By the Archdeacon of Chester[46]

[46] The writer has got most of the information in this paper from _The

History of the Siege of Chester_, published by Broster in 1790.

The city of Chester, with its ancient walls and ramparts, erected as

they were for the protection of the inhabitants, must have experienced

many an onslaught, and again and again its citizens must have known

what it was to be besieged for a shorter or a longer period. But _the_

Siege of Chester--the one, that is, which stands out in history so that

it deserves this definite title--is the one that occurred in the time

of the Civil War, and which lasted practically for three years, and for

one year at least was very close.

Bishop Creighton has told us that “the Civil War wrought greater havoc

in Cheshire than in any other part of the country”; and the city of

Chester suffered, we may say, more severely than any other place in

the county. The city, as Lord Clarendon tells us, “was firm to the

King, by the virtue of its inhabitants.” Not that quite all were of

the same mind, for on August 8, 1642, a determined attempt was made

to rouse the disaffected within the city and induce them to enlist

themselves on the side of the Parliament. The vigorous action of the

Mayor, Thomas Cowper, repressed the movement, and, in fact, gave rise

to a vigorous counter-movement and to the raising and equipment of

300 men in the following October in addition to the ordinary _trained

band_. A regular and continuous watch was appointed for each of the

four city gates, and a levy or assessment made for its maintenance. A

little more than three months later, on February 3, 1643, a further

assessment of £500 was made and forthwith collected for the making of

fortifications, and for defraying divers charges incident thereunto.

When these loyal proceedings were reported to his Majesty, he thought

it necessary to send to his faithful citizens at Chester an officer

of skill and experience to direct their courage, and appointed Sir

Nicholas Byron, a soldier of very good command, as Colonel General of

Cheshire and Shropshire and Governor of Chester. He inspired great

enthusiasm, and was able, with the encouragement of some gentlemen

in North Wales, to raise a considerable body of horse and foot. He

also directed the operations with such vigour that the outworks and

entrenchments were completed in the summer, giving a further protection

outside the walls from Pemberton’s Parlour right round to the river.

Meanwhile Sir William Brereton, a gentleman of competent fortune in the

county, had taken command of the Parliamentary forces, and established

himself at Nantwich, which he fortified. From that place he made an

attack upon Chester on July 20th, but was driven back with some loss,

and proceeded to Flint, joining in the siege of that castle till its

surrender upon honourable terms, owing to lack of provisions, was

effected. Whilst this siege was proceeding the houses and buildings

just outside the entrenchments were cleared away. The King thought it

desirable to visit Chester in person; the city being of the greatest

importance as the key to Ireland. Accordingly he despatched a courier

from Stafford on September 18, 1643, and announced his intention;

and five days later, attended by many of the nobility and gentry,

approached the city and was received by the civic authorities and the

citizens with all loyal devotion. The Mayor delivered the city sword

to the King, who graciously returned it, when the Mayor, bare-headed,

carried it before his Majesty to the Pentice, where the King was

entertained and presented with £200 in gold, and £100 was given to

the Prince of Wales. The King’s stay in the city was very brief, and

after a few days he departed, having heard from Prince Rupert of the

advantage gained by his forces before Worcester. Shortly afterwards

Sir William Brereton occupied Hawarden Castle, and from there demanded

the surrender of the city of Chester. As a matter of precaution the

houses in the intervening suburb of Handbridge and the neighbourhood

were destroyed by the authorities of Chester; and eventually Hawarden

Castle, which had been invested by the King’s forces from Ireland,

aided by reinforcements from Chester, capitulated on honourable terms.

Meanwhile Beeston Castle, on a commanding position a few miles from the

city, had been occupied by the Parliamentarians; but on December 13,

1643, it fell into the hands of the Royalists, who were led by Captain

Thomas Sandford, “Captain of Firelocks.” A few weeks later the head of

the surrendered garrison, Captain Steel, was condemned at Nantwich by

his own party and shot as a traitor.

It will be readily understood that the citizens had to put forth

supreme efforts to maintain their troops and defend their position.

Accordingly we find various resolutions passed at their assemblies

with these objects in view. At one of them the Mayor was desired to

repair with all speed to Oxford to present a petition to his Majesty

in answer to a gracious letter received by him. Payments were ordered

and levies made for the reparation of the mud walls as outworks, and

for the repair of the city walls and cleaning out of the city ditch,

&c. In January 1644 one hundred pounds’ worth of the city plate was

converted into coin to be used for the defence of the city, whilst a

further assessment was levied for the perfecting of the works, and for

provisioning the garrison. It was also ordered that £300 should be

presented to the King and a like amount to the Prince of Wales. Lord

Byron, nephew of the governor, was in command of the Royalist forces;

and although he had gained a signal victory near Middlewich in December

1643, he failed a month later in his siege of Nantwich, and had to

make good his retreat to Chester. Early in 1644 the Parliamentarians

advanced close to the city and effected a lodgment at Christleton. They

were forced to retire; but to prevent danger in the future the suburb

of Great Boughton was burnt down by the citizens, so that the enemy

might not harbour there.

In March 1644, Prince Maurice arrived in the city, and a form of loyal

protestation was drawn up, which was to be submitted “to all the

nobility, gentry, divines, citizens, and all other inhabitants of the

city.” In the summer and autumn of this year the city was more closely

surrounded by troops under the command first of Colonel Jones and

subsequently of Sir William Brereton himself. Various communications

passed between the besiegers and the besieged, in which the former were

urged to submit, a course they strenuously refused to adopt. They were,

however, in a very confused situation, having nothing but the city wall

for their defence. The frequent assessments which had become necessary

also caused a good deal of discontent, and it was found expedient to

nominate a number of soldiers to collect them. On November 18th, Sir

William Brereton demanded the surrender of the city “by trumpet,” and

to this, after a second letter on the following day, an indignant

refusal was rendered. The confusion occasioned by the war led to no

Mayor being elected this year. A “faithful well-wisher,” by a letter

tied to an arrow and shot into the city, endeavoured by insinuating

methods to induce the citizens to betray their trust, but without

success; though the constant levying of assessments showed strongly

the state to which the garrison must have been reduced, and the heavy

demands which were made on the loyalty and patriotism of the besieged.

In the early part of 1645, the correspondence between the leaders on

both sides was constant. Sir William Brereton, however, seems to have

been indisposed to treat with commissioners from the other side for a

surrender, which apparently he would only accept on his own terms,

which were set forth in a letter thrown over the walls. In March the

advent of Prince Maurice and Prince Rupert into Cheshire caused some

diversion of the besieging forces; and in May Sir William Brereton

retreated from his position before Chester to Nantwich, and on the 22nd

the city was relieved. This movement was no doubt due to the report

that the King himself was advancing with a powerful army. He did not,

however, at that time come further than Drayton, from which place he

marched to Uttoxeter. The city, however, was not left without anxiety,

as the outworks may be said to have been still in the possession of the

enemy. In September intelligence was received that the King had left

Hereford with his forces, and was on his way to Chester. Coming from

Chirk Castle, he sent most of his horse over Holt or Farndon Bridge

into Cheshire, and himself, with his guards and Lord Gerard and the

rest of his troops, entered the city by the old Dee Bridge on September

23rd, and lodged that night at Sir Francis Gamul’s, in Lower Bridge

Street. It is interesting to know that a portion of this house still

remains, though its external appearance has been absolutely changed. It

was on the following day that the battle of Rowton Heath, so disastrous

to the King’s cause, took place. The defeat was in great measure due

to misunderstandings, and the fact that the soldiers of the garrison

did not know the situation in which Sir Marmaduke Langdale, in command

of the Royalist cavalry, was placed. The result of this was that Sir

Marmaduke was surrounded and overpowered, and forced to retire towards

Chester. Some of his horse were scattered over the country, crossing

the river at Boughton Ford, or making for Holt Bridge, whilst those

who accompanied him became entangled in the narrow lanes leading to

the city, and there was a general rout. The King, attended by Sir

Francis Gamul and Alderman Cowper, had the mortification of witnessing

the disaster from the leads of the Phœnix Tower, at the north-east

angle of the city walls. In this battle many gentlemen and officers

of distinction lost their lives, or were taken prisoners; and it

is computed that not less than 600 men were killed on both sides,

and amongst the slain was Bernard Stuart, the young, gallant Earl

of Lichfield, whilst Sir Philip Musgrave was taken prisoner. On the

following day the King, accompanied by Sir Francis Gamul, Captain

Thropp, and others, and with 500 horse, marched over Dee Bridge into

Wales, and so to Denbigh Castle. Before his departure he gave orders

to Lord Byron and his commissioners, “if after ten days they saw no

prospect of relief to treat for their own preservation.” It will be

seen from this that he judged that the city was in great danger, and

that it could hardly be expected to hold out much longer.

Sir Francis Gamul and his companions remained with the King for a

couple of days, took a sad and final farewell of their Sovereign,

and then returned to Chester. They found the city in an even more

distressed condition, for the enemy had again forced the works at

Boughton, and were close up to the walls, and in possession of the

part of the town just outside the Eastgate. For at least a week the

daily onslaught of the besieging forces was of the most determined

character. They planted their cannon at close quarters, and effected

a breach in the walls near the Newgate, and in many parts destroyed

the battlements. At night time the damage was repaired as far as was

possible. The several assaults of the enemy were met with a stout and

stubborn resistance. On October 7th, having surrounded the city with

their cavalry, a violent and determined attack was made upon the walls

in many parts, which were as resolutely defended. Great courage and

determination were exhibited on both sides, and when the assailants in

some places gained the top of the walls they were beaten off, thrown

down and killed, and the scaling-ladders which they had used were taken

possession of. So powerful had this resistance proved to be, that the

besiegers gave up their intention of storming the city, and changed

their plan into that of a close blockade, trusting to subdue by famine

those whom they were unable to conquer by force.

The position of the city was not improved by the fact that Beeston

Castle, after a siege lasting eighteen months, and after great

privations suffered by the garrison, at this time had to capitulate to

the Parliamentarians. The Governor secured very honourable conditions,

he and his men being allowed to march out with horses and arms and with

colours flying, a convoy being provided to guard them to Flint Castle.

The besieged in Chester had now a very trying time. Their opponents had

constructed a floating bridge over the river at Boughton which proved

a considerable annoyance to them, whilst affording much help to those

who had contrived it. An ineffectual attempt to burn it down was made

by turning adrift at high tide two boats filled with combustibles,

but though the trains caught fire they were speedily extinguished. A

brisk sally out of the city with 500 horse and 200 foot also met with

no success. Sir William Brereton again proposed a surrender, but Lord

Byron and the commissioners insisted upon terms which he felt he could

not grant.

On December 10th, orders were sent by Parliament for the Lancashire

forces under Colonel Booth to join Sir William Brereton, and in a few

days they arrived, to the consternation of those within the city,

which was now quite encompassed, and a scarcity of provisions was soon

occasioned. Sir William Brereton, in January 1646, sent again and again

a summons to the besieged to surrender, but this was refused nine

times, although they had to feed on horses, dogs, and cats, and boiled

wheat, as the hope was entertained that the King might still be able to

come to their relief. It was only when all chance of this had vanished

that a treaty was agreed upon, and a large number of commissioners

on each side were appointed to draw up the terms of it. Accordingly

“Articles of Surrender,” seventeen in number, were devised and agreed

to, and signed on February 3, 1646. It is a singular coincidence that

this day happened to be, in former times, the Feast of St. Werburgh,

who might be called the patron saint of the city. These Articles of

Surrender are very interesting, and may be accounted very generous.

In them “liberty to march out of the city, castle, and fort with all

their apparel whatsoever and no other” was granted to all, the amount

of money which each should carry being fixed, and ranging from forty

pounds in money and twenty pounds in plate for Lord and Lady Byron to

twenty shillings for lieutenants, cornets, ensigns, and other inferior

officers in commission; arrangements were made for the protection of

women and prisoners and for the prevention of pillage and plunder; no

church within the city, or evidence or writing belonging to the same,

was to be defaced; those who marched out of the town had liberty to

march to Conway, and facilities were granted to them for this purpose;

“the friends of the Earls of Derby and Lichfield, or any of those whose

dead bodies were not yet interred in the city, had two months’ time

given them to fetch them from thence whither they pleased, provided

they came attended by not more than twenty horse”; and hostages were to

be given for the due performance of the said Articles.

Thus, after a sturdy resistance of three years and a half, the city

was taken, after proving its unflinching loyalty to the King and his

cause. In this respect Chester stands out in a remarkable manner,

and may be said to vie with Oxford in its devotion to Charles I. The

damage inflicted on it was immense, and a very moderate calculation

has estimated it at £200,000. Randle Holme has given an interesting

description of the damage done, mentioning many specific instances, and

ending with this: “This may be an advertisement to us that God’s mercy

is yet to be found, since he hath left so many streets, lanes, and

churches unmolested. God grant us faith, patience, and true repentance

and amendment, that a worse danger befall us not. Amen.” The same

writer, alluding to the attack on September 29, 1645, says: “By this

time our women are all on fire, striving through a gallant emulation

to out-do our men, and will make good our yielding walls or lose their

lives to show they dare attempt it. The work goes forward, and they,

like so many Amazons, do outface death, and dare danger though it

lurks in every basket; seven are shot and three slain, yet they scorn

to leave their matchless undertaking, and thus they continued for ten

days’ space, possessing the beholders that they are immaculate!” It

will be seen from this contemporary description that the annals of the

period, if fully chronicled, would afford a wonderful story of bravery

and endurance and patience, and would add lustre to the fame of the

ancient city of Chester. Even this imperfect sketch may not be out of

place, but may lead us to admire the chivalry and loyalty and courage

of those brave defenders of our walls in bygone days.

Sir William Brereton’s forces were not very particular as to the

observance of the treaty. The sword and mace were indeed restored to

the city, but much injury was done to the Cathedral, where the choir

was defaced, the organ damaged, the stained-glass windows broken, and

the font demolished. The High Cross was also taken down, and the fonts

taken out of several of the parish churches, in which also many of the

ancient monuments were destroyed. As a result, very few of the latter

of an early date are found now in Chester. The Gamul and Oldfield

monuments in the Church of St. Mary on the Hill were preserved by a

special agreement with Sir William Brereton. The Church of St. John

suffered much, as it was so long in the possession of the enemy, being

without the city walls. No doubt in other respects the terms of the

“Articles of Surrender” were violated.

The following fuller descriptions of the visit of the King will not be

out of place as an appendix to this paper. I am indebted for them to

the Rev. Canon Morris, D.D., F.S.A., who had supplied them for another

purpose.

“From the account in Harleian 2155, &c., it would appear that the

citizens were surprised when active operations were resumed on

September 20, 1645. A force detached from the troops besieging Beeston

Castle, and consisting of 500 horse, 200 dragoons, and 700 foot,

advanced stealthily by ways through the country in the dead of the

night, and at daybreak proceeded to storm the suburbs. Seizing, with

little loss (either by treachery or through the negligence of the

garrison), a mount near Deeside at Boughton, they set upon the main

line of defences, and captured all the mounds on that side of the

city. Then forcing their way through the Bars into Foregate Street,

they obtained possession of the north-western suburb up to the

Eastgate, taking as a trophy and a ‘token of good presage,’ the city

sword and mace, which was probably in the Mayor’s house in St. John’s

Ward, afterwards occupied by Sir W. Brereton as his headquarters. This

success encouraged the Parliamentarians to hope that with a special

effort the siege of Chester might be brought to a rapid close, and the

authorities in London despatched urgent messages to the neighbouring

counties calling for immediate reinforcements. Chester was regarded as

a place of very great consequence (especially by Parliamentarians),

both for the reducing and settling of all North Wales, and for the

preventing of the landing of any Irish supplies. The citizens were

equally active in taking precautions against the expected assaults in

force. The East Gate was rammed up with earth. The houses in Cow Lane,

St. John’s Lane, and St. Thomas’ Street (on the Boughton side) were

burnt to deprive the enemy of shelter. Occasional sallies were made

with indifferent success, and marksmen on the walls and towers were

keeping up a continual fire. The besiegers were equally busy on their

side. From the steeple of St. John’s Church they had an excellent

position for annoying the citizens, and on Monday, September 22, a

large breach was made by their artillery in the walls near the New

Gate, sufficient to admit ten men abreast. Vigorous attempts were made

to make good this breach with beds and wool-packs.

“They were ordered to carry the beds, &c., one half to St. Bridget’s;

and, after a sharp fight, at eight in the evening the enemy were

beaten back with considerable loss by the courageous defence of the

Chirk Castle troop. A simultaneous attempt was made by another body

to scale the walls on the east between the Sadler’s Tower and the East

Gate, but they were beaten off with much loss.

“King Charles at this time was on his way from Hereford, intending to

pass through Lancashire and Cumberland into Scotland. On receiving

information of the critical position at Chester he marched at once

for the city, which he entered with some hazard, at Handbridge, on

Tuesday, September 23, attended by Lord Lichfield, Lord Gerard, and

a small bodyguard. The King lodged that night at Sir Francis Gamul’s

house in Bridge Street. The remainder of the King’s troops under Sir

Marmaduke Langdale marched on towards Holt, and, crossing the Dee by

the bridge, took up a position on Rowton Heath, about two miles from

Chester. Here, early in the morning, he encountered General Poyntz,

who had been ordered by the Parliament Committee to follow the King

and prevent him from relieving Chester. Although his horse was tired

with the long march overnight, Langdale succeeded in beating back

Poyntz with considerable loss. He at once sent by Col. Shakerley to

inform the King that he had obeyed his orders in checking Poyntz’s

advance, and to ask for further orders. The Colonel executed his

orders with better speed than could be expected, for he galloped

directly to the river Dee under Huntingdon House, got a wooden tub

(used for slaughtering swine) and a batting staff (used for batting of

coarse linen) for an oar, put a servant into the tub with him, and in

this desperate manner swam over the river, his horse swimming by him

(for the banks there were very steep and the river very deep), ordered

his servant to stay there with the tub for his return, and was with

the King in little more than a quarter of one hour after he left Sir

Marmaduke. This expeditious method saved him going the nine or ten

miles about by Holt Bridge.

“This speedy transmission of intelligence did not save the situation.

Although preparations were made early in the day for a sally, and

the citizens were busy clearing out the dung that barred up the gate

which led to the suburbs, such delays were made by some about the

King, that no orders were sent, nor any sally made out of the city

by the King’s party till past three o’clock in the afternoon, which

was full six hours after Poyntz had been beaten back. Through some

misunderstanding Lord Gerard ordered Langdale to draw nearer Chester,

where some foot would be ready to support him. This was impracticable,

as Sir Marmaduke would then have been open to attack in rear as

well as in front. For Poyntz had now had time to rally his forces,

and, in obedience to his message, was reinforced about noon by 500

horse and 300 foot under Col. Jones, the Adjutant General, drawn

hurriedly from the force besieging Chester. This hasty march of the

Parliamentarians was mistaken for flight, and a considerable portion

of the garrison with Lord Gerard and Lord Lichfield were ordered to

pursue, passing through the North Gate round by Flookersbrook, as the

direct way by the East Gate had been blocked up. Before they could

learn their mistake Poyntz fell upon Langdale, who was thus compelled

to meet his assault in front, as well as Col. Jones’ attack in rear,

and notwithstanding a gallant resistance he was routed, and forced

to retire in the direction of Hoole Heath. Here the Royalist horse

became disordered, and the narrow lanes and passes between there and

Chester so crowded, that they were unable to make an effectual stand,

and, in fact, threw their supporters under Lord Gerard into immediate

confusion. Some made for Holt Bridge, others crossed the river at

Dee-fords, and so into the city; but Poyntz, satisfied with his

success, made no attempt to pursue them. No less than 600 men fell in

this battle, amongst them several of high rank and distinction: more

than 800 prisoners were taken. Amongst the slain was Bertie Stuart,

the young Earl of Lichfield. The King, attended by the Mayor, Sir

Francis Gamul, and Alderman Cowper, had the unhappiness of watching

this disaster, first from the Phœnix Tower, and afterwards from the

Cathedral Tower, where, as he was talking with a captain, a bullet

from St. John’s gave him a salute, narrowly missing the King, hit the

said captain on the head, and killed him on the spot. Owing to this

disaster, it was not thought advisable that the King should remain

in Chester. Before his departure he called the Mayor and leading

citizens together, and desired them, if he was unable to send them the

aid he expected within eight or ten days, to make the best terms of

surrender they could. Instead of pursuing his route to Scotland, he

returned into Wales, passing over Dee Bridge between nine and ten in

the morning, accompanied by Sir F. Gamul, Capt. Thorpe, and Alderman

Cowper. After staying three hours at Hawarden Castle, he reached

Denbigh Castle the same night.”

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