[46] The writer has got most of the information in this paper from _The
History of the Siege of Chester_, published by Broster in 1790.
The city of Chester, with its ancient walls and ramparts, erected as
they were for the protection of the inhabitants, must have experienced
many an onslaught, and again and again its citizens must have known
what it was to be besieged for a shorter or a longer period. But _the_
Siege of Chester--the one, that is, which stands out in history so that
it deserves this definite title--is the one that occurred in the time
of the Civil War, and which lasted practically for three years, and for
one year at least was very close.
Bishop Creighton has told us that “the Civil War wrought greater havoc
in Cheshire than in any other part of the country”; and the city of
Chester suffered, we may say, more severely than any other place in
the county. The city, as Lord Clarendon tells us, “was firm to the
King, by the virtue of its inhabitants.” Not that quite all were of
the same mind, for on August 8, 1642, a determined attempt was made
to rouse the disaffected within the city and induce them to enlist
themselves on the side of the Parliament. The vigorous action of the
Mayor, Thomas Cowper, repressed the movement, and, in fact, gave rise
to a vigorous counter-movement and to the raising and equipment of
300 men in the following October in addition to the ordinary _trained
band_. A regular and continuous watch was appointed for each of the
four city gates, and a levy or assessment made for its maintenance. A
little more than three months later, on February 3, 1643, a further
assessment of £500 was made and forthwith collected for the making of
fortifications, and for defraying divers charges incident thereunto.
When these loyal proceedings were reported to his Majesty, he thought
it necessary to send to his faithful citizens at Chester an officer
of skill and experience to direct their courage, and appointed Sir
Nicholas Byron, a soldier of very good command, as Colonel General of
Cheshire and Shropshire and Governor of Chester. He inspired great
enthusiasm, and was able, with the encouragement of some gentlemen
in North Wales, to raise a considerable body of horse and foot. He
also directed the operations with such vigour that the outworks and
entrenchments were completed in the summer, giving a further protection
outside the walls from Pemberton’s Parlour right round to the river.
Meanwhile Sir William Brereton, a gentleman of competent fortune in the
county, had taken command of the Parliamentary forces, and established
himself at Nantwich, which he fortified. From that place he made an
attack upon Chester on July 20th, but was driven back with some loss,
and proceeded to Flint, joining in the siege of that castle till its
surrender upon honourable terms, owing to lack of provisions, was
effected. Whilst this siege was proceeding the houses and buildings
just outside the entrenchments were cleared away. The King thought it
desirable to visit Chester in person; the city being of the greatest
importance as the key to Ireland. Accordingly he despatched a courier
from Stafford on September 18, 1643, and announced his intention;
and five days later, attended by many of the nobility and gentry,
approached the city and was received by the civic authorities and the
citizens with all loyal devotion. The Mayor delivered the city sword
to the King, who graciously returned it, when the Mayor, bare-headed,
carried it before his Majesty to the Pentice, where the King was
entertained and presented with £200 in gold, and £100 was given to
the Prince of Wales. The King’s stay in the city was very brief, and
after a few days he departed, having heard from Prince Rupert of the
advantage gained by his forces before Worcester. Shortly afterwards
Sir William Brereton occupied Hawarden Castle, and from there demanded
the surrender of the city of Chester. As a matter of precaution the
houses in the intervening suburb of Handbridge and the neighbourhood
were destroyed by the authorities of Chester; and eventually Hawarden
Castle, which had been invested by the King’s forces from Ireland,
aided by reinforcements from Chester, capitulated on honourable terms.
Meanwhile Beeston Castle, on a commanding position a few miles from the
city, had been occupied by the Parliamentarians; but on December 13,
1643, it fell into the hands of the Royalists, who were led by Captain
Thomas Sandford, “Captain of Firelocks.” A few weeks later the head of
the surrendered garrison, Captain Steel, was condemned at Nantwich by
his own party and shot as a traitor.
It will be readily understood that the citizens had to put forth
supreme efforts to maintain their troops and defend their position.
Accordingly we find various resolutions passed at their assemblies
with these objects in view. At one of them the Mayor was desired to
repair with all speed to Oxford to present a petition to his Majesty
in answer to a gracious letter received by him. Payments were ordered
and levies made for the reparation of the mud walls as outworks, and
for the repair of the city walls and cleaning out of the city ditch,
&c. In January 1644 one hundred pounds’ worth of the city plate was
converted into coin to be used for the defence of the city, whilst a
further assessment was levied for the perfecting of the works, and for
provisioning the garrison. It was also ordered that £300 should be
presented to the King and a like amount to the Prince of Wales. Lord
Byron, nephew of the governor, was in command of the Royalist forces;
and although he had gained a signal victory near Middlewich in December
1643, he failed a month later in his siege of Nantwich, and had to
make good his retreat to Chester. Early in 1644 the Parliamentarians
advanced close to the city and effected a lodgment at Christleton. They
were forced to retire; but to prevent danger in the future the suburb
of Great Boughton was burnt down by the citizens, so that the enemy
might not harbour there.
In March 1644, Prince Maurice arrived in the city, and a form of loyal
protestation was drawn up, which was to be submitted “to all the
nobility, gentry, divines, citizens, and all other inhabitants of the
city.” In the summer and autumn of this year the city was more closely
surrounded by troops under the command first of Colonel Jones and
subsequently of Sir William Brereton himself. Various communications
passed between the besiegers and the besieged, in which the former were
urged to submit, a course they strenuously refused to adopt. They were,
however, in a very confused situation, having nothing but the city wall
for their defence. The frequent assessments which had become necessary
also caused a good deal of discontent, and it was found expedient to
nominate a number of soldiers to collect them. On November 18th, Sir
William Brereton demanded the surrender of the city “by trumpet,” and
to this, after a second letter on the following day, an indignant
refusal was rendered. The confusion occasioned by the war led to no
Mayor being elected this year. A “faithful well-wisher,” by a letter
tied to an arrow and shot into the city, endeavoured by insinuating
methods to induce the citizens to betray their trust, but without
success; though the constant levying of assessments showed strongly
the state to which the garrison must have been reduced, and the heavy
demands which were made on the loyalty and patriotism of the besieged.
In the early part of 1645, the correspondence between the leaders on
both sides was constant. Sir William Brereton, however, seems to have
been indisposed to treat with commissioners from the other side for a
surrender, which apparently he would only accept on his own terms,
which were set forth in a letter thrown over the walls. In March the
advent of Prince Maurice and Prince Rupert into Cheshire caused some
diversion of the besieging forces; and in May Sir William Brereton
retreated from his position before Chester to Nantwich, and on the 22nd
the city was relieved. This movement was no doubt due to the report
that the King himself was advancing with a powerful army. He did not,
however, at that time come further than Drayton, from which place he
marched to Uttoxeter. The city, however, was not left without anxiety,
as the outworks may be said to have been still in the possession of the
enemy. In September intelligence was received that the King had left
Hereford with his forces, and was on his way to Chester. Coming from
Chirk Castle, he sent most of his horse over Holt or Farndon Bridge
into Cheshire, and himself, with his guards and Lord Gerard and the
rest of his troops, entered the city by the old Dee Bridge on September
23rd, and lodged that night at Sir Francis Gamul’s, in Lower Bridge
Street. It is interesting to know that a portion of this house still
remains, though its external appearance has been absolutely changed. It
was on the following day that the battle of Rowton Heath, so disastrous
to the King’s cause, took place. The defeat was in great measure due
to misunderstandings, and the fact that the soldiers of the garrison
did not know the situation in which Sir Marmaduke Langdale, in command
of the Royalist cavalry, was placed. The result of this was that Sir
Marmaduke was surrounded and overpowered, and forced to retire towards
Chester. Some of his horse were scattered over the country, crossing
the river at Boughton Ford, or making for Holt Bridge, whilst those
who accompanied him became entangled in the narrow lanes leading to
the city, and there was a general rout. The King, attended by Sir
Francis Gamul and Alderman Cowper, had the mortification of witnessing
the disaster from the leads of the Phœnix Tower, at the north-east
angle of the city walls. In this battle many gentlemen and officers
of distinction lost their lives, or were taken prisoners; and it
is computed that not less than 600 men were killed on both sides,
and amongst the slain was Bernard Stuart, the young, gallant Earl
of Lichfield, whilst Sir Philip Musgrave was taken prisoner. On the
following day the King, accompanied by Sir Francis Gamul, Captain
Thropp, and others, and with 500 horse, marched over Dee Bridge into
Wales, and so to Denbigh Castle. Before his departure he gave orders
to Lord Byron and his commissioners, “if after ten days they saw no
prospect of relief to treat for their own preservation.” It will be
seen from this that he judged that the city was in great danger, and
that it could hardly be expected to hold out much longer.
Sir Francis Gamul and his companions remained with the King for a
couple of days, took a sad and final farewell of their Sovereign,
and then returned to Chester. They found the city in an even more
distressed condition, for the enemy had again forced the works at
Boughton, and were close up to the walls, and in possession of the
part of the town just outside the Eastgate. For at least a week the
daily onslaught of the besieging forces was of the most determined
character. They planted their cannon at close quarters, and effected
a breach in the walls near the Newgate, and in many parts destroyed
the battlements. At night time the damage was repaired as far as was
possible. The several assaults of the enemy were met with a stout and
stubborn resistance. On October 7th, having surrounded the city with
their cavalry, a violent and determined attack was made upon the walls
in many parts, which were as resolutely defended. Great courage and
determination were exhibited on both sides, and when the assailants in
some places gained the top of the walls they were beaten off, thrown
down and killed, and the scaling-ladders which they had used were taken
possession of. So powerful had this resistance proved to be, that the
besiegers gave up their intention of storming the city, and changed
their plan into that of a close blockade, trusting to subdue by famine
those whom they were unable to conquer by force.
The position of the city was not improved by the fact that Beeston
Castle, after a siege lasting eighteen months, and after great
privations suffered by the garrison, at this time had to capitulate to
the Parliamentarians. The Governor secured very honourable conditions,
he and his men being allowed to march out with horses and arms and with
colours flying, a convoy being provided to guard them to Flint Castle.
The besieged in Chester had now a very trying time. Their opponents had
constructed a floating bridge over the river at Boughton which proved
a considerable annoyance to them, whilst affording much help to those
who had contrived it. An ineffectual attempt to burn it down was made
by turning adrift at high tide two boats filled with combustibles,
but though the trains caught fire they were speedily extinguished. A
brisk sally out of the city with 500 horse and 200 foot also met with
no success. Sir William Brereton again proposed a surrender, but Lord
Byron and the commissioners insisted upon terms which he felt he could
not grant.
On December 10th, orders were sent by Parliament for the Lancashire
forces under Colonel Booth to join Sir William Brereton, and in a few
days they arrived, to the consternation of those within the city,
which was now quite encompassed, and a scarcity of provisions was soon
occasioned. Sir William Brereton, in January 1646, sent again and again
a summons to the besieged to surrender, but this was refused nine
times, although they had to feed on horses, dogs, and cats, and boiled
wheat, as the hope was entertained that the King might still be able to
come to their relief. It was only when all chance of this had vanished
that a treaty was agreed upon, and a large number of commissioners
on each side were appointed to draw up the terms of it. Accordingly
“Articles of Surrender,” seventeen in number, were devised and agreed
to, and signed on February 3, 1646. It is a singular coincidence that
this day happened to be, in former times, the Feast of St. Werburgh,
who might be called the patron saint of the city. These Articles of
Surrender are very interesting, and may be accounted very generous.
In them “liberty to march out of the city, castle, and fort with all
their apparel whatsoever and no other” was granted to all, the amount
of money which each should carry being fixed, and ranging from forty
pounds in money and twenty pounds in plate for Lord and Lady Byron to
twenty shillings for lieutenants, cornets, ensigns, and other inferior
officers in commission; arrangements were made for the protection of
women and prisoners and for the prevention of pillage and plunder; no
church within the city, or evidence or writing belonging to the same,
was to be defaced; those who marched out of the town had liberty to
march to Conway, and facilities were granted to them for this purpose;
“the friends of the Earls of Derby and Lichfield, or any of those whose
dead bodies were not yet interred in the city, had two months’ time
given them to fetch them from thence whither they pleased, provided
they came attended by not more than twenty horse”; and hostages were to
be given for the due performance of the said Articles.
Thus, after a sturdy resistance of three years and a half, the city
was taken, after proving its unflinching loyalty to the King and his
cause. In this respect Chester stands out in a remarkable manner,
and may be said to vie with Oxford in its devotion to Charles I. The
damage inflicted on it was immense, and a very moderate calculation
has estimated it at £200,000. Randle Holme has given an interesting
description of the damage done, mentioning many specific instances, and
ending with this: “This may be an advertisement to us that God’s mercy
is yet to be found, since he hath left so many streets, lanes, and
churches unmolested. God grant us faith, patience, and true repentance
and amendment, that a worse danger befall us not. Amen.” The same
writer, alluding to the attack on September 29, 1645, says: “By this
time our women are all on fire, striving through a gallant emulation
to out-do our men, and will make good our yielding walls or lose their
lives to show they dare attempt it. The work goes forward, and they,
like so many Amazons, do outface death, and dare danger though it
lurks in every basket; seven are shot and three slain, yet they scorn
to leave their matchless undertaking, and thus they continued for ten
days’ space, possessing the beholders that they are immaculate!” It
will be seen from this contemporary description that the annals of the
period, if fully chronicled, would afford a wonderful story of bravery
and endurance and patience, and would add lustre to the fame of the
ancient city of Chester. Even this imperfect sketch may not be out of
place, but may lead us to admire the chivalry and loyalty and courage
of those brave defenders of our walls in bygone days.
Sir William Brereton’s forces were not very particular as to the
observance of the treaty. The sword and mace were indeed restored to
the city, but much injury was done to the Cathedral, where the choir
was defaced, the organ damaged, the stained-glass windows broken, and
the font demolished. The High Cross was also taken down, and the fonts
taken out of several of the parish churches, in which also many of the
ancient monuments were destroyed. As a result, very few of the latter
of an early date are found now in Chester. The Gamul and Oldfield
monuments in the Church of St. Mary on the Hill were preserved by a
special agreement with Sir William Brereton. The Church of St. John
suffered much, as it was so long in the possession of the enemy, being
without the city walls. No doubt in other respects the terms of the
“Articles of Surrender” were violated.
The following fuller descriptions of the visit of the King will not be
out of place as an appendix to this paper. I am indebted for them to
the Rev. Canon Morris, D.D., F.S.A., who had supplied them for another
purpose.
“From the account in Harleian 2155, &c., it would appear that the
citizens were surprised when active operations were resumed on
September 20, 1645. A force detached from the troops besieging Beeston
Castle, and consisting of 500 horse, 200 dragoons, and 700 foot,
advanced stealthily by ways through the country in the dead of the
night, and at daybreak proceeded to storm the suburbs. Seizing, with
little loss (either by treachery or through the negligence of the
garrison), a mount near Deeside at Boughton, they set upon the main
line of defences, and captured all the mounds on that side of the
city. Then forcing their way through the Bars into Foregate Street,
they obtained possession of the north-western suburb up to the
Eastgate, taking as a trophy and a ‘token of good presage,’ the city
sword and mace, which was probably in the Mayor’s house in St. John’s
Ward, afterwards occupied by Sir W. Brereton as his headquarters. This
success encouraged the Parliamentarians to hope that with a special
effort the siege of Chester might be brought to a rapid close, and the
authorities in London despatched urgent messages to the neighbouring
counties calling for immediate reinforcements. Chester was regarded as
a place of very great consequence (especially by Parliamentarians),
both for the reducing and settling of all North Wales, and for the
preventing of the landing of any Irish supplies. The citizens were
equally active in taking precautions against the expected assaults in
force. The East Gate was rammed up with earth. The houses in Cow Lane,
St. John’s Lane, and St. Thomas’ Street (on the Boughton side) were
burnt to deprive the enemy of shelter. Occasional sallies were made
with indifferent success, and marksmen on the walls and towers were
keeping up a continual fire. The besiegers were equally busy on their
side. From the steeple of St. John’s Church they had an excellent
position for annoying the citizens, and on Monday, September 22, a
large breach was made by their artillery in the walls near the New
Gate, sufficient to admit ten men abreast. Vigorous attempts were made
to make good this breach with beds and wool-packs.
“They were ordered to carry the beds, &c., one half to St. Bridget’s;
and, after a sharp fight, at eight in the evening the enemy were
beaten back with considerable loss by the courageous defence of the
Chirk Castle troop. A simultaneous attempt was made by another body
to scale the walls on the east between the Sadler’s Tower and the East
Gate, but they were beaten off with much loss.
“King Charles at this time was on his way from Hereford, intending to
pass through Lancashire and Cumberland into Scotland. On receiving
information of the critical position at Chester he marched at once
for the city, which he entered with some hazard, at Handbridge, on
Tuesday, September 23, attended by Lord Lichfield, Lord Gerard, and
a small bodyguard. The King lodged that night at Sir Francis Gamul’s
house in Bridge Street. The remainder of the King’s troops under Sir
Marmaduke Langdale marched on towards Holt, and, crossing the Dee by
the bridge, took up a position on Rowton Heath, about two miles from
Chester. Here, early in the morning, he encountered General Poyntz,
who had been ordered by the Parliament Committee to follow the King
and prevent him from relieving Chester. Although his horse was tired
with the long march overnight, Langdale succeeded in beating back
Poyntz with considerable loss. He at once sent by Col. Shakerley to
inform the King that he had obeyed his orders in checking Poyntz’s
advance, and to ask for further orders. The Colonel executed his
orders with better speed than could be expected, for he galloped
directly to the river Dee under Huntingdon House, got a wooden tub
(used for slaughtering swine) and a batting staff (used for batting of
coarse linen) for an oar, put a servant into the tub with him, and in
this desperate manner swam over the river, his horse swimming by him
(for the banks there were very steep and the river very deep), ordered
his servant to stay there with the tub for his return, and was with
the King in little more than a quarter of one hour after he left Sir
Marmaduke. This expeditious method saved him going the nine or ten
miles about by Holt Bridge.
“This speedy transmission of intelligence did not save the situation.
Although preparations were made early in the day for a sally, and
the citizens were busy clearing out the dung that barred up the gate
which led to the suburbs, such delays were made by some about the
King, that no orders were sent, nor any sally made out of the city
by the King’s party till past three o’clock in the afternoon, which
was full six hours after Poyntz had been beaten back. Through some
misunderstanding Lord Gerard ordered Langdale to draw nearer Chester,
where some foot would be ready to support him. This was impracticable,
as Sir Marmaduke would then have been open to attack in rear as
well as in front. For Poyntz had now had time to rally his forces,
and, in obedience to his message, was reinforced about noon by 500
horse and 300 foot under Col. Jones, the Adjutant General, drawn
hurriedly from the force besieging Chester. This hasty march of the
Parliamentarians was mistaken for flight, and a considerable portion
of the garrison with Lord Gerard and Lord Lichfield were ordered to
pursue, passing through the North Gate round by Flookersbrook, as the
direct way by the East Gate had been blocked up. Before they could
learn their mistake Poyntz fell upon Langdale, who was thus compelled
to meet his assault in front, as well as Col. Jones’ attack in rear,
and notwithstanding a gallant resistance he was routed, and forced
to retire in the direction of Hoole Heath. Here the Royalist horse
became disordered, and the narrow lanes and passes between there and
Chester so crowded, that they were unable to make an effectual stand,
and, in fact, threw their supporters under Lord Gerard into immediate
confusion. Some made for Holt Bridge, others crossed the river at
Dee-fords, and so into the city; but Poyntz, satisfied with his
success, made no attempt to pursue them. No less than 600 men fell in
this battle, amongst them several of high rank and distinction: more
than 800 prisoners were taken. Amongst the slain was Bertie Stuart,
the young Earl of Lichfield. The King, attended by the Mayor, Sir
Francis Gamul, and Alderman Cowper, had the unhappiness of watching
this disaster, first from the Phœnix Tower, and afterwards from the
Cathedral Tower, where, as he was talking with a captain, a bullet
from St. John’s gave him a salute, narrowly missing the King, hit the
said captain on the head, and killed him on the spot. Owing to this
disaster, it was not thought advisable that the King should remain
in Chester. Before his departure he called the Mayor and leading
citizens together, and desired them, if he was unable to send them the
aid he expected within eight or ten days, to make the best terms of
surrender they could. Instead of pursuing his route to Scotland, he
returned into Wales, passing over Dee Bridge between nine and ten in
the morning, accompanied by Sir F. Gamul, Capt. Thorpe, and Alderman
Cowper. After staying three hours at Hawarden Castle, he reached
Denbigh Castle the same night.”