphenated:_
nyu-mu
Mashongnavi
Shupaulovi
Sichumovi
_sometimes written with accent:_
Mashóngnavi
Shupaúlovi
Sichúmovi
Irregularities in Table of Contents:
CHAPTER I.--Traditionary history of Tusayan
_title in body text reads “Traditional...”_
Small ruin near Horn House
Moen-kopi
Tâaaiyalana ruins
Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde
_titles in body text:_
Small ruin between Horn House and Bat House
Moen-kopi ruins
Tâaaiyalana
Kin-tiel
Many phrases are hyphenated in the List of Illustrations but not in the
captions themselves:
chief-kiva, ground-plan, loom-post, roof-beams...
Whatever their motive, the Bears left Antelope Canyon
_text reads “Cañyon”_
far off on the Múina (river) near Alavia (Santa Fé)
_text reads “Sante Fé”_
The principal building is a long irregular row, similar to
_text reads “similiar”_
All the Tusayan kivas are in the form of a parallelogram
_text reads “paralellogram”_
the second level of the kiva floor, forming the dais before referred to
The ledge, or dais, is free for the use of spectators
_text reads “dias” both times, but is spelled “dais” on its first
occurrence (earlier in text)_
these overhanging copings occur principally on the southern exposures
_text reads “pricipally”_
particularly prevalent in Zuni
_text reads “particulary”_
Chapters II and III
_text reads “Chapter”_
usually carved from a single piece of wood
_text reads “single / single” at line break_
somewhat similar in effect to the carving on the Spanish beams
_text reads “similiar”_
the almost inaccessible summit of Tâaaiyalana mesa
_text reads “Tâaiyalana”_
Punctuation:
Long ago the Hopi´tuh were few
_paragraph (printed as block quote) begins with redundant
quotation mark_
* * * * *
CEREMONIAL OF HASJELTI DAILJIS
and
MYTHICAL SAND PAINTING OF THE NAVAJO INDIANS
by
JAMES STEVENSON
* * * * *
CONTENTS
Page.
Introduction 235
Construction of the Medicine Lodge 237
First day 237
Personators of the gods 237
Second day 239
Description of the sweat houses 239
Sweat houses and masks 242
Preparation of the sacred reeds (cigarette)
and prayer sticks 242
Third day 244
First ceremony 244
Second ceremony 245
Third ceremony 247
Fourth ceremony (night) 248
Fourth day 249
First ceremony 249
Second ceremony 250
Third ceremony 250
Fourth ceremony 252
Fifth ceremony 253
Sixth ceremony 253
Foods brought into the lodge 256
Fifth day 257
First ceremony 257
Second ceremony 259
Third ceremony 260
Sixth day 261
Seventh day 263
Eighth day 265
Ninth day 269
First ceremony 269
Second ceremony 270
Song of the Etsethle 272
Prayer to the Etsethle 272
Conclusion--the dance 273
Myths of the Navajo 275
Creation of the sun 275
Hasjelti and Hostjoghon 277
The floating logs 278
Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni 279
The Brothers 280
The old man and woman of the first world 284
ILLUSTRATIONS
Page.
Plate CXII. A, Rainbow over eastern sweat house;
B, Rainbow over western sweat house 240
CXIII. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 242
CXIV. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 244
CXV. Masks: 1, Naiyenesyong; 2, 3, Tobaidischinne;
4, 5, Hasjelti; 6, Hostjoghon; 7, Hostjobokon;
8, Hostjoboard 246
CXVI. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 248
CXVII. 1, Pine boughs on sand bed; 2, Apache basket
containing yucca suds lined with corn pollen;
3, Basket of water surface covered with pine
needles 250
CXVIII. Blanket rug and medicine tubes and sticks 252
CXIX. Blanket rug and medicine tube 258
CXX. First sand painting 260
CXXI. Second sand painting 262
CXXII. Third sand painting 264
CXXIII. Fourth sand painting 266
Fig. 115. Exterior lodge 236
116. Interior lodge 237
117. Gaming ring 238
118. Sweat house 240
* * * * *
CEREMONIAL OF HASJELTI DAILJIS
AND MYTHICAL SAND PAINTING
OF THE NAVAJO INDIANS.
by
JAMES STEVENSON.
* * * * *
INTRODUCTION.
During my visit to the Southwest, in the summer of 1885, it was my good
fortune to arrive at the Navajo Reservation a few days before the
commencement of a Navajo healing ceremonial. Learning of the preparation
for this, I decided to remain and observe the ceremony, which was to
continue nine days and nights. The occasion drew to the place some 1,200
Navajos. The scene of the assemblage was an extensive plateau near the
margin of Keam’s Canyon, Arizona.
A variety of singular and interesting occurrences attended this great
event--mythologic rites, gambling, horse and foot racing, general
merriment, and curing the sick, the latter being the prime cause of the
gathering. A man of distinction in the tribe was threatened with loss of
vision from inflammation of the eyes, having looked upon certain masks
with an irreligious heart. He was rich and had many wealthy relations,
hence the elaborateness of the ceremony of healing. A celebrated
theurgist was solicited to officiate, but much anxiety was felt when it
was learned that his wife was pregnant. A superstition prevails among
the Navajo that a man must not look upon a sand painting when his wife
is in a state of gestation, as it would result in the loss of the life
of the child. This medicine man, however, came, feeling that he
possessed ample power within himself to avert such calamity by
administering to the child immediately after its birth a mixture in
water of all the sands used in the painting. As I have given but little
time to the study of Navajo mythology, I can but briefly mention such
events as I witnessed, and record the myths only so far as I was able to
collect them hastily. I will first describe the ceremony of Yebitchai
and give then the myths (some complete and others incomplete)
explanatory of the gods and genii figuring in the Hasjelti Dailjis
(dance of Hasjelti) and in the nine days’ ceremonial, and then others
independent of these. The ceremony is familiarly called among the tribe,
“Yebitchai,” the word meaning the giant’s uncle. The name was originally
given to the ceremonial to awe the children who, on the eighth day of
the ceremony, are initiated into some of its mysteries and then for the
first time are informed that the characters appearing in the ceremony
are not real gods, but only their representatives. There is good reason
for believing that their ideas in regard to the sand paintings were
obtained from the Pueblo tribes, who in the past had elaborated sand
paintings and whose work at present in connection with most of their
medicine ceremonies is of no mean order. The Mission Indians of southern
California also regard sand paintings as among the important features in
their medicine practices. While the figures of the mythical beings
represented by the Navajo are no doubt of their own conception, yet I
discovered that all their medicine tubes and offerings were similar to
those in use by the Zuñi. Their presence among the Navajo can be readily
explained by the well known fact that it was the custom among Indians of
different tribes to barter and exchange medicine songs, ceremonies, and
the paraphernalia accompanying them. The Zuñi and Tusayan claim that the
Navajo obtained the secrets of the Pueblo medicine by intruding upon
their ceremonials or capturing a pueblo, and that they appropriated
whatever suited their fancy.
[Illustration: Fig. 115. Exterior lodge.]
My explanation of the ceremonial described is by authority of the priest
doctor who managed the whole affair and who remained with me five days
after the ceremonial for this special purpose. Much persuasion was
required to induce him to stay, though he was most anxious that we
should make no mistake. He said:
My wife may suffer and I should be near her; a father’s eyes
should be the first to look upon his child; it is like sunshine in
the father’s heart; the father also watches his little one to see
the first signs of understanding, and observes the first steps of
his child, that too is a bright light in the father’s heart, but
when the little one falls, it strikes the father’s heart hard.
The features of this ceremonial which most surprise the white spectator
are its great elaborateness, the number of its participants and its
prolongation through many days for the purpose of restoring health to a
single member of the tribe.
CONSTRUCTION OF THE MEDICINE LODGE.
A rectangular parallelogram was marked off on the ground, and at each
corner was firmly planted a forked post extending 10 feet above the
surface, and on these were laid 4 horizontal beams, against which rested
poles thickly set at an angle of about 20°, while other poles were
placed horizontally across the beams forming a support for the covering.
The poles around the sides were planted more in an oval than a circle
and formed an interior space of about 35 by 30 feet in diameter. On the
east side of the lodge was an entrance supported by stakes and closed
with a buffalo robe, and the whole structure was then thickly covered
first with boughs, then with sand, giving it the appearance of a small
earth mound.
[Illustration: Fig. 116. Interior lodge.]
FIRST DAY.
PERSONATORS OF THE GODS.
The theurgist or song-priest arrived at noon on the 12th of October,
1885. Almost immediately after his arrival we boldly entered the
medicine lodge, accompanied by our interpreter, Navajo John, and pleaded
our cause. The stipulation of the medicine man was that we should make
no mistakes and thereby offend the gods, and to avoid mistakes we must
hear all of his songs and see all of his medicines, and he at once
ordered some youths to prepare a place for our tent near the lodge.
During the afternoon of the 12th those who were to take part in the
ceremonial received orders and instructions from the song-priest. One
man went to collect twigs with which to make twelve rings, each 6 inches
in diameter. These rings represented gaming rings, which are not only
used by the Navajo, but are thought highly of by the genii of the rocks.
(See Fig. 117.) Another man gathered willows with which to make the
emblem of the concentration of the four winds. The square was made by
dressed willows crossed and left projecting at the corners each one inch
beyond the next. The corners were tied together with white cotton cord,
and each corner was ornamented with the under tail feather of the eagle.
These articles were laid in a niche behind the theurgist, whose
permanent seat was on the west side of the lodge facing east. The night
ceremony commenced shortly after dark. All those who were to participate
were immediate friends and relatives of the invalid excepting the
theurgist or song-priest, he being the only one who received direct
compensation for his professional services. The cost of such a ceremony
is no inconsiderable item. Not only the exorbitant fee of the theurgist
must be paid, but the entire assemblage must be fed during the nine
days’ ceremonial at the expense of the invalid, assisted by his near
relatives.
[Illustration: Fig. 117. Gaming ring.]
A bright fire burned in the lodge, and shortly after dark the invalid
appeared and sat upon a blanket, which was placed in front of the
song-priest. Previously, however, three men had prepared themselves to
personate the gods--Hasjelti, Hostjoghon, and Hostjobokon--and one to
personate the goddess, Hostjoboard. They left the lodge, carrying their
masks in their hands, went a short distance away and put on their masks.
Then Hasjelti and Hostjoghon returned to the lodge, and Hasjelti, amid
hoots, “hu-hoo-hu-huh!” placed the square which he carried over the
invalid’s head, and Hostjoghon shook two eagle wands, one in each hand,
on each side of the invalid’s head and body, then over his head,
meanwhile hooting in his peculiar way, “hu-u-u-u-uh!” He then followed
Hasjelti out of the lodge. The men representing Hostjobokon and
Hostjoboard came in alternately. Hostjobokon took one of the rings which
had been made during the afternoon, and now lay upon the blanket to the
right of the invalid, and placed it against the soles of the feet of the
invalid, who was sitting with knees drawn up, and then against his
knees, palms, breast, each scapula, and top of his head; then over his
mouth. While touching the different parts of the body the ring was held
with both hands, but when placed to the mouth of the invalid it was
taken in the left hand. The ring was made of a reed, the ends of which
were secured by a long string wrapped over the ring like a slipnoose.
When the ring was placed over the mouth of the invalid the string was
pulled and the ring dropped and rolled out of the lodge, the long tail
of white cotton yarn, with eagle plume attached to the end, extending
far behind. Hostjoboard repeated this ceremony with a second ring, and
so did Hostjobokon and Hostjoboard alternately, until the twelve rings
were disposed of. Three of the rings were afterward taken to the east,
three to the south, three to the west, and three to the north, and
deposited at the base of piñon trees. The rings were placed over the
invalid’s mouth to give him strength, cause him to talk with one tongue,
and to have a good mind and heart. The other portions of the body were
touched with them for physical benefit. When the rings had all been
rolled out of the lodge Hasjelti entered, followed by Hostjoghon. He
passed the square (the concentrated winds) four times over the head of
the invalid during his hoots. Hostjoghon then waved his turkey wands
about the head and body of the invalid, and the first day’s ceremony was
at an end.
SECOND DAY.
DESCRIPTION OF THE SWEAT HOUSES.
The construction of the first sweat house, or tachi, was begun at dawn.
Four of these houses were built on four consecutive mornings, each one
located about 400 feet distant from the great central medicine lodge,
toward the four cardinal points, and all facing to the east. The first
one built was east of the lodge. A description of the construction of
this particular one will answer for all, but the ceremonies differ in
detail.
Four upright poles, forked at the upper ends, were placed at the four
cardinal points within an area designated as the base of the house, the
forked ends resting against each other, a circular excavation some 6
feet in diameter and 1 foot in depth having first been made. Between the
uprights smaller poles were laid; on the poles piñon boughs, sage and
_Bigelovia Douglasii_ (a kind of sage brush) were placed as a thatch;
all being laid sufficiently compact to prevent the sand placed over the
top from sifting through. The doorway, on the east side of the house,
was about 2½ feet high and 20 inches wide. Highly polished sticks (the
same as those employed in blanket weaving) were used to render the sand
covering of the structure smooth. The sweat houses to the east and west
had the rainbow painted over them. Those to the north and south were
devoid of such decoration, because the song priest seldom completes his
medicine in one ceremonial; and he chose to omit the songs which would
be required if the bow ornamented the north and south sweat houses.
Under the direction of the priest of the sweat house, who received
instruction from the song priest, three young men painted the rainbow,
one the head and body, another the skirt and legs, while the third
painted the bow. The head of this goddess was to the north, the bow
extending over the structure. The colors used were made from ground
pigments sprinkled on with the thumb and forefinger. Whenever a pinch of
the dry paint was taken from the pieces of bark which served as paint
cups, the artist breathed upon the hand before sprinkling the paint.
This, however, had no religious significance, but was merely to clear
the finger and thumb of any superfluous sand. The colors used in
decoration were yellow, red, and white from sandstones, black from
charcoal, and a grayish blue, formed of white sand and charcoal, with a
very small quantity of yellow and red sands. (See Fig. 118.) The
decorators were carefully watched by the song priest.
[Illustration: Fig. 118. Sweat house.]
Upon the completion of the rainbow the song priest returned to the
medicine lodge, but soon reappeared bearing a basket of twelve turkey
wands, and these he planted around the base of the sweat house on a line
of meal he had previously sprinkled. There was a fire some 20 feet from
the house, in which stones were heated. These stones were placed in the
sweat house on the south side, and upon them was thrown an armful of
white sage and _Bigelovia Douglasii_. A few pine boughs were laid by the
side of the stones for the invalid to sit upon. The entrance to the
sweat house was then covered with a black and white striped blanket upon
which were placed two large Coçonino buckskins one upon the other, and
upon them a double piece of white cotton. The buckskins represented
daylight, or the twilight that comes just at the dawn of day. The
invalid for whom this ceremony was held took off all his clothing except
the breech cloth, and sat on the outside by the entrance of the sweat
house amid the din of rattle and song, the theurgist being the only one
who had a rattle. The invalid propelled himself into the house feet
foremost, the covering of the sweat house having been raised for this
purpose. After entering it, he rid himself of his breechcloth and the
coverings were immediately dropped. The song continued 5 minutes, when
all stopped for a moment and then recommenced.
[Illustration: Plate CXII. RAINBOW OVER SWEAT HOUSE.]
During the song the theurgist mixed various herbs in a gourd over which
he poured water. After chanting some twenty minutes he advanced to the
entrance of the house, taking the medicine gourd with him, and, after
pouring some of its contents on the heated stones, took his seat and
joined in the chanting. After another twenty minutes Hasjelti and
Hostjoghon appeared. A Navajo blanket had previously been placed on the
ground at the south side of the entrance. Hasjelti lifted the coverings
from the entrance, and the patient, having first donned his breech
cloth, came out and sat on the blanket. Hasjelti rubbed the invalid with
the horn of a mountain sheep held in the left hand, and in the right
hand a piece of hide, about 10 inches long and 4 wide, from between the
eyes of the sheep. The hide was held flatly against the palm of the
hand, and in this way the god rubbed the breast of the invalid, while he
rubbed his back with the horn, occasionally alternating his hands.
Hostjoghon put the invalid through the same manipulation. The gods then
gave him drink four times from the gourd containing medicine water
composed of finely-chopped herbs and water, they having first taken a
draught of the mixture. The soles of the feet, palms, breast, back,
shoulders, and top of the head of the invalid were touched with medicine
water, and the gods suddenly disappeared. The patient arose and bathed
himself with the remainder of the medicine water and put on his
clothing. The coverings of the entrance, which were gifts to the song
priest from the invalid, were gathered together by the song priest and
carried by an attendant to the medicine lodge. An attendant erased the
rainbow by sweeping his hand from the feet to the head, drawing the
sands with him, which were gathered into a blanket and carried to the
north and deposited at the base of a piñon tree. The song priest placed
the wands in a basket, and thus, preceded by the invalid, carried them
in both hands to the medicine lodge singing a low chant. The sweat house
was not carelessly torn down, but was taken down after a prescribed
form. Four men commenced at the sides toward the cardinal points, and
with both hands scraped the sand from the boughs. When this was all
removed the boughs were carefully gathered and conveyed to a piñon tree
some 50 feet distant and fastened horizontally in its branches about 2
feet above the ground. The heated stones from the interior of the sweat
house were laid on the boughs; the upright logs which formed the frame
work of the house were carried to a piñon tree, a few feet from the tree
in which the boughs and heated stones were placed, and arranged
crosswise in the tree, and on these logs corn meal was sprinkled and on
the meal a medicine tube (cigarette) was deposited. The tube was about 2
inches long and one third of an inch in diameter, and it contained a
ball composed of down from several varieties of small birds, sacred
tobacco, and corn pollen. It was an offering to Hasjelti. Meal was
sprinkled on the tube. The ground on which the house had stood was
smoothed over, the ashes from the fire carefully swept away, and thus
all traces of the ceremony were removed. The invalid upon entering the
lodge took his seat on the west side facing east. The song priest
continued his chant. He took from the meal bag some sacred meal and
placed it to the soles of the feet of the invalid and on his palms,
knees, breast, back, shoulders, and head. At the conclusion of this
ceremony all indulged in a rest for an hour or more. The bark cups which
contained the colored sands for decorating were placed in the medicine
lodge north of the door.
SWEAT HOUSES AND MASKS.
The deer skins which hang over the entrance of the sweat houses (a
different skin being used for each sweat house) must be from animals
which have been killed by being smothered. The deer is run down and
secured by ropes or otherwise. Corn pollen is then put into the mouth of
the deer and the hands are held over the mouth and nostrils until life
is extinct. The animal now being placed upon his back, a line is drawn
with corn pollen, over the mouth, down the breast and belly to the tail.
The line is then drawn from the right hoof to the right foreleg to the
breast line. The same is done on the left fore leg and the two hind
legs. The knife is then passed over this line and the deer is flayed.
Skins procured in this way are worth, among the Navajo, $50 each. Masks
are made of skins prepared in the same manner. If made of skins of deer
that have been shot the wearer would die of fever.
Buckskin over the entrance to an eastern sweat house denotes dawn; over
a southern, denotes red of morning; over a western, sunset; over a
northern, night.
PREPARATION OF THE SACRED REEDS (CIGARETTE) AND PRAYER STICKS.
Before noon two sheepskins were spread one upon the other before the
song-priest. Upon these was laid a blanket, and on the blanket pieces of
cotton. These rugs extended north and south. The theurgist then produced
a large medicine bag, from which a reed was selected. The reed was
rubbed with a polishing stone, or, more accurately speaking, the
polishing stone was rubbed with the reed, as the reed was held in the
right hand and rubbed against the stone, which was held in the left. It
was then rubbed with finely broken native tobacco, and afterwards was
divided into four pieces, the length of each piece being equal to the
width of the first three fingers. The reeds were cut with a stone knife
some 3½ inches long. An attendant then colored the tubes. The first reed
was painted blue, the second black, the third blue, and the fourth
black. Through all these, slender sticks of yucca had been run to serve
as handles while painting the tubes and also to support the tubes while
the paint was drying. The attendant who cut the reeds sat left of the
song-priest, facing east; a stone containing the paints was placed to
the north of the rug; and upon the end of the stone next to himself the
reed-cutter deposited a bit of finely broken tobacco. In cutting the
reeds occasionally a bit splintered off; these scraps were placed by the
side of the tobacco on the northeast end of the rug.
[Illustration: Plate CXIII. BLANKET RUG AND MEDICINE TUBES.]
The attendant who colored the reeds sat facing west; and as each reed
was colored it was placed on the rug, the yucca end being laid on a
slender stick which ran horizontally. The first reed painted was laid to
the north. Three dots were put upon each blue reed to represent eyes and
mouth; two lines encircled the black reeds. Four bits of soiled cotton
cloth were deposited in line on the east of the rug. The three
attendants under the direction of the song-priest took from the medicine
bag, first two feathers from the Arctic blue bird (_Sialia arctica_),
which he placed west of the bit of cloth that lay at the north end of
the rug; he placed two more of the same feathers below the second piece
of cloth; two under the third, and two below the fourth, their tips
pointing east. Then upon each of these feathers he placed an under
tail-feather of the eagle. The first one was laid on the two feathers at
the north end of the rug; again an under tail-feather of the turkey was
placed on each pile, beginning with that of the north. Then upon each of
these was placed a hair from the beard of the turkey, and to each was
added a thread of cotton yarn. During the arrangement of the feathers
the tube decorator first selected four bits of black archaic beads,
placing a piece on each bit of cloth; then four tiny pieces of white
shell beads were laid on the cloths; next four pieces of abalone shell
and four pieces of turquois.
In placing the beads he also began at the north end of the rug. An aged
attendant, under the direction of the song-priest, plucked downy
feathers from several humming-birds and mixed them together into four
little balls one-fourth of an inch in diameter and placed them in line
running north and south, and south of the line of plume piles. He
sprinkled a bit of corn pollen upon each ball; he then placed what the
Navajo term a night-owl feather under the balls with its tip pointing to
the northeast. (See Pl. CXIII). The young man facing west then filled
the colored reeds, beginning with the one on the north end. He put into
the hollow reed, first, one of the feather balls, forcing it into the
reed with the quill end of the night-owl feather. (A night-owl feather
is always used for filling the reeds after the corn is ripe to insure a
warm winter; in the spring a plume from the chaparral cock, _Geococcyx
californianus_, is used instead to bring rain). Then a bit of native
tobacco was put in. When the reed was thus far completed it was passed
to the decorator, who had before him a tiny earthen bowl of water,
a crystal, and a small pouch of corn pollen. Holding the crystal in the
sunbeam which penetrated through the fire opening in the roof, he thus
lighted the cigarettes which were to be offered to the gods. The
forefinger was dipped into the bowl of water and then into the corn
pollen, and the pollen that adhered to the finger was placed to the top
of the tube. After the four tubes were finished they were placed on the
pieces of cloth, not, however, until a bit of pollen had been sprinkled
on the beads which lay on the cloth. The pollen end of the tube pointed
to the east. The four bunches of feathers were then laid on the tubes.
The song-priest rolled up each cloth and holding the four parcels with
both hands he placed them horizontally across the soles of the feet,
knees, palms, breast, back, shoulders, head, and across the mouth of the
invalid, and the invalid drew a breath as the parcel touched his lips.
He sat to the north of the rug facing east. The sick man then received
the parcels from the song-priest and held them so that the ends
projected from between the thumbs and forefingers, and repeated a prayer
after the theurgist, who sat facing the invalid. The prayer ran thus:
People of the mountains and rocks, I hear you wish to be paid.
I give to you food of corn pollen and humming-bird feathers, and I
send to you precious stones and tobacco which you must smoke; it
has been lighted by the sun’s rays and for this I beg you to give
me a good dance; be with me. Earth, I beg you to give me a good
dance, and I offer to you food of humming-birds’ plumes and
precious stones, and tobacco to smoke lighted by the sun’s rays,
to pay for using you for the dance; make a good solid ground for
me, that the gods who come to see the dance may be pleased at the
ground their people dance upon; make my people healthy and strong
of mind and body.
The prayer being offered, the parcels were given by the theurgist to an
attendant, who deposited them in line three feet apart along the side of
the dancing ground in front of the lodge. Their proper place is
immediately on the ground that is to be danced upon, but to prevent them
from being trampled on they are laid to one side. The black tubes are
offerings to the gods and the blue to the goddesses of the mountains and
to the earth.
[Illustration: Plate CXIV. BLANKET RUG AND MEDICINE TUBES.]
THIRD DAY.
FIRST CEREMONY.
The construction of the second sweat house began at sunrise and was
completed at nine o’clock. Several large rocks were heated and placed in
the sweat house and as before white sage and _Bigelovia Douglasii_ were
thrown in, the fumes of which were designed as medicine for the sick
man. After the invalid entered the sweat house, buckskin blankets, etc.,
were drawn over the entrance. The song-priest, accompanied by two
attendants, sat a little to the south. He sprinkled meal around the west
base of the house and over the top from north to south and placed the
wands around its base in the manner heretofore described (the twelve
wands and medicine used were the special property of the theurgist). The
song-priest holding the rattle joined the choir in a chant. To his right
were two Navajo jugs filled with water and an Apache basket partly
filled with corn meal. A bunch of buckskin bags, one of the small blue
medicine tubes, a mountain sheep’s horn, and a piece of undressed hide
lay on the meal. Near by was a gourd half filled with water in which
meal was sprinkled; near this was a small earthenware vase containing
water and finely chopped herbs. At the conclusion of the chant the
song-priest passed his rattle to one of the choir and stirred the
mixture in the bowl with his forefinger, and after a few remarks to the
invalid, who was still in the sweat house, he threw some of the mixture
in upon the hot rocks. This was repeated four times, when the
song-priest returned to his former position. The sweat-house priest took
from his shoulders a Navajo blanket and spread it near the door a little
to the right. A call from one of the attendants was a signal for
Hasjelti and Hostjoghon to appear. The two men personating these gods
were behind a tree south of the sweat house, their bodies, arms, and
legs painted white. Foxskins were attached pendent to the backs of their
girdles. As the gods approached the sweat house, the patient came out
and sat upon the blanket, and Hasjelti took a mountain sheep’s horn, in
the right hand and the piece of hide in the other and rubbed the sick
man, beginning with the limbs; as he rubbed down each limb, he threw his
arms toward the eastern sky and cried “yo-yo!” He also rubbed the head
and body, holding the hands on opposite sides of the body. After this
rubbing, the sick man drank from the bowl of medicine-water, then arose
and bathed himself with the same mixture, the filled gourds being handed
to him four times by Hasjelti, each time accompanied with his peculiar
hoot. Hostjoghon repeated the same ceremony over the invalid. There was
a constant din of rattle and chanting, the gods disappeared, and
immediately thereafter the theurgist gathered the twelve wands from the
base of the sweat house. He removed the blue reed from the basket and
laid it a little to the left of the priest of the sweat house, who in
turn handed it to an attendant to be deposited with the wood of the
sweat house in a neighboring tree. The invalid proceeded to the medicine
lodge followed by the song-priest uttering a low chant. After entering
the lodge the invalid took his seat on the west side; the song-priest,
still standing, took from a small buckskin bag white powdered material
which he rubbed on the soles of the feet, palms, knees, breast,
shoulders, and head of the invalid; then taking a pinch of the same
material he extended his hand first toward the east and then toward the
heavens and the earth. After these attentions he took his accustomed
seat in the lodge and joined in conversation with his attendants.
SECOND CEREMONY.
Two sheepskins, a blanket, and cotton cloth were spread one upon the
other in front of the song-priest; and from the long reeds that had been
first rubbed with a polishing stone, then with tobacco, were cut ten
pieces an inch and a quarter long and two pieces 2 inches long. These
were colored black and blue, one long piece and five small ones being
black, the others blue. While these were being decorated the song-priest
and choir sang “My fathers, see, we are getting ready! We do our work
well, and you would better go into the house for we are to have rain!
Now, mothers, send down rain upon us!” This song was constantly
repeated.
The tubes when completed were laid in position to form a dual person.
The long black tube representing the body was first placed in position.
The long blue tube was then laid by its side and south of it. The pollen
end of the tubes pointed to the east. The right black leg was the next
placed in position, then the right blue leg, the left black leg and left
blue leg. The right black arm, then the right blue arm, the left black
arm and the left blue arm, then the black head and the blue head. (See
Pl. CXV.)
These tubes were filled with feathers, balls, and tobacco, and tipped
with the corn pollen and lighted with the crystal, the black tubes being
offerings to the gods, the blue to the goddesses. After they were
completed they were placed in position by a second attendant; and while
the tubes were being filled the song-priest and choir sang “See,
fathers! We fill these with tobacco; it is good; smoke it!” A message
was received from the fathers that they would smoke, and, puffing the
smoke from their mouths, they would invoke the watering of the earth.
They again sang “All you people who live in the rocks, all you who are
born among the clouds, we wish you to help us; we give you these
offerings that you may have food and a smoke! All women, you who live in
the rocks, you who are born among the fog, I pray you come and help us;
I want you to come and work over the sick; I offer to you food of
humming-birds’ plumes, and tobacco to smoke!” Two bunches of feathers
which had been placed to the east side of the rug pointing east were
deposited in two corn husks, each husk containing bits of turquoise,
black archaic beads, and abalone shell; corn pollen was sprinkled on
these. The song-priest then placed the dual body in the husks thus:
First, the black body was laid upon the husks to the north, and upon
this a pinch of pollen was sprinkled; the blue body was placed in the
other husks and pollen sprinkled upon it; then the two right legs (black
and blue) were put into the corn husks with the black body; the two left
legs were added to the same; the right and left arms and the two heads
were placed in the husk with the blue body and corn pollen sprinkled
upon them. The husks were closed and held by the song-priest to the
soles of the feet, palms, knees, breast, shoulders, back, and top of
head of the invalid, who repeated a long prayer after the theurgist, and
the parcels were given to an attendant, who carried them some distance
from the lodge to the north and placed them in a secluded shady spot
upon the ground. Two bits of tobacco were laid upon the ground and upon
these the body was placed, the figure in a recumbent position with the
arms over the head. The invalid for whom this ceremony was held spared
no expense in having the theurgist make the most elaborate explanation
to his near relatives of the secrets of the medicine tubes.
[Illustration: Plate CXV. CEREMONIAL MASKS.]
THIRD CEREMONY.
The theurgist occupied his usual seat, surrounded by his corps of
attendants. The man personating Naiyenesgony had his body and limbs
painted black. The legs below the knee, the scapula, the breasts, and
the arm above the elbow were painted white. His loins were covered with
a fine red silk scarf, held by a silver belt; his blue knit stockings
were tied with red garters below each knee, and quantities of coral,
turquois, and white shell beads ornamented the neck. The man
representing Tobaidischinni had his body colored reddish brown, with
this figure [Drawing] (the scalp knot) in white on the outside of each
leg below the knee, on each arm below the shoulder, each scapula, and on
each breast. This design represents the knot of hair cut from the heads
of enemies, and the style is still in use by the Navajo. The man wore a
red woolen scarf around the loins, caught on by a silver belt, and his
neck was profusely ornamented with coral, turquois, and white beads.[1]
Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni left the lodge, carrying with them their
masks. (See Pl. CXV, 1, 2, 3.) Bunches of pine boughs, which during the
forenoon had been made into wreaths by joining pieces together with
yucca in this fashion were [Drawing], laid across each end of the rug.
[Footnote 1: In the decoration of the bodies several men assisted,
but the personators of the gods did much of the work on their own
persons, and they seemed quite fastidious. The fingers were dipped
into the paint and rubbed on the body.]
[Inline drawings:
__
\/ scalp knot
/\
¯¯
III__III__III__III
III III III III wreath ]
After the two men personating the gods left the lodge the invalid
entered and took his seat on the rug with his back to the theurgist. Two
attendants dressed him with the wreaths, beginning with the right ankle;
a piece was then tied around the calf, thigh, waist, around the chest,
right wrist, elbow, upper arm, throat, forehead, then around the upper
left arm, elbow, wrist, thigh, left knee, calf, and ankle. Thus the man
was literally obscured with a mass of pine. He sat in an upright
position with the legs extended and arms falling by his sides. A chant
was sung by the song priest, and in a few minutes Naiyenesgony and
Tobaidischinni appeared. Naiyenesgony drew his stone knife in front of
the invalid over the forehead to the feet, then down the right side and
down the back and down the left side. He then began to remove the pine.
As each wreath was taken off the clusters were partly separated with the
stone knife. Tobaidischinni assisted Naiyenesgony by holding the wreaths
while they were being cut.
When all the evergreen had been removed the personators of the gods
exclaimed, “Now, my people, we have killed all enemies!” and immediately
left the lodge. The song priest placed a small wreath of the pine on the
sick man’s head, and holding in his left hand a bunch of eagle plumes,
and in his right hand a rattle, he sang the ten songs and prayers,
assisted by the choir, that were given by Naiyenesgony and
Tobaidischinni to the Navajo to bring health and good fortune. After the
pine-bough wreaths had been separated the bits of yucca-strings were
picked up by the attendant and handed to Naiyenesgony, who held them
over the sick man’s head, after which the bits were again divided with
the knife. After the ten songs and prayers had been chanted the invalid
left the rug and sat a little to the northeast, of it, with his knees
drawn up. The song priest placed two live coals in front of the invalid
and sprinkled chopped herbs on the coals, the fumes of which the invalid
inhaled. The pines were carried off and placed in the shade of a pine
tree, that the disease might not leave the pine and return to the
invalid.[2]
[Footnote 2: Continency must be observed by the personators of the
gods until all paint is removed from their bodies.]
FOURTH CEREMONY.
The personators of Hasjelti and Hostjoghon adorned themselves for the
ceremony. Hasjelti wore ordinary clothing and a red scarf, with a silver
belt around the waist. Hostjoghon’s body was painted white, and he wore
a red woolen scarf around the loins, caught on with a silver belt. A
rug, composed of a blanket and a piece of white cotton, was spread in
front of the song priest, and the masks of Hasjelti and Hostjoghon
placed thereon. (See Pl. CXV, 4, 5, 6.)
Upon the completion of the toilets of the personators of the gods they
hurried from the lodge, bearing their masks with them, when an attendant
made a cavity immediately in front of the rug 4 inches in diameter, and
the song priest sprinkled a circle of meal around the cavity. The
invalid entered the lodge and stood on the rug and removed all of his
clothing except the breech cloth. He then took his seat facing east,
with knees drawn up. A mask of the Hostjobokon, which had been laid upon
the rug, was drawn over the invalid’s head. Hasjelti and Hostjoghon
appeared at this juncture bearing a pine bough some 5 feet in height. An
attendant made gestures over the sick man, holding in his right hand a
pinch of sacred meal, which was afterward placed in the cavity. Hasjelti
waved the pine bough five times around the invalid and planted it in the
cavity, where it was held in place by the gods. Then bending its top,
the attendant attached it to the mask over the invalid’s head by a
buckskin string which was fastened to the mask. The song priest and
choir all the while sang a weird chant. The gods raised the bough, gave
their peculiar hoots, and disappeared from the lodge, carrying with them
the pine bough with the mask attached to it. In a few minutes they came
back with the mask. After the chant the song-priest placed meal on the
soles of the invalid’s feet, knees, palms, breast, back, shoulders, and
head, and then put some in the cavity, after which the cavity was filled
with earth. Two coals were laid in front of the invalid, and upon these
the song priest placed finely broken herbs; an attendant sprinkled water
on the herbs, and the invalid inhaled the fumes. The cotton cloth was
removed from the blanket rug, and the invalid stepped upon the rug and
put on his clothing. When the mask was removed from the invalid’s head
it drew all fever with it.
[Illustration: Plate CXVI. BLANKET RUG AND MEDICINE TUBES.]
FOURTH DAY.
FIRST CEREMONY.
The theurgist carried a bowl of water and pine needles, and an attendant
bore a gourd of water, a small vase of powdered herbs, and an Apache
basket containing corn meal, buckskin bags, horn of the mountain sheep
and a piece of hide cut from between the eyes of the animal. The
theurgist and attendant took seats to the right of the entrance of the
sweat house west of the medicine lodge. This sweat house was decorated
with the rainbow. Over the entrance were, first, two striped blankets,
one upon the other, a buckskin, and a piece of white cotton. Hot stones,
etc., having been previously placed in the sweat house, the sick man
entered. The song-priest and four attendants sang, accompanied by the
rattle. At the conclusion of the chant Hasjelti and Hostjoghon appeared
as on the previous days. Hasjelti lifted the coverings from the entrance
and the invalid came out and sat upon a blanket south of the entrance
and bathed both his hands in the bowl containing the pine needles and
water; he then drank of it and bathed his feet and legs to the thighs,
his arms and shoulders, body and face and head, and then emptied the
remainder over his back. Hasjelti manipulated the right leg with the
sheep’s horn and hide, rubbing the upper part of the leg with the right
hand, then the under part with the left; he then rubbed the sides of the
leg in the same manner, each time giving a hoot; the arms, chest, head,
and face were similarly manipulated. Hostjoghon repeated the hooting
every time he changed the position of the hands. Hasjelti, taking the
gourd containing the water and corn meal, gave four draughts of it to
the invalid, hooting each time the bowl was put to the lips; Hostjoghon
did the same. The song and rattle continued. Hasjelti, then put the
powdered plants from the small vase to the soles of the feet, knees,
palms, breast, back, shoulders, and top of the head of the invalid,
hooting each time an application was made; this was repeated by
Hostjoghon. The invalid took a sip from the bowl and rubbed the
remainder over his body. The song-priest then removed the wands from the
base of the sweat house and the coverings from the door; the pine boughs
and hot stones were also removed and the invalid preceded the
song-priest to the medicine lodge. All the wood of the sweat house was
placed in a tree, excepting four small pieces, which were deposited,
together with the pine boughs from the interior of the sweat house, in a
semicircle formed by the rocks from the sweat house at the base of a
piñon tree. A line of meal 2 inches in length running east and west was
sprinkled on the apex of the semicircle, and upon this line the black
tube was laid. A bit of meal was sprinkled on the tube and a quantity
over the pine boughs of this small shrine. Before sprinkling the meal on
the top of the medicine tube the attendant waved his hand in a circle
from left to right, calling “hooshontko;” meaning: Widespread blessings
that come not from spoken words, but come to all, that people may have
the blessings of corn pollen, and that tongues may speak with the
softness of corn pollen.
SECOND CEREMONY.
A rug was laid in front of the theurgist. Four medicine tubes were
placed on the rug, the one to the north end being white; the second one
black and red, a white line dividing the two colors; the third one,
blue; the fourth, black. The white tube was an offering to Hasjelti; the
red, to Zaadoltjaii; the blue, to Hostjoboard; the black, to Naaskiddi,
the hunchback. The tubes were filled as before described. These tubes
were begun and finished by the same person. (See Pl. CXVI.) When the
tubes were finished they were put into corn husks and bits of cotton
cloth; tiny pieces of turquois, white shell, abalone, and archaic black
beads having first been placed on the husks and cloths. The four turkey
plumes with barred tips that lay upon the rug were subsequently placed
upon the tubes. These parcels were sprinkled by the song priest with
corn pollen, and after closing them he placed them in the hands of the
invalid, who sat at the northeast corner of the rug facing east. The
song-priest sat before him and said a long prayer, which the invalid
repeated. At the close of the prayer an aged attendant received the
parcels from the theurgist and placed them to the soles of the feet,
palms, etc., of the invalid. They were afterward placed to his mouth and
he drew from them a long breath. The old man carried the parcels south
over the brow of a hill and deposited them in secluded spots about 4
feet apart, repeating a brief prayer over each one; he then motioned
toward the east, south, west, and north, and returned to the lodge.
During his absence the choir sang; in the meantime the fire in the lodge
was reduced to embers.
THIRD CEREMONY.
About noon a circular bed of sand, some four inches in height and four
feet in diameter, was made. Five grains of corn and five pine boughs
were laid thereon; four of the grains of corn and four of the boughs
were placed to the cardinal points. The fifth and center branch of pine
covered most of the circle, its tips pointing to the east. The fifth
grain of corn was dropped in the center of the sand bed. (See Pl.
CXVII, 1). Four of these pine boughs were cut from the east, south,
north, and west sides of one tree. The fifth bough may be taken from any
part of the tree. Of the five grains of corn one must be white, one
yellow, and one blue, and the other two grains may be of either of these
three colors. On this particular occasion there were two blue, two
white, and one yellow. These grains were, after the ceremony, dried and
ground by the theurgist and placed among his medicines. The boughs and
sand absorbed the disease from the invalid, and at the close of the
ceremony they were carried to the north and deposited in a shady spot
that the sun might not touch and develop the latent disease that had
been absorbed by them. The boughs and sand were never afterward to be
touched. An Apache basket containing yucca root and water was placed in
front of the circle. (See Pl. CXVII 2.) There was a second basket south
of it which contained water and a quantity of pine needles sufficiently
thick to form a dry surface, and on the top a number of valuable
necklaces of coral, turquois, and silver. A square was formed on the
edge of the basket with four turkey wands. (See Pl. CXVII 3.) The
song-priest with rattle led the choir. The invalid sat to the northeast
of the circle; a breechcloth was his only apparel. During the chanting
an attendant made suds from the yucca. The basket remained in position;
the man stooped over it facing north; his position allowed the sunbeams
which came through the fire opening to fall upon the suds. When the
basket was a mass of white froth the attendant washed the suds from his
hands by pouring a gourd of water over them, after which the song-priest
came forward and with corn pollen drew a cross over the suds, which
stood firm like the beaten whites of eggs, the arms of the cross
pointing to the cardinal points. A circle of the pollen was then made
around the edge of the suds. The attendant who prepared the suds touched
his right hand to the four points of the pollen lines and in the center
and placed it upon the head of the patient who first made a circle
embracing the sand and basket and then knelt upon the boughs in the
center of the sand.[3] A handful of the suds was afterwards put upon his
head. The basket was placed near him and he bathed his head thoroughly;
the maker of the suds afterwards assisted him in bathing the entire body
with the suds, and pieces of yucca were rubbed upon the body. The chant
continued through the ceremony and closed just as the remainder of the
suds was emptied by the attendant over the invalid’s head. The song
priest collected the four wands from the second basket and an attendant
gathered the necklaces. A second attendant placed the basket before the
invalid who was now sitting in the center of the circle and the first
attendant assisted him in bathing the entire body with this mixture; the
body was quite covered with the pine needles which had become very soft
from soaking. The invalid then returned to his former position at the
left of the song priest, and the pine needles and yucca, together with
the sands, were carried out and deposited at the base of a piñon tree.
The body of the invalid was dried by rubbing with meal.
[Illustration: Plate CXVII. 1. PINE BOUGHS. 2, 3. BASKETS.]
[Footnote 3: The suds were crossed and encircled with the pollen to
give them additional power to restore the invalid to health.]
FOURTH CEREMONY.
This ceremony commenced almost immediately after the close of the one
preceding. The rug was spread over the ground in front of the song
priest; four bunches of small sticks were brought in and laid in piles
north, south, east, and west of the rug. Four attendants took seats,
each before a pile of the wood, and scraped off the bark of their
respective heaps; they then cut twelve pieces 2 inches in length, except
that cut by the attendant who sat at the north, who made his about 1¼
inches long. Being asked why he cut his shorter than the rest, he
replied, “All men are not the same size.” The sticks were sharpened at
one end and cut squarely off at the other. In order that all of the
sticks should be of the same length they were measured by placing the
three first fingers across the stick. The fifth man sat immediately to
the right of the song priest, who took a hollow reed from the large
medicine bag from which he cut four pieces, each piece the breadth of
his three fingers. The reed, which was cut with a stone knife, was
afterwards rubbed with native tobacco. Six sticks of each of the piles
had their square ends beveled; these represented females. The attendant
on the east side of the rug having completed his twelve sticks, painted
them white with kaolin finely ground and mixed with water. The flat ends
of the sticks were colored black; the beveled parts were painted blue;
around the lower end of the blue was a bit of yellow which represented
the jaw painted with corn pollen. Three black dots were painted upon the
blue for the eyes and mouth; the ground color was laid on with the
finger; the other decorations were made with yucca brushes. The man on
the south side colored his sticks blue. The tops of six sticks were
painted yellow, and six were black. The black ends were those having the
beveled spots. These spots were blue with a chin of yellow; they also
had the three black dots for eyes and mouth. The man to the west colored
his sticks yellow with the flat ends black; the beveled spots of six of
them were blue with a yellow chin and three black dots for eyes and
mouth. The sticks to the north were colored black; six of them had the
beveled parts colored blue with a yellow jaw, and three spots for eyes
and mouth; the six sticks that were not beveled had their flat tops
painted blue. All these sticks were laid on the rug with their flat ends
outward. The attendants who prepared the reeds, each reed being colored
for a cardinal point, filled them with balls of humming-bird feathers
and tobacco and lighted them with a crystal, when they were touched with
corn pollen. The reed for the east was white, the one for the south
blue, that for the west yellow, and that for the north black. Each reed
was placed at its appropriate point in line with the sticks. (See Pl.
CXVIII.) The theurgist then advanced, carrying a basket half filled with
corn meal. This he placed in the center of the rug; when kneeling on the
edge of the rug and beginning with the white sticks, he placed first the
white reed in the east side of the basket, and passing from this point
around to the right he placed the six offerings to the gods, then the
six to the goddesses. Next taking the blue tube at the south end he
placed it to the left of the white line of sticks, leaving sufficient
space for the sticks between it and the white tube; all the blue ones
were placed in position corresponding to the white. The yellow followed
next, and then the black. All were placed with their flat ends or heads
pointed to the rim of the basket. The theurgist deposited the basket in
the niche on a pile of turkey feather wands, the wands resting upon a
large medicine bag. The sticks and scraps left after making the tubes
were carried out and deposited without ceremony.
[Illustration: Plate CXVIII.
BLANKET RUG AND MEDICINE TUBES AND STICKS.]
FIFTH CEREMONY.
The rug which was spread in front of the song priest was composed of two
blankets whose edges met, and upon this rug there were two lines of
masks running north and south; the tops of the masks were to the east.
There were sixteen masks; those representing the gods cover the head,
and those representing goddesses cover the face only. They were
decorated with ribbons, plumes, etc. During the forenoon prayers were
said over them and meal sprinkled upon them.
SIXTH CEREMONY.
Just after dark those who were to take part in the ceremony prepared to
personate one of the Hostjobokon and two of the Hostjoboard
(goddesses)--Hostjoghon and Hasjelti. Hostjobokon’s body and limbs were
painted, and he wore a mountain lion’s skin doubled lengthwise and
fastened around the loins at the back, and a silver belt encircled his
waist. Hasjelti wore knee breeches and a shirt of black velvet,
ornamented with silver buttons. His face and hands were covered with
white kaolin. Hostjoghon’s body was painted white, and he wore a red
silk scarf around the loins, caught on with a silver belt. The two men
personating the goddesses had their limbs painted white; one wore a
black sash around his loins, held by a silver belt. The other had a red
woolen scarf and silver belt; gray foxskins hung from the back of the
belts. The masks were fastened to their heads before leaving the lodge
by means of a string and a lock of their hair, and they were then thrown
back from the head. After a little indulgence in their hoots they all
left the lodge. The invalid entered the lodge and, stepping upon a piece
of white cotton which had been laid diagonally across the rug to the
northeast and southwest, took off his clothing. The lodge had now become
very crowded. The fire, which had burned brightly during the day, was
mere coals. The attendant at the left of the song priest opened the
choir with the rattle. The invalid sat upon the cotton cloth. Hasjelti,
entering with his favorite hoot amidst rattle and song, placed the
square (representing the concentrated winds) four times over the head of
the invalid and ran out of the lodge. He entered again and received from
the theurgist one of the twelve white sticks which during the forenoon
had been placed in the basket. The white stick farthest from the white
reed was handed him. This Hasjelti placed to the soles of the feet,
knees, palms, etc., of the invalid, amid hoots and antics, after which
he dashed out and hurled the stick to the east. One of the Hostjoboard
entered and received the next white stick, and after the same ceremony
ran out and cast it to the east. Hostjobokon returned and the theurgist
handed him the next white stick, when he repeated the ceremony, hurried
from the lodge, and threw the stick to the east. Hostjoboard again
entered, received a stick, repeated the ceremony, and ran out and threw
it to the east; and thus Hostjobokon and Hostjoboard alternated until
all the white sticks were disposed of, when Hasjelti reappeared and
received from the song priest the white reed (cigarette) and carried it
from the lodge. When he returned the theurgist handed him one of the
blue sticks, with which he repeated the ceremony and, leaving the lodge,
threw it to the south, when Hostjoghon and Hostjoboard alternately
disposed of the blue sticks in the same order in which the white sticks
had been distributed. The yellow and black sticks were disposed of in a
similar manner, Hasjelti officiating with the first stick of each color
and the reeds. The yellow sticks were thrown to the west; the black to
the north. This was all done amidst the wildest hoots and song of the
choir, accompanied by the rattle.
Hasjelti again appeared and placed the square four times over the
invalid’s head with wild hoots. The four cigarettes to be smoked by the
gods were afterwards taken by four of the personators of the gods and
deposited in a secluded spot under a tree and sprinkled with corn
pollen; after their return Hasjelti again placed the square over the
invalid’s head. The song priest placed two live coals in front of the
invalid, and upon the coals he put a pinch of tobacco, the smoke of
which the invalid inhaled. The attendant poured water over the coals,
when they were thrown out at the fire opening of the lodge. The
personators of the gods returned to the lodge bearing their masks in
their hands. The invalid put on his clothing and took his seat upon the
rug, but in a short time he returned to his former seat on the northwest
side of the lodge. The sweat-house priest appeared with a large buffalo
robe which he spread before the song priest, the head pointing north,
and upon this various kinds of calico were laid, carefully folded the
length of the robe. There were many yards of this. Upon the calico was
spread a fine large buckskin, and on this white muslin; these were all
gifts from the invalid to the song priest. The masks were then laid upon
the cotton (see Pl. CXV, 7, 8); the mask of Hasjelti was on the east
side to the north end, that of Hostjoghon at the south end, and between
these the six masks of the Hostjobokon were placed. Immediately under
these were the six Hostjoboard, and beneath the latter were the masks of
Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni at the north end. Three other masks of
the Etsethle followed in line running south. After all the masks had
been properly arranged the song priest sprinkled them with pollen.
Beginning with Hasjelti he sprinkled every mask of the upper line thus:
Over the top of the head down the center of the face, then forming a
kind of half-circle he passed over the right cheek, then passing his
hand backward to the left he sprinkled the same line up the left cheek.
The second and third rows had simply a line of the pollen run across the
masks, beginning at the north end. The theurgist repeated a prayer
during the sprinkling of the pollen, then handed the bag of pollen to
the priest of the sweat house, who repeated the sprinkling of the masks,
when everyone in the lodge, each having his individual bag of pollen,
hastened forward and sprinkled the masks, at the same time offering
prayers. The theurgist and priest of the sweat house again sprinkled
pollen on the masks as heretofore described.
Baskets and bowls in unlimited quantity, filled with food, were placed
in a circle around the fire which now burned brightly. The guests formed
into groups and drew the food toward them, but did not touch it for a
time. The invalid, song-priest, and his attendants, indulged in a smoke
which was social and not religious, the white man’s tobacco being
preferred on such occasions. A girl and a boy, about 12 years of age,
came into the lodge. The boy was the son of the invalid, the girl his
sister’s child. The boy knelt at the northeast end of the rug and the
girl at the southeast end. They were richly dressed in Navajo blankets,
coral necklaces, etc., and they remained perfectly quiet. The theurgist
and his attendants talked together in an undertone, and if the inmates
of the lodge spoke at all their voices were scarcely audible. After a
time the choir opened, led by the song-priest with his rattle. During
the singing the rattle was passed from one to the other. The invalid did
not join in the song. The choir continued an hour without cessation, and
then rested 2 minutes, and again began and continued for another
hour.[4] At the conclusion of the singing the song-priest handed to the
girl a wand of turkey plumes taken from a basket of feathers which had
stood, since the placing of the masks, on the west side of him. Another
wand was passed to the boy; and the children received some instructions
from the song-priest, who spoke in an undertone, after which, an
attendant filled with water from a wicker water jug a basket that had
stood throughout the ceremony at the east of the rug.
[Footnote 4: I noticed that the priest of the sweat house on no
occasion sat with the song-priest and his attendants.]
The song was now resumed, and dipping the wand he held in the basket of
water the boy sprinkled the masks, beginning at the north end and east
row. The girl repeated the same. The east row of masks was sprinkled
twice. When the children sprinkled the middle and west rows, the
ceremony was always begun at the north end of each line of masks; again
dipping their wands in the water, the boy beginning at the north side
and the girl at the south, they sprinkled the inmates of the lodge. The
children were very awkward, and were rendered more so by the many
scoldings given them for their mistakes. The sprinkling of the people
was continued until the water was exhausted. The lodge was also
sprinkled at the cardinal points. The song never ceased throughout this
ceremony. The girl and boy, taking the position first assigned them, an
attendant, with a reed filled with sacred tobacco, puffed the smoke over
the masks, smoking each mask separately on the east row; the middle and
west rows he hurriedly passed over. While this was being done an
attendant took a pinch from all the different foods and placed what he
gathered into a basket in the niche behind the song-priest.[5] After the
masks had been smoked, the attendant puffed the smoke over all the
people, beginning on the north side of the lodge. During the smoking the
song ceased, but was resumed when the attendant took his seat. At the
close of the song sacred meal was mixed with water in a Zuñi pottery
bowl. This meal is made of green corn baked in the earth and then
ground. During the preparation of this medicine mixture the song-priest
sang: “This food is mixed for the people of the rocks! We feed you with
this food, O people of the rocks!” The theurgist then dipped his
forefinger into the mixture, and running his hand rapidly over the masks
from north to south, he touched each mouth; each line was passed over
four times. The invalid dipped his three first fingers into the basket,
and placing them in his mouth, sucked in his breath with a loud noise.
This was repeated four times by the invalid and then by each of the
attendants, when all the inmates of the lodge were expected to partake
of the mixture. This was done with a prayer for rain, good crops,
health, and riches. All hands now participated in the feast.
[Footnote 5: This food is dried and made into a powder, and used as
a medicine by the theurgist.]
FOODS BROUGHT INTO THE LODGE.
Da’ttuneilgaij
Pats made of wheat flour and fried.
Tab’aestch’lŏnni
Corn meal pats wrapped in corn husks and boiled.
Tanā’shkiji
Thick mush boiled and stirred with sticks.
Nänesk’ādi
Tortillas.
Ta’bijai
Four small balls of corn meal wrapped in corn husks and boiled.
Insi’dok’ui
Corn bread with salt, made from the new corn, wrapped in corn husks
and baked in ashes.
Tkāditin
White corn meal mush.
Klesa’hn
Corn meal dough in rectangular cakes baked in ashes, hot earth,
or sand.
Tsēste’lttsoi
Cakes some fourth of an inch thick made from sweet corn mixed with
goat’s milk and baked on a hot rock.
Tseste’
Bread made of corn first toasted and then finely ground and made into
a thin batter which is baked upon a highly polished lava slab. The
crisp gauzy sheets are folded or rolled.
Tki’neshpipizi
Small balls of corn meal mush.
To’tkonji
Corn meal cakes one-fourth of an inch in thickness of old corn,
baked in a pan; they are seasoned with salt.
Älkaandt
A bread made from sweet corn which is first parched then ground on
a metate and then chewed by women and girls and placed in a mass in
a flat basket; this must be either of yellow or white corn, the blue
corn is never used for this purpose. A mush is made of either white
or yellow corn meal and the former preparation which has become yeast
is stirred into the mush. A hole is then dug in the ground (near the
fire) and lined with shucks into which the mush is poured, it is then
covered with shucks after which earth is thrown over it and a large
fire built which burns all night. In the early morning the cinders
and coals are removed when the bread is found to be baked.
Tkleheljoe
Yeast is prepared for this bread in the same manner as that for the
Älkaandt except that the corn is baked instead of parched. The yeast
is then mixed with meal into a stiff dough and baked in corn husks,
four pats are placed in each package.
Ta’nätnil (beverage)
Is the same preparation as the yeast used in the Älkaandt except in
this case a drink is made of it by pouring boiling water over it.
Diz’etso
Peaches (fresh or dried) stewed. There were also several large bowls
of stewed mutton.
Little groups of threes and fives were formed over the floor of the
lodge; others less fortunate were closely packed together around the
outer edge of the lodge and could procure their food only through the
generosity of their neighbors. The girl and boy left the lodge after
having partaken of the sacred meal mixture. After refreshment the
song-priest lifted each mask with his left hand beginning with Hasjelti,
and first extending his right hand, which held a fine large crystal,
toward the heavens, he touched the under part of each mask with the
crystal; four times he passed over the masks. The choir sang but no
rattle was used. The crystal was afterward placed on the rug opposite
the basket of feathers. The food vessels were removed and the song
continued for a time when the song-priest repeated a long low prayer,
after which the song was resumed, and thus the night was consumed in
prayer and song over the masks.
FIFTH DAY.
FIRST CEREMONY.
A basket of yucca suds was prepared by an attendant, who cleansed his
hands of the suds by pouring a gourd of clear water over them; he then
put a handful of the suds upon the head of a man who stood before him,
nude with the exception of a breech cloth, after which the man washed
his head from a water jug which was held over the head of the bather by
the attendant. The bather covered his body with the suds, and the
contents of the jug was emptied on the floor of the lodge by the
attendant. The man dressed himself in the ordinary cotton clothing with
rare beads around his neck, and a leather pouch held by a band of
mountain sheep skin over his shoulders; he knelt before a bowl of white
kaolin which he spread over his face; he then took his seat between two
attendants, the one to the right of him holding a pinch of native
tobacco and the one on the left holding corn meal in the palms of the
right hands.
At early dawn the buffalo robe at the entrance of the lodge was slightly
dropped from the doorway to admit the rays of approaching day. The masks
which had been sung and prayed over all night were laid away in the
niche behind the song-priest. The little girl who performed the previous
night returned to the lodge, but I could not see that she was there for
any purpose save to eat some of the remaining food, which had been
gathered into two large parcels and left by the old woman who removed
the vessels after the feast. A red blanket was laid and upon it a piece
of white cotton. A reed five inches in length and twice the diameter of
the others heretofore used was prepared. The reed was colored black in
the usual manner and filled with a feather ball and tobacco. It was
lighted with the crystal and touched with the pollen. Upon the
completion of the tube the invalid took his seat on the west side of the
rug, the attendant who prepared the tube sitting on the west side; he
took from one pouch four white shell beads and from another a turquoise
bead; he looped a cord of white cotton yarn some three feet long around
the pollen end of the tube and fastened to the loop two wing feathers of
the Arctic blue bird, one from the right wing and one from the left, and
a tail feather from the same bird and three feathers from a bird of
yellow plumage, the right and left wing and tail feather. The five beads
were strung on the string, the turquoise being the first put on; these
were slipped up the cord and two under tail-feathers and a hair from the
beard of the turkey were fastened to the end of the string with a loop
similar to that which attached it to the tube. (See Pl. CXIX.) This was
the great (cigarette) offering to Hasjelti and must be placed in a
canyon near a spring, for all birds gather at the waters. This was
offered that the song-priest might have his prayers passed straight over
the line of song. This offering secures the presence of this most valued
god and so fills the mind of the song-priest with song and prayer that
it comes forth without hesitation and without thought, so that he may
never have to think for his words. A small quantity of each variety of
sand used in decorating was placed on a husk with a little tobacco, and
on these a pinch of corn pollen; the tube was then laid on the husk and
the string and feathers carefully placed. Two additional feathers, the
under tail of the eagle and turkey, were laid on the husk. A blue
feather was dipped in water, then in pollen, and rubbed twice over these
feathers; an attendant folded the parcel and the song-priest received it
and touched it to the soles of the feet, knees, palms, breast, and back
and mouth of the invalid; he then put a pinch of the pollen into the
invalid’s mouth, and a pinch on the top of the head; he placed the
folded husk in the invalid’s hand, and stood in front of him and
whispered a long prayer which the invalid repeated after him. The manner
of holding the husk has been previously described. The man with painted
face received the husk from the theurgist, who returned to his seat and
at once opened the chant with the rattle. At the close of the chant the
holder of the husk touched the soles of the feet, palms, etc., of the
invalid with it and left the lodge. This precious parcel was taken three
miles distant and deposited in a canyon near a spring where there is a
luxuriant growth of reeds. Prayers were offered by the depositor for
health, rain, food, and good fortune to all. Only the theurgist and his
attendants and a few of the near relatives of the invalid were present
at this ceremony.
[Illustration: Plate CXIX. BLANKET RUG AND MEDICINE TUBE.]
SECOND CEREMONY.
The sweat-house priest preceded the invalid and song-priest, the latter
carrying his medicine basket, wands, etc. The hot stones and pine boughs
were put into the sweat house; meal was sprinkled around the west base
and the wands deposited, as before described, by the song-priest. Three
white and black striped blankets were placed over the entrance, one upon
the other, and upon these were a buckskin and several folds of white
muslin. An attendant brought a large medicine bowl half filled with pine
needles; water was poured upon these; a small earthen bowl and a gourd
containing water were placed before the song-priest, who put into the
bowl chopped sage, over which he sprinkled dried foods reduced to
powder; a small quantity of meal was also sprinkled into the gourd and
bowl. The song then began. A small pine bough was laid to the right of
the entrance of the sweat house. The opening of the song was a call upon
the gods to impart to the medicine power to complete the cure of the
invalid and to make all people well, and to have a wet and good ground
all over the earth. This song is specially addressed to Toneennili, the
water sprinkler.
Hasjelti and Hostjoghon arrived just as the sick man emerged from the
sweat house. The invalid bathed himself from the bowl of pine needles
and water. Taking the sheep’s horn in the left hand and a piece of hide
in the right, Hasjelti pressed the invalid’s body as before described.
The god was requested by the priest of the sweat house to pay special
attention to the rubbing of the head of the invalid. The small gourd was
handed to Hasjelti, who gave four drafts of its contents to the invalid.
Hasjelti touched the soles of the feet, palms, etc., of the invalid with
medicine water from the bowl. The gods then suddenly disappeared. On
this occasion Hostjoghon took no part in administering the medicine. The
invalid, after putting on his clothing, proceeded to the lodge, followed
by the song-priest. The sweat house was razed as usual, and the pine
boughs and stones were placed to the north of the house in a small piñon
tree; the logs of the house were deposited on the ground a few feet from
the tree. A line of meal the length of the medicine tube was sprinkled
on the logs and the tube laid thereon. Meal was sprinkled over the tube
and logs.
THIRD CEREMONY.
The first sand painting occurred on October 16; it was begun in the
early forenoon and completed at sundown. Common yellowish sand was
brought in blankets. This formed the ground color for the painting. It
was laid to form a square 3 inches in depth and 4 feet in diameter. Upon
this three figures were painted after the manner described of the
painting of the rainbow over the sweat house. Nine turkey wands were
placed on the south, west, and north sides of the square, and a line of
meal with four foot-marks extended from near the entrance of the lodge
to the painting. (See Pl. CXX.)
Hasjelti stands to the north end in the illustration, holding the emblem
of the concentrated winds. The square is ornamented at the corners with
eagle plumes, tied on with cotton cord; an eagle plume is attached to
the head of Hasjelti with cotton cord. The upper horizontal lines on the
face denote clouds; the perpendicular lines denote rain; the lower
horizontal and perpendicular lines denote the first vegetation used by
man. Hasjelti’s chin is covered with corn pollen, the head is surrounded
with red sunlight, the red cross lines on the blue denote larynx; he
wears ear rings of turquoise, fringed leggings of white buckskin, and
beaded moccasins tied on with cotton cord. The figure to the south end
is Hostjoghon; he too has the eagle plume on the head, which is
encircled with red sunshine. His earrings are of turquoise; he has
fox-skin ribbons attached to the wrists; these are highly ornamented at
the loose ends with beaded pendants attached by cotton strings; he
carries wild turkey and eagle feather wands, brightened with red, blue,
and yellow sunbeams. The center figure is one of the Hostjobokon, and
upon this figure the invalid for whom the ceremonial is held sits. The
four footprints are made of meal. These the invalid steps upon as he
advances and takes his seat, with knees drawn up, upon the central
figure. After dark the invalid walked over the line of meal, being
careful to step upon the footprints in order that his mental and moral
qualities might be strengthened. The invalid removed his clothing
immediately after entering the lodge; he had downy breast feathers of
the eagle attached to the scalp lock with white cotton cord; he advanced
to the painting and took his seat upon the central figure. An attendant
followed him, and with his right hand swept the line of meal after the
invalid, removing all traces of it. The entrance of the invalid into the
lodge was a signal for the song-priest to open the chant with the
rattle. Hasjelti and Hostjoghon bounded into the lodge hooting wildly.
The former carried the square (the concentrated winds), which he placed
over the sick man’s head. Hostjoghon carried a turkey wand in each hand,
and these he waved over the invalid’s head and hooted; this was repeated
four times, and each time the gods ran out of the lodge. Hasjelti wore a
velvet dress, but Hostjoghon’s body was nude, painted white. This wild,
weird ceremony over, the sick man arose and the song-priest gathered the
turkey wands from around the painting, while an attendant erased it by
rubbing his hands over the sand to the center. The sands were gathered
into a blanket and carried out of the lodge and deposited some distance
away from the lodge, where the sun could not generate the germ of the
disease. The sand is never touched by any one when once carried out,
though before the paintings are erased the people clamor to touch them,
and then rub their hands over their own bodies that they may be cured of
any malady. The invalid, after putting on his clothes, returned to his
family lodge. A group then gathered around the spot where the paintings
had been and joined in a weird chant, which closed the fifth day’s
ceremony.
[Illustration: Plate CXX. FIRST SAND PAINTING.]
SIXTH DAY.
Preparations for a great sand painting began at daylight. Sand for the
ground work was carried in in blankets; the fire which had burned
through the previous ceremonies was first removed and all traces of it
covered with sand. As the artists were to begin the painting with the
center of the picture only a portion of the ground color was laid at
first, in order to enable them to work with greater facility. While the
ground color was being laid a man sat on one side of the lodge grinding
with a metate and mixing the colors. A quantity of coals were taken from
the exhausted fire from which to prepare black paint. A small quantity
of red sand was mixed with the charcoal to give it body or weight. The
colors used in this sand painting have all been referred to in the
description of the rainbow over the sweat house. After the central
portion of the ground work for the painting was smoothed off a Jerusalem
cross was drawn in black. The eye usually was the only guide for drawing
lines, though on two occasions a weaving stick was used. As a rule four
artists were employed, one beginning at each point of the cross. Each
arm of the cross was completed by the artist who began the work. For
illustration of painting see Pl. CXXI.
The black cross-bars in the illustration denote pine logs; the white
lines the froth of the water; the yellow, vegetable debris gathered by
the logs; the blue and red lines, sunbeams. The blue spot in center of
cross denotes water. There are four Hostjobokon with their wives the
Hostjoboard; each couple sit upon one of the cross arms of the logs.
These gods carry in their right hands a rattle, and in their left sprigs
of piñon; the wives or goddesses carry piñon sprigs in both hands; the
rattle brings male rains, and the piñon, carried by the women, female
rains; these rains meet upon the earth, conceive and bring forth all
vegetation. Their heads are ornamented with eagle plumes tied on with
cotton cord. (Note: In all cases the round head denotes male and
octangular head female.) The gods have also a bunch of night-owl
feathers and eagle plumes on the left side of the head; both male and
female wear turquois earrings and necklaces of the same. The larynx is
represented by the parallel lines across the blue. A line of sunlight
encircles the head of both males and females. The white spots on the
side of the females’ heads represent the ears. The arms of the goddesses
are covered with corn pollen, and long ribbons of fox skins are attached
to the wrists, as shown on painting number one. All wear beaded
moccasins tied on with cotton cord. Their chins are covered with corn
pollen and red sunlight surrounds the body. The skirts only have an
additional line of blue sunlight. Hasjelti is to the east of the
painting. He carries a squirrel skin filled with tobacco. His shirt is
white cotton and very elastic. The leggings are of white deer skin
fringed, and the moccasins are similar to the others. His head is
ornamented with an eagle’s tail, and to the tip of each plume there is a
fluffy feather from the breast of the eagle. A bunch of night-owl
feathers is on either side of the eagle tail where it is attached to the
head. The horizontal and perpendicular lines on the face were referred
to in the description of the first sand painting. The projection on the
right of the throat is a fox skin. Hostjoghon’s headdress is similar to
that of Hasjelti’s. Two strips of beaver skin tipped with six quills of
the porcupine are attached to the right of the throat. The four colored
stars on the body are ornaments of beads. The shirt of this god is
invisible; the dark is the dark of the body. Hostjoghon carries a staff
colored black from a charred plant. The Navajo paint their bodies with
the same plant. The top of the staff is ornamented with a turkey’s tail
tied to the staff with white cotton cord; eagle and turkey plumes are
alternately attached to the staff with a cord.
The Naaskiddi are to the north and south of the painting; they carry
staffs of lightning ornamented with eagle plumes and sunbeams. Their
bodies are nude except the loin skirt; their leggings and moccasins are
the same as the others. The hunch upon the back is a black cloud, and
the three groups of white lines denote corn and other seeds of
vegetation. Five eagle plumes are attached to the cloud backs (eagles
live with the clouds); the body is surrounded with sunlight; the lines
of red and blue which border the bunch upon the back denote sunbeams
penetrating storm clouds. The black circle zigzagged with white around
the head is a cloud basket filled with corn and seeds of grass. On
either side of the head are five feathers of the red shafted flicker
(_Colaptes cafer_); a fox skin is attached to the right side of the
throat; the mountain sheep horns are tipped with the under tail feathers
of the eagle, tied on with cotton cord. The horns are filled with
clouds. The rainbow goddess, upon which these gods often travel,
completes the picture.
[Illustration: Plate CXXI. SECOND SAND PAINTING.]
Upon completion of the painting the song-priest, who stood to the east
of it holding in his hand a bag of sacred meal, stepped carefully
between the figures, sprinkling pollen upon the feet and heart of each.
He then sprinkled a thread of pollen up each cheek and down the middle
of the face of the figures, afterwards extending his right hand toward
the east. The face of the encircling rainbow goddess was also sprinkled.
The song-priest placed the sacred wands around the rainbow, commencing
on the west side of the painting, and repeated a prayer, pointing his
finger to the head of each figure. He also placed a small gourd of
medicine water in the hands of the rainbow goddess and laid a small
cedar twig on the gourd. The invalid upon entering the lodge was handed
an Apache basket containing sacred meal, which he sprinkled over the
painting and placed the basket near the feet of the rainbow goddesses;
the song-priest and choir sang to the accompaniment of the rattle. A
short time after the entrance of the invalid Hasjelti appeared, and
taking the evergreen from the gourd dipped it into the medicine water
and sprinkled the feet, heart, and heads of the sand figures, after
which the invalid sat in the center of the cross. Hasjelti gave him a
sip of the sacred water from the gourd and returned the gourd to its
place; then he touched the feet, heart, and head of each figure
successively with his right hand, each time touching the corresponding
parts of the body of the invalid. Every time Hasjelti touched the
invalid he gave a weird hoot. After he had been touched with sands from
all the paintings the theurgist, selecting a few live coals from a small
fire which had been kept burning near the door, threw them in front of
the invalid, who still retained his seat in the center of the painting.
The theurgist placed herbs, which he took from a buckskin bag, on the
coals from which a very pleasant aroma arose. An attendant sprinkled
water on the coals and a moment after threw them out of the fire
opening. The song-priest gathered the wands from around the edge of the
painting and four attendants began to erase it by scraping the sands
from the cardinal points to the center. Again the people hurried to take
sand from the hearts, heads, and limbs of the figures to rub upon
themselves. The sands were gathered into a blanket and deposited at the
base of a piñon tree about one hundred yards north of the lodge. A chant
closed the ceremony.
SEVENTH DAY.
The first business of the day was the preparation of an elaborate sand
picture, and though the artists worked industriously from dawn, it was
not completed until after 3 o’clock. The paint grinder was kept busy to
supply the artists. It was observed that in drawing some of the lines
the artists used a string of stretched yarn instead of the weaving
stick. When five of the figures had been completed, six young men came
into the lodge, removed their clothes, and whitened their bodies and
limbs with kaolin; they then left the lodge to solicit food from the
people, who were now quite thickly gathered over the mesa to witness the
closing ceremonies. The mesa top for a mile around was crowded with
Indians, horses, sheep, and hogans (lodges); groups of 3 to 20 Indians
could be seen here and there gambling, while foot and horse racing were
features of special interest. Indeed, the people generally were enjoying
themselves at the expense of the invalid. The rainbow goddess,
Nattsilit, surrounding the painting, was about 25 feet in length. Upon
the completion of the painting the song-priest sprinkled the figures
with pollen as before described and planted the feather wands around the
pictures.
In the illustration of this painting, Pl. CXXIII, Hasjelti will be
recognized as the leader. He carries a fawn skin filled with sacred
meal; the spots on the skin are seven and in the form of a great bear.
The fawn skin indicates him as the chief of all game. It was Hasjelti
who created game. The first six figures following Hasjelti are the
Ethsethle. The next six figures are their wives. Toneennili, the water
sprinkler (_to_, water, and _yonily_, to sprinkle), follows carrying a
water jug, from which he sprinkles the earth. The Ethsethle wear
leggings of corn pollen and the forearms of the gods are covered with
pollen. Their wives have their arms and bodies covered with the same.
The skirts of the Ethsethle are elaborately ornamented and their pouches
at their sides are decorated with many beads, feathers, and fringes. The
gods are walking upon black clouds and mist (the yellow denoting mist),
the women upon blue clouds and mist.
During the ceremony an Apache basket containing meal was brought in and
placed at the feet of the rainbow goddess. The invalid entered the
lodge, which had become quite filled with privileged spectators, and
receiving the basket of meal, sprinkled the figures from left to right;
he then removed all his clothing except his breech cloth and stood east
of the painting. Hostjoghon stepped to the head of the rainbow goddess
and taking the small gourd of medicine water dipped the cedar twig into
the water and sprinkled the figures, then touched the twig to the feet,
heart, and head of each figure, commencing at the male figure to the
north and passing south, then beginning with the female figures to the
north and passing south. The invalid took his seat in the center of the
painting with his knees drawn to his chin. Hostjoghon held the medicine
gourd over each figure and passed it to the invalid, who took four sips,
Hostjoghon hooting each time he passed the gourd to the invalid. After
returning the gourd and twig to their former position he placed the
palms of his hands to the feet and head of each figure and then placed
his palms on the corresponding parts of the invalid’s body, and pressed
his head several times between his hands. After touching any part of the
invalid, Hostjoghon threw his hands upward and gave one of his
characteristic hoots. The song-priest placed coals in front of the
invalid and herbs upon them, as he had done the day before, and then
retired. The coals were afterwards thrown out of the fire opening and
the crowd rushed to the painting to rub their bodies with the sand. The
painting was obliterated in the usual manner and the sand carried out
and deposited at the base of a piñon tree some 200 yards from the lodge.
[Illustration: Plate CXXII. THIRD SAND PAINTING.]
EIGHTH DAY.
The grinding of the paint began at daylight, and just at sunrise the
artists commenced their work. When any mistake occurred, which was very
seldom, it was obliterated by sifting the ground color over it. Each
artist endeavored to finish his special design first, and there was
considerable betting as to who would succeed. The rapidity with which
these paints are handled is quite remarkable, particularly as most of
the lines are drawn entirely by the eye. After the completion of the
painting, each figure being three and a half feet long, corn pollen was
sprinkled over the whole by the song priest. (See illustration, Pl.
CXXIII.)
The corn stalk in the picture signifies the main subsistence of life;
the square base and triangle are clouds, and the three white lines at
the base of the corn stalk denote the roots of the corn. The figures of
this picture are each 3½ feet in length. These are the Zenichi (people
of the white rock with a red streak through it) and their wives. Their
homes are high in the canyon wall. The black parallelogram to the west
of the painting designates a red streak in the rock in which are their
homes. The delicate white lines indicate their houses, which are in the
interior or depths of the rock, and can not be seen from the surface.
This canyon wall is located north of the Ute Mountain. These people of
the rocks move in the air like birds. The red portion of the bodies of
the Zenichi denote red corn; the black portion black clouds. The red
half of the face represents also the red corn; the blue of the bodies of
the others denote vegetation in general, and the yellow, pollen of all
vegetation. The zigzag lines of the bodies is lightning; the black lines
around the head, zigzagged with white, are cloud baskets that hold red
corn, which is stacked in pyramidal form and capped with three eagle
plumes. There are five feathers of the red and black shafted flicker
(_Colapteo cafer_) on either side of the head. A lightning bow is held
in the left hand, the right holds a rattle ornamented with feathers. The
females carry in their hands decorated baskets and sprigs of piñon, and
they wear white leggings and beaded moccasins. The Zenichi never dance.
These gods are also called Zaadoljaii, meaning rough mouth, or anything
that protrudes roughly from the mouth. (The mouth and eyes of these gods
protrude.) The rainbow goddess is represented at the north and south end
of the painting. The corn stalk has two ears of corn, while the original
stalk had 12 ears. Two of these ears the gods gave to the younger
brother of the Tolchini when they commanded him to return to the Navajo
and instruct them how to represent the gods in sand painting and in
masks. The four corner figures will be recognized as the Naashiddi
(hunchback, or mountain sheep).
[Illustration: Plate CXXIII. FOURTH SAND PAINTING.]