TUMBALA. S. CRISTOBAL. MITLA.
Return to Tenosiqué—S. Domingo del Palenque
Revisited—Departure for S. Cristobal—First Halt—No
Tamenes—Setting out alone for Nopa—Bad Roads—No
Food—Monkeys—Three Days Waiting at S. Pedro—The
_Cabildo_—Hostile Attitude of the Natives—The Porters
Arrive—They make off in the Night—From S. Pedro to Tumbala—Two
Nights in the Forest—Tumbala—The Cura—Jajalun—Chilon—Citala—A
Dominican Friar—Cankuk—Tenejapa—S.
Cristobal—Valley of Chiapas—Bullocks—Tuxtla—Santa
Lucia—_Marimba_—Tehuantepec—Totolapa—Oaxaca—Santa Maria del
Tule—Ruins of Mitla.
There is positively nothing new to say about the long, wearisome
journey from Copan to Tenosiqué; it is the usual road through forest,
with no incidents to mark it from former journeys, which besides we
performed in Stephens’ and Maudslay’s company from whom we borrow both
descriptions and monuments. We will therefore start from Tenosiqué,
where our personal explorations begin.
In order to avoid going by Frontera, which I had visited several times,
I returned to Palenque, crossed the Sierra of Chiapas, that I might see
S. Cristobal, Tehuantepec, and the various Indian villages which are
found along that road new to us.
As it was a long distance, offering many difficulties over almost
impassable mountain paths, which at times are almost perpendicular, I
dismissed my men and sent Lucian and one of my two servants to wait
for us at Mexico, whilst Julian and I, with our arms and photograph
apparatus, set out for S. Domingo del Palenque, where I engaged six men
to convey our baggage over the Sierra to S. Cristobal.
I had been duly instructed upon the route I was to follow by the
alcalde, so that leaving our men to come after us, which we were
assured would be done immediately, Julian and I mounted our horses, and
we were soon galloping in the direction of the rancho, which we reached
towards ten o’clock; here our guide wished to return to Palenque, but I
required him to await the arrival of the tamenes, who were not yet in
sight, and with whom I could not communicate without his help. But the
whole day passed in fruitless expectations, all the more disagreeable
that they had all the supplies, and we were reduced to a large ball
of _posole_,[181] not much for empty stomachs, so towards evening the
guide went along the river’s banks in search of snails, and we had to
content ourselves with them for our supper.
The following day I sauntered in the wood to do something, and found a
tortoise of 8 or 10 inches long, having its lower shell furnished at
both ends with two appendices, which enabled the fellow to shut himself
up and defy all enemies, a true snuff-box tortoise. I thought at first
of keeping it; but, alas for human resolve! by noon it was in the pot
fast turning into delicious soup.
Two men who were returning from Palenque, brought us news at last
of our porters; they had got drunk on the money which, according to
custom, they had received in advance from us, an affray had followed,
they had been handed over to the police and shut up in jail; they were,
however, to be released on that very day, and a few hours would bring
them to us.
[Illustration: SNUFF-BOX TORTOISE (_Cinostemon Leucostomum_)]
The guide, who was anxious to go home, exchanged a few words with the
men which I could not understand, then informed me that they were
willing to carry my luggage to S. Pedro, where we should find ample
accommodation, plenty of supplies, and that it would be a better place
to wait for our tamenes. I agreed, and we were soon winding up the
sierra, which, at first gradual, soon became precipitous, obliging us
to throw off our clothes and to retain only our nether garments, and
even these we cut above the knee to facilitate our movements. The men
carried everything, but far from feeling the weight put upon them, they
seemed to have wings to their feet, and left us far behind to toil up
as best we might.
At last we halted by the side of a stream, where our much reduced
_posole_ was entirely consumed amongst us all. Somewhat refreshed with
the rest and food, we resumed our ascent, but towards evening the
cravings of the stomach were again felt, and our sluggish legs refused
to carry us much further. The porters had indeed drawn our attention to
some _hoccos_ hovering among the branches, but I had missed one at a
few yards’ distance, and the scarcity of ammunition, the bulk of which
was with the missing tamenes, made me unwilling to venture on another
shot unless I was sure of it.
Poor Julian was fast losing heart; fortunately just then we heard cries
of monkeys quite near, and deviating to one side we came upon a whole
tribe of them perched in the queerest attitudes, which our approach did
not seem to scare in the least, giving me ample time to take aim at a
fine powerful fellow some fifty or sixty feet overhead, which I brought
down with one single shot.
We had now reached a broad expanse of several thousand feet above the
level of the ocean, and were only a few yards from the rancho Nopa,
built for the use of travellers; the night was drawing near, and we
were glad to get some kind of shelter. Meanwhile the female monkey
had followed us with her two young ones, uttering the most lamentable
cries; they had perched on a tree quite close, and the mother was now
watching with mournful eyes her late lord being cut up.
But, alas for human sympathy! far from being touched at this mark of
conjugal devotion, I only thought of the substantial meal we should
make after our long fast, and that the animal was large enough to last
over the next day for our breakfast, when with renewed strength we set
out again, and after hours of wearisome toiling, we came upon a large
river not marked on the map, which we crossed in a pirogue, and two
hours more brought us in view of S. Pedro, an Indian village consisting
of about a hundred huts, scattered over some of the hillocks with
which the plain is dotted. No admixture of white blood is seen here,
and nothing but Indian is spoken.
I directed my steps towards the centre of the village, hoping to find a
hut in which to rest our weary limbs; but the first I ventured into was
occupied by women, who shrieked with terror on perceiving me and rushed
out, whether at the arms I carried, or because I was white, must remain
a mystery to the end of time. Their cries brought the whole female
population into the street (the men were at the milpa), glaring at me
and scampering away the moment I tried to get near.
My repeated inquiries for “el Gobernador” (the alcalde is so styled
here), at last induced the boldest in the crowd to point to a large
building to our right; I went in and found some young girls, clad
from the waist in a cotton garment, engaged in breaking Indian corn
on _mectates_, whilst an elderly woman similarly attired was stirring
a kind of Scotch broth, boiling on the hearth, the smell of which was
so appetising that I immediately pantomimed to the old dame to give me
some, showing at the same time a shining real in my open palm to help
my eloquence. But the virago, brandishing her spoon in my direction,
advanced to prevent my further ingress, pouring out a volley of
questions and vituperations the while, which, of course, I could not
understand, but which plainly meant that she was not to be persuaded by
such means, and that the sooner I vacated the place the better for me.
I hesitated what I should do; but, reflecting that I was in the
stronghold, with no better chance of a welcome anywhere, I determined
to stand my ground, and going into the yard I seized the first fowl
within my reach, wrung its neck, and holding it up to the woman, signed
to her to cook it, presenting her with three reals.
The fowl had been eaten, and I was fast asleep under the verandah, when
I was aroused out of my slumbers by the owners of the hut, who had just
returned from the fields, and were now standing before me with hatred
in their looks and demeanour. They were soon joined by others, and all
signed to me to leave the place immediately; I thought it no disgrace
to yield before such numbers and to go to the _cabildo_, “common room,”
filled already with natives from various parts of the sierra on their
way to or from “las playas.” Here fortunately I found a meztizo who
spoke Spanish and was civil enough to arrange with an old couple to
provide me with some food twice a day, and who promised besides to
hurry on my tamenes as soon as he met them.
Shall I ever forget the first night I spent in this horrible cabildo,
where all the abominations which are inseparable from barbarians
seemed to have concentrated in it: the atmosphere was such as could
be expected in a room overflowing with unwashed, unkempt, uncared-for
humanity, alive with dirt! Sleep was of course out of the question;
whilst a tropical rain precluded our sleeping in the open air.
We had three days of this nameless, indescribable horror; on the fourth
the tamenes arrived looking rather foolish, displaying their bruises to
account in some way for their delay. I was too thankful to have some
clean clothes and a hammock in which to sleep, away from the filth of
the last days, to think of reprimanding them, and I was so worn-out
with the unrest of the preceding nights, that I slept on until broad
daylight.
When I opened my eyes, I saw indeed my packages arranged as they were
the evening before, but no tamene was standing by them. A horrible
suspicion crossed my mind. I rushed out followed by Julian to look for
them, but ere long I had to convince myself that they had made off in
the night to save themselves another toilsome journey.
Armed with gun and revolver, I went round the village to find other
porters, but my offers were met everywhere with jeers and defiant
looks, until at last, disheartened and hardly knowing what to do, I
bethought me of the old Indian couple that had cooked my dinner and had
betrayed some signs of sympathy at our mishaps, and begged them to take
care of my luggage until I should send for it from S. Cristobal. Then
provided with only what I thought strictly necessary for three days’
march (rugs, waterproofs, shot, a _posole_ cake, and some ham), which I
made into two bundles, one for Julian and the other for myself, we took
the road to Tumbala, fervently hoping never to set foot in S. Pedro
again.
I cannot say much for our first attempts at turning tamenes: the straps
supporting our burdens cut into our flesh, we advanced slowly and with
great difficulty, and although it was comparatively cool in the forest,
I felt hot to suffocation; we stopped every five minutes to take breath
and ease ourselves of our burdens, but after a while we got used to
our new mode of life, which was not so bad after all, for we found
plenty of water on the road, and towards noon we sat down by the side
of a running stream to eat our ham and _posole_, when Julian felt so
exhilarated by his present comfort, as to indulge in small jokes about
our late sad experiences.
Still holding our course up the sierra, at night we encamped at a
considerable height, not far from a spring, round which we cleared a
kind of green tent, lighted a good fire, which we took in turns to keep
alive, as a protection against moisture and wild beasts. As day broke I
heard a cock crow, showing that we were close to some habitation, but
according to my calculations we should reach Tumbala in a few hours,
and having enough for our immediate wants, we only thought of pressing
on to the end of our journey, where I knew we were expected, when
everything would be made right.
And now the forest was truly grand, glowing in all the splendour of
a tropical vegetation; some of the arborescent ferns rising to a
height of 40 feet, with far-spreading leaves, whilst the branches
of the stately trees were gaily festooned with the entire family of
orchids and other flowering parasites of the most brilliant hues. Long
processions of _arrieras_ (ants), laden with bits of foliage which they
tilted up like a sail, gave them the appearance of a green moving belt.
Towards evening we met an Indian on his way home from “las playas,”
of whom we bought some maize-bread, and at night we encamped like the
evening before in the forest. But a heavy storm arose; the driving
rain and hail penetrated our waterproofs, drenched our garments, and
threatened to put out the fire as well; the trees were cracking and
falling about us like hail. By-and-by the rain ceased, and we could
hear the hard breathing of a jaguar quite close to us; but the wood,
thoroughly saturated with the rain, smouldered on without burning up;
so that, in darkness which could be felt, I discharged at random the
contents of my revolver, but the brute kept his ground until the first
morning light, thus preventing our having any rest.
We rose with the lark, and, resuming our march, came in sight of
Tumbala towards ten o’clock, having employed three days over forty-two
miles! The cura was out, and our clothes soiled with mud, rain,
and adhering brambles, gave us such a sorry appearance, that the
housekeeper at first refused us admittance. After a while the cura
returned; he was a man of about thirty years of age, with a benevolent
countenance, full of kindness and sympathy over our hardships.
“Leave the tamenes to me to be dealt with as they deserve for their
breach of contract; although the rogues are likely to keep away until
they know you are out of the district.”
Meanwhile the dinner, to my deep satisfaction, was placed on the
table; I did ample justice to the viands, which were well cooked and
neatly served, the wine generous and the Comitan brandy excellent, but
my late harassing life had so weakened me that when I tried to get up I
could not steady myself, so I went to lie down, and slept on until noon
of the following day, when I felt completely restored and myself again.
The priest lent me some clothes till mine came, which, by his care, had
been sent for; and thus accoutred, I went about with him fully enjoying
my return to civilised life.
Tumbala has nothing to distinguish it from other Indian towns; it
stands on one of the highest levels of the _Sierra Madre_, girt with
a dark belt of pines and long lines of shadowy hills, stretching away
in the far distance. The population numbers about 12,000 inhabitants,
who live in the forest rather than in their mud cabins, so that the
pastor is sometimes three months without seeing the male portion of his
congregation.
A taxation of six shillings per head a year is the only act of
submission to the State exacted from this semi-barbarous but almost
independent people. The Governor, generally a native, collects the
taxes, but in all other matters he is the humble servant of the padre,
in whom are vested all powers both civil and spiritual; on the whole he
makes very good use of his immense influence, in curbing and directing
these childish, untutored, ignorant people.
Crimes are punished by jail or the _bastinado_; if the treatment is
primitive, it suffices in all cases, which may well be, for the number
of strokes varies from twelve to one hundred and fifty.
Whilst I was here, I witnessed a curious incident: one day a woman came
to the cura demanding justice against her son, who had been wanting in
respect to her. The son, a big, tall fellow of five-and-twenty, was
with her; both were the worse for drink. The priest remonstrated with
the mother, but she was obdurate; the law allowed her twelve strokes,
and twelve strokes she would have. “Never mind, Señor Padre, I know I
don’t deserve them, but she is my mother, and since it pleases her, I
may well consent to it.” He got his twelve strokes “_pro formâ_,” after
which they fell into each other’s arms perfectly happy. On another
occasion two brothers preferred receiving twelve strokes rather than
make friends.
They own no money except what they earn as tamenes for the whites of
the districts round about S. Cristobal. They still retain the character
of the old tamenes, who followed armies and merchants in their distant
expeditions; they begin their apprenticeship at eight years of age,
when they accompany their elders, carrying, like Æsop, the supplies
of the company; their load is increased from year to year until it
sometimes reaches two hundred pounds. Their avocation is so ingrained
in their habits, that they fancy they cannot walk unless they carry
some weight, so that on their return journey they generally have a few
stones at their back.
But the larger proportion of their earnings finds its way to the padre;
for marriages, christenings, confessions, burials, masses, etc., have
all to be paid for, so that the priest of Tumbala is not badly off, but
he shares with his bishop, who must have a well-feathered nest. Besides
this, the simple natives give in kind of all they have; they are proud
when they are required to repair their pastor’s house, to run his
errands, or carry him over the sierra when he travels; they consult him
in all things, fully believing that the cura is able to help and see
them out of all their troubles.
My luggage arrived at last, and as there was nothing to keep me any
longer at Tumbala, I took leave of the hospitable priest, amply
provided with food and letters of introduction to all the curas along
the road, and set out for Jajalun, only a few hours distant, on foot,
for the simple reason that no horses or mules could be obtained.
Jajalun stands on the declivities of the Cordillera, sloping down
towards the Pacific; the hills are clad with dark forests of pines,
whilst fields show signs of careful cultivation, where black beans
intervene with golden harvests of maize. The population has a good
sprinkling of half-castes or meztizos, who speak Spanish and live
like the ancient aborigines, in houses built with mud coated over
with plaster; their manners are those of the villages of the Mexican
plateaux, rather than of the settlements we have just visited.
_Anteburros_, “tapirs,” people the forests and the streams.
We were received in the same kind manner by the cura as we had been at
Tumbala, and having thoroughly rested mind and body, we did not much
mind having again to perform our next journey on foot. The road was
good, and lay across level ground, we were well provided with all the
necessaries of life, so that there was little to complain of; indeed,
Julian was so set up with the good cheer and the kind attentions of the
women during the last few weeks that, in his desire to entertain me, he
sang nearly all the way what was meant to be a comic song.
At Chilon we found horses which carried us comfortably to Citala, where
a Dominican friar, for the time being cura of the place, received us in
his house and entertained us most hospitably. I found him a remarkably
agreeable, well-bred man, of far greater culture than is generally the
case with his brethren. Some years before he had published his views
upon religious reform, and this had brought him in bad odour with his
superiors. He was by nature of a sensitive, proud disposition, and he
felt keenly the slur cast upon him by his banishment in which the best
years of his life were frittered away, and his health undermined by the
unhealthy climate and the absence of all social intercourse. The days
I spent in the society of this genial, superior man, seemed to flit by
unheeded; whilst I was given opportunities of noting down new _traits_
in the character of the natives.
One day I happened to be in the church, whilst the friar was in his
confessional, and, to my surprise, I saw him confess two persons at
the same time, each speaking loud enough to be heard at some distance.
Naturally enough I expressed my surprise to the padre. “Oh! it is the
custom here; they do not think anything of it, and it not unfrequently
happens that I confess husband and wife at the same time. You are aware
that the seventh commandment is utterly disregarded by these people;
so that when they happen to confess together, they of course hear of
each other’s delinquencies, and the two culprits look daggers at each
other across the grating. They are imposed a penance, which is always
observed, are both absolved on their promise to go and sin no more,
and the couple return peacefully to their home. It was a confession
made in the presence of God, who has forgiven, therefore the husband
has nothing to complain of; but if he found out the backslidings
of his wife through any other means, it would go hard with her. Do
not hurry away,” said the padre, “to-morrow I join twenty couples
in holy matrimony; it is a saving of time and drunkenness, for one
entertainment will do for all.”
I was much interested in a pretty patriarchal custom here, which
consists in the female population coming up every evening to kiss their
pastor’s hand and ask for his blessing. I came in for my share, and had
then the opportunity to notice that they are not remarkable for good
looks; and, as the priest said, there is small merit in resisting the
devil.
We wished the friar farewell, and continued our course to Cankuk; where
the kindly “padre” procured some men to carry us some twenty-seven
miles of such bad road, that even the Indians do not trust their
animals on it. It is the usual mode of travelling in this part of
the sierra, but an uncomfortable feeling of the unfitness of things
is experienced, in subjecting a fellow creature to become a beast of
burden on your account. However, the feeling soon wears off, for they
do not seem to mind it themselves, and they handle you about as they
would a bale of cotton, and have a disagreeable way of flourishing
you over fathomless abysses, which I found so trying that I deemed it
prudent to perform the precipitous descent on foot.
This gave me the opportunity of stopping at my leisure to admire the
grand prospect which from time to time opened out before us; the valley
with its gay confusion of cultivated fields, and the houses of S.
Cristobal shining in the sun. The ancient capital of Chiapas rises on
a narrow plateau more than 7,000 feet above the level of the ocean,
with a population of some 12,000 inhabitants; its climate is colder
and damper than that of Mexico, and if we except the church of S.
Domingo, possesses no edifice of interest. The houses are all built
on the same pattern, and few are more than one story high, with no
outer ornamentation of any kind. It looks what it really is, a poor,
miserable place.
The market of S. Cristobal is the only one in Mexico where bags of
cocoa are still used as currency, as in the time of Montezuma. The
clergy of Chiapas, formerly so wealthy, has been deprived, like that
of Mexico, of its emoluments and glebe lands, and the religious orders
have also been suppressed.
We next follow the circuitous road to Chiapas, through a wild and
dreary country, intersected by torrents, barrancas, and precipices
of two or three thousand feet. We passed Ystapa, where the priest
wished to know if France was a sea-port like Vera Cruz; and pressing
on we reached the broad level of Chiapas, covered with sombre forests,
bounded to the rear by the hills of Tuxtla, whilst to the right and
left the eye travels over a boundless distance. Along the river which
traverses the plain, specks of white show where the town lies.
We only stopped at Chiapas the time necessary to change horses, and
pushed on to Tuxtla, twenty miles beyond, now the capital of the
province, where no mules could be hired, and we were obliged to buy
horses to take us on to Oaxaca. No danger was to be apprehended, for
the country was quiet; we were, moreover, fully armed and provided with
a good map.
Osocantla, our first stage, exhibits abundant traces of volcanic
action. We hold our course across great rolling plains, dotted with
forests and patches of cultivation, intersected by broad rivers, and
pass Santa Lucia, the finest hacienda in these parts, surrounded by
huts occupied by the labourers employed on the property; it possesses
a sugar-mill, and a granary for corn and maize, whilst the woods are
peopled with wild turkeys, pheasants, numerous red aras, green parrots,
and clouds of gaudy butterflies, rivalling the beauty of the vegetable
creation nowhere so brilliant as here, where the river, with its
interminable windings, casts across this privileged land a perpetual
green and variegated mantle.
Life here is primitive and patriarchal: In the evening after prayers,
the servants come round to take their orders for the next day, kiss the
master’s hand and wish him good night; then they all collect in the
yard to enjoy, what they are pleased to call, an hour’s rest, which
consists in games, singing and dancing, some accompanying the singers
on the _marimba_, a kind of piano which is played with small sticks
topped by india-rubber paddings, an instrument found also in South
Africa, where it bears the same name, whence in all probability it was
imported to America by negroes at the time of the Conquest.
We resume our march, and pass successively Llano Grande, Casa Blanca,
S. Pedro, and La Gineta; the latter is one of the highest peaks of the
sierra, clad with forests on the eastern side, but is only carpeted
with grass towards the Pacific. We toil up its long winding ascent, but
when we reach its summit, one of the grandest panoramas unfolds before
our enraptured gaze. Looking back to the north, which we have just
left, is the Cordillera, gradually sloping down from the high plateaux
of Chiapas, to its deep, sombre valleys; whilst beyond are vast plains,
and in the far distance the glimmering light of the Mexican Gulf;
before us, to the south, is the verdant Gineta; lower down, the rich
plain of Tehuantepec, bound on the horizon by the broad sheet of the
Pacific. The pass of the Gineta is very dangerous in winter, owing to
the violent winds which then prevail, carrying off both man and beast.
As we advance haciendas disappear, and we find the sides of the roads
dotted with villages as in Mexico. The population seems indolent and
inert, content to pinch or starve rather than exert themselves beyond
what they have been accustomed. Villages are usually built near running
streams, in which women are seen the whole day bathing; but, unlike
Diana, they do not mind being looked upon, contenting themselves with
turning their backs upon the intruder.
We steered our course safely through Zanatepec, Miltepec, but at
Yaltepec we lost our way, and wandered about some time in the woods
before we could find the main road, approaching Tehuantepec about
nightfall, celebrated for its fair women, the handsomest in the State.
They are cast in noble proportions, and have a dignified, erect
carriage. Their dress consists of a short petticoat reaching the
ankles, a jacket which leaves neck and arms bare; a _uipil_ embroidered
with gold and silver covers their head, whilst their small feet are
incased in dainty little shoes. Their dresses sometimes cost a hundred
pounds, a large sum in this part of the world.
[Illustration: TEHUANTEPEC WOMEN.]
In Tehuantepec are met the peculiar people known as _pintos_,
“painted,” no misnomer, for they are covered with sickly white patches
extending sometimes over the whole body. The effect of these patches
over their swarthy skin is most repulsive, and gives them the ghastly
appearance of lepers.
There is little or nothing to be said upon our next journey, except
that after S. Juan we enter once more the region of cactuses in all
their variety, and arrive at Oaxaca dust-travelled and weary. This
region enjoys a delicious climate, whilst its soil is most productive.
Ancient ruins are numerous, but they are little known and still less
studied, owing probably to the fact that they bear no resemblance to
those that are known, and that no historians have mentioned them.
Nevertheless, I should ascribe a Toltec origin to the very interesting
ruins of Monte Alban, some miles distant from the town of Oaxaca,
rising to a height of 4,930 feet, terminating by a partially artificial
plateau, extending over one half square league, covered with masses of
stones and mortar, forts, esplanades, narrow subterraneous passages,
and immense sculptured blocks. The arches or vaults of these passages
are formed by large inclined blocks of stone overlapping one another,
and sculptured with human faces in profile, resembling the bas-reliefs
and figures lately discovered at Santa Lucia Cosumaluapa in Guatemala.
The grandest ruins are to the south end of the plateau, consisting
mostly of truncated pyramids about 25 feet high, having steep sides.
Enormous masses of masonry show where palaces and teocalli once stood.
The plateau is covered with fragments of lime, very fine pottery, on
which a brilliant red glazing is observable. An Italian explorer, some
years ago, opened some of the mounds, and found necklaces of agate,
fragments of worked obsidian, and golden ornaments of fine workmanship.
These monuments are different from other ruins in the valley or at
Mitla, both in their architecture and materials, which consist of
stones laid in mortar, whereas at Mitla, clay was used with large
pebbles, faced with irregular stones, varying in size in different
parts of the walls. The walls of the temples were perpendicular, and
the ceilings flat; whilst at Monte Alban, we have the _boveda_, or
overlapping vault.
Our explorations take us next to Mitla, leaving to our left the
fine cemetery called the _Pantheon_; we pass Santa Lucia, where
cock-fighting still forms the chief amusement of its inhabitants,
and six miles further we come in sight of the charming settlement of
Santa Maria del Tule, peeping out from among groves of pomegranate,
chermoias, and goyavias.
In the open space fronting the chapel, stands the old tree called
_Sabino_, an object of great veneration on the part of the natives,
who come from all parts of Central America to see it. Its greatest
girth measures 14 paces or 33 feet, to the height of 20 feet, where
it divides, carrying its vigorous branches 100 feet beyond. Some
travellers have supposed that three stems had united to form its
colossal trunk, but I was unable to discover more than one shoot, and
its vigour is such, that several centuries more may safely be predicted
for it.
We resume our march, steering towards the east where the valley becomes
very narrow; we pass Tlacolula, following the spur of the hills, where
open quarries still show half-hewn blocks left by the ancient builders
of Mitla, and bearing to the right we reach S. Dionysio, the last place
in the valley; and now Tatapala is fast disappearing in our rear, and
bending to the left we approach an almost uncultivated valley with
bare hills, where stand the funereal palaces of Mitla. Its sandy soil
supports no vegetation, save a few pitahayas, yielding a delicious
fruit the size of a swan’s egg, having a strawberry flavour.
The ruins of Mitla, which at the time of the Conquest occupied a wide
space, are now reduced to six palaces and three ruined pyramids. In the
square of the village stands an oblong edifice, 98 feet long by 13 feet
wide, faced with unsculptured blocks of stone, with only one opening at
the side.
The next, in our general view of Mitla, is the first edifice to the
north on the slope of the hill, consisting of a confusion of courts,
buildings, and mosaic work in relief of beautiful and graceful
patterns. Below are found traces of very primitive paintings,
representing rude figures of idols and lines forming meanders, the
meaning of which is unknown. The same rude paintings are found
throughout the palace in sheltered places which have escaped the
ravages of time. That such immature drawings should be found in palaces
of beautiful architecture, decorated with panels of exquisite mosaic
work, are facts which, at first sight, make it difficult to ascribe
them to the same people.
I have called the first ruin the cura’s house, because the venerable
man, who has occupied it for the last fifty years, used the walls of
the ancient edifice to build himself a spacious and comfortable house.
The church adjoining it is also constructed with the material taken
from the ancient palace.
Below, to the left, is a truncated pyramid, built with adobes, ascended
by a stone staircase, having a Christian chapel on its summit. The
Spaniards cleared it so completely of the ancient temple that no
trace remains. The great palace, the walls of which are still entire,
consists of a vast edifice in the shape of a Tau; the main façade
faces south, and is the best preserved of all the monuments at Mitla,
measuring 130 feet, with an apartment corresponding to it of the same
dimensions, and six monolith columns which supported the roof now
fallen in. Three large doorways gave access to the apartment, having a
pavement covered with cement.
Both Torquemada and Clavigero, who wrote of these monuments from
hearsay, erroneously ascribe 30 feet and 80 feet respectively to these
columns.
[Illustration: PLAN OF CHIEF PALACE OF MITLA.]
The only entrance to the inner court on the right, which is also
cemented, is through a dark narrow passage, having the walls and the
main façade covered with mosaic work in panels, framed with stones. The
court is square, and opens into four narrow long apartments covered
from top to bottom with mosaic work in relief, arranged in varied
parallel bands, extending to the roof. The lintels over the doorways
were formed of huge blocks of stone from 16 feet to 18 feet. We give
a ground plan of the palace, and a cut of the great hall or apartment,
together with a cut of the same hall restored by Viollet-le-Duc, who
says of this monument:
“The three doorways, opening into the great apartment with columns,
were partly walled up after the erection of the building, but are
plainly visible. Over the doorways are four round holes, into which
were probably fixed hooks supporting a portière. The monuments of
Greece and Rome, in their best time, can alone compare with the
splendour of this great edifice. The ornamentation is arranged with
perfect symmetry, the joints are carefully cut, the _beds_ and _arris_
of the cornices faultless, showing that the builders were masters of
their art. The lintels in this monument consist, like those of Greece
and Rome, of large blocks of stone; the ornamentation is a series
of varied panels, set in elegant frames, composed of small stones
beautifully cut, arranged in meanders, trellis-work, and diversified
in their combinations.” The distinguished architect ascribes these
monuments, as also those of Yucatan and lower Mexico, to a branch of
the southern civilisation (Malays), separated from the parent stock,
and crossed many times with whites.
[Illustration: SECTION OF PRINCIPAL HALL OF THE PALACE.]
[Illustration: GREAT HALL RESTORED (MITLA).]
It will be apparent to the reader, that the ruins at Mitla bear
no resemblance with those of Mexico or Yucatan, either in their
ornamentation or mode of building; the interiors have no longer the
overlapping vault, but generally consist of perpendicular walls,
supporting flat ceilings, so that it seems almost impossible to class
these monuments with those of Central America. Nevertheless, there are
details which recall Toltec influence, as we shall show later.
The second palace is the most dilapidated of those which are still
standing. The door, the sculptured lintel, and two inner columns, are
the only remains which serve to show that the same arrangement was
observed here, as in the great hall already described. The fourth
palace is occupied on its southern façade, which we reproduce, by much
more oblong panels, having three human figures or caryatides. Four
other palaces, to the south, are almost level with the ground, the
walls only rising 3 or 4 feet above it; but the enormous blocks of
stone forming the basement, give them a massive appearance which is not
observable in the palaces that are still standing.
[Illustration: GENERAL VIEW OF RUINS OF MITLA.]
The natives make use of them as dwelling-places. Subterraneous
passages, which were opened some years ago, extend under these ruins;
but the hostile attitude of the Indians caused them to be closed up
again before they could be properly explored. The ruins are fast
falling into decay, hastened by the natives who resort hither from all
parts, and in their ignorance take away the small stones forming the
mosaic work, with the idea that they will turn into gold. The local
government could easily stop such Vandalism, but it does not seem to
care.
We do not know the precise date of these monuments, except that they
had long been in a state of ruin at the time of the Conquest, and
Orozco y Berra[182] thinks that they were destroyed some time between
1490-1500, in the fierce contests between the Zapotecs and the invading
Aztecs, a fact which would make them but little older than those we
have described in the course of this work.
If there seems but little resemblance in the general outline between
these monuments and those of the Toltecs or Mexicans, it must be
evident to any one that some of the details, such as the masks and
the small terra-cotta figures, are exactly like those at Teotihuacan;
whilst the small crosses on the panels of the great palace, and those
on the façade of the fourth, are facsimiles of those on the priest of
Quetzalcoatl at Lorillard—assuredly a most important analogy.[183]
Torquemada ascribes a Toltec origin to these monuments, for he says:
“After Quetzalcoatl had established himself at Cholula, in order to
carry on there his work of civilisation, he built the celebrated
palaces of Mitla.”
According to Burgoa,[184] Quetzalcoatl was worshipped at Acihuitla; and
in the great sanctuary of that town was an idol called the “Heart of
the people. It consisted of a large emerald the size of a Chili pepper,
surmounted by a sculptured bird of exquisite workmanship, wreathed by
a serpent. It was a gem of great antiquity, and so transparent that
it shone like a flame; but the origin of the _cult_ which surrounded
it was forgotten.” Orozco y Berra thinks that the snake represented
Quetzalcoatl, and was a Toltec reminiscence.
The Zapotecs and Miztecs believed themselves autochthones; they were
ignorant of their origin, and had preserved no record of the time when
they established themselves in the country of which Teozapotlan was
the capital. The original name of Mitla seems to have been _Liobaa_
or _Yobaa_, “the place of tombs,” called by the Aztecs _Mictlan_, or
_Mitla_, place of sadness, hell, dwelling of the dead, a holy place
devoted to the burial of the kings of Teozapotlan.[185]
[Illustration: GREAT PALACE OF MITLA-OAXACA.]
The edifices consisted of four upper apartments finely sculptured,
corresponding to an equal number in the lower or ground story. The
upper story was divided between the high priest, whose apartment was
the best furnished of all, the king, who retired here on the death
of a relation, his retinue, and the levites. In the lower story, the
sanctuary formed the central apartment, having a large slab which
served as an altar, on which were placed the images of the various
deities; the side apartments were devoted one for the king’s burial,
the other for the priests; the fourth, which is supposed to have
been the largest, extended far out under ground, and was supported
by columns like those of the main upper apartment or hall, having an
entrance which was closed by a large slab. In this vast enclosure were
thrown the bodies of the victims and the military chiefs who had died
in battle. Besides these, there were those who consecrated themselves
to the gods, when they were led to the mouth of this necropolis by a
priest, the slab was raised, and the self-devoted victim suffered to
pass out in the abode of the dead.
[Illustration: SOUTH SIDE OF FOURTH PALACE OF MITLA.]
The high priest was called “_Huiyatoo_,” the great sentinel, he who
sees all; his power, which was absolute, was even greater than the
king’s. No person of low degree could see his face and live. He was the
sole mediator between man and the gods; from him flowed all good gifts,
both temporal and spiritual.[186]
It is probable that Burgoa never visited Mitla, for he only mentions
one palace, whereas eight were still standing in his time. It
seems strange that the Mexican Government should not undertake the
exploration of these ruins, which, as they were the burial place
of kings and priests, must contain costly robes, jewels, arms,
etc., perhaps even manuscripts that would be most valuable for a
comparative history of the Zapotecs and Aztecs. This is all the more
to be regretted, that there is a stir in the learned world respecting
American ruins and American antiquities.
“In a word,” says Orozco, “great divergence is found between the
Zapotec and Toltec civilisation; they seem to spring from a common
source, their calendar is the same, and their writing nearly so; both
had made great progress in architecture and ceramic art. But these
differences, seemingly slight, deepen with a maturer study: although
based on the same principles, Zapotec writing has different characters,
and objects assume other conventional forms; colours are more glaring,
and at a first glance it is impossible to confound a Miztec with a
Toltec, Acolhuan, or Mexican manuscript.”[187]
To conclude, although we have visited the ruins of Mitla more than
once, we have not made so careful a study of them, as of those in
Yucatan and Central America; nevertheless it has been shown that both
Torquemada and Orozco see a Toltec influence in these monuments.
THE END.
CHARLES DICKENS AND EVANS, CRYSTAL PALACE PRESS.
NOTES.
PAGE 269.—_Henequen._—Annual fires are run over the country to
clear the ground for the labourers, who then dig holes in the
rocky soil and set out the henequen plants. When of sufficient
size, the leaves are cut and carried to the “scraping
machine,” which consists of a large fly-wheel, with strong,
blunt knives carried around on the rapidly revolving wheel.
The leaves are pressed by means of a curved lever, in such a
way that the pulpy portion is scraped off, leaving the fibre.
The men feed the machine with astonishing rapidity, pressing
the leaf between the knives and lever with a motion of the leg.
* * * * *
PAGE 284.—_Indians._—The great uprising of the Indians began
in 1821, when Mexico separated from Spain. The large landed
proprietors were everywhere opposed to separation from the
mother country, whilst the bulk of the people, who owned no
property, were in favour of it. Later the country was divided
in two parties, in which one wished for an amalgamation with
Mexico, whilst the other was against it. The aborigines cast
in their lot with the latter, receiving arms and promises of
independence. After the struggle was over and the Mexicans
expelled, the Indians were dismissed to their homes, and the
promises made to them were not kept.
In 1846 the Indians saw their opportunity; they swept the
eastern coast with fire and sword, and ravaged the country
throughout. At last Mexico, having concluded peace with the
United States, sent an army, and the rebels were very slowly
driven back. But it was years ere peace was restored, and even
now annual risings take place, whilst thousands of square
miles are desolate, and hundreds of towns lie in ruins.
By calling in the aid of Mexico, Yucatan lost her autonomy,
and became one of the Confederate States of the Republic.
* * * * *
PAGE 296.—Stephens (“Incidents and Travels in Yucatan,”
vol. ii. p. 441) says of the third monument, known as the
Palacio—palace—the ascent is on the south side by an immense
staircase, 137 feet wide, forming an approach of rude
grandeur, each step 4 feet 5 inches long, and 1 foot 5 inches
in height.
* * * * *
PAGE 427.—It is urged that Yalchilan should be written either
Xalchilan or Jalchilan, _x_ and _j_ being convertible letters
having a strong aspirate; but as doctors are not agreed, the
name is suffered to stand as in the text.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] 3,901 feet.
[2] Clavigero, “Hist. Antigua,” lib. II. p. 53.
[3] 199 feet.
[4] Prescott, “Hist. of the Conquest,” vol. II. p. 8.
[5] Sahagun, “Hist. de Nueva España,” lib. X. cap. xxvii.
[6] 247 feet.
[7] Geronimo Mendieta, Historia Ecclesiastica Indiana, lib. IV. chap.
xii.
[8] Clavigero.
[9] According to Bustamente, Netzahualcoyotl was the owner of
Chapultepec, and planted the great _ahuahuetes_, from 1425 to 1440. But
it is more logical to suppose that it was a Toltec plantation dating
back to the ninth century.
[10] Clavigero, “Historia Antigua,” vol. I. p. 75. Ramirez, chap. iv.
p. 120.
[11] Clavigero, vol. I. lib. vii. p. 223. Acosta, “Historia de las
Indias,” p. 472. Cortez, “Letters,” p. 79. Torquemada, “Monarquia
Indiana,” vol. II. p. 483.
[12] Sahagun. Ramirez. Duran, “Historia de las Indias de Nueva España,”
vol. I. chap. xx. Leon y Gama, “Las dos Piedras.” Conquistador Anonimo,
“Coleccion de Documentos.” Icazbalceta, vol. I. p. 375.
[13] Torquemada, “Monarquia Indiana,” vol. I. lib. i. p. 82. Diego
Duran, chap. lxvi.
[14] Diego Duran, vol. I. chap. xxix. Ixtlilxochitl, “Historia
Chichemeca,” chap. xli., etc.
[15] Orozco y Berra, “Historia Antigua,” vol. II. chap. ix. p. 96. He
quotes Joseph de Maistre.
[16] Diego Duran, vol. I. chap. xxix.
[17] Antonio de Leon y Gama, “Descripcion Hist. & Cronologico de las
Dos Piedras,” pp. 2 and 5.
[18] Clavigero, “Historia Antigua,” vol. I. p. 242; _id._ notes, p. 6;
_id._ vol. I. chap. vii.
[19] Geronimo Mendieta, “Historia Ecclesiastica Indiana,” vol. IV.
chap. xii.
[20] Between the years 1832-1842, copper-mines were worked successively
by an Italian of the name of Chialiva, and others.—TRANSL.
[21] “Anales del Museo de Mejico,” vol. I.; art. by Don Jesus Sanchez.
[22] “Bernal Diaz del Castillo,” lib. I. cap. xvi.
[23] Torquemada, “Monarquia Indiana,” vol. II. p. 560. Ixtlilxochitl,
in his fourth Relacion, says that the Toltecs used oblong pieces of
copper shaped like hatchets, about the thickness of a real.
[24] Prescott, “History of the Conquest of Mexico. Critical Notes by
Jose Ramirez,” vol. II. Cumplido.
[25] Veytia, “Hist. Antigua,” vol. I. chap. i.
[26] Veytia. Ixtlilxochitl says the same thing.
[27] These knots were Chinese; in Peru they were called _quipos_.
[28] The same as _Kab-Ul_, “the Working Hand,” which we shall see at
Izamal.
[29] Guillemin Tarayre, “Archives de la Commission Scientifique du
Mexique,” pp. 378, 379.
[30] Veytia, “Hist. Antigua de Mejico,” vol. I. chap. xxv. p. 233.
[31] Sahagun, “Hist. General de las Cosas de la Nueva España,” lib. X.
cap. xxix.
[32] Ixtlilxochitl, “Hist. Chichemeca,” cap. II. third and fourth
Relaciones
[33] Torquemada, “Monarquia Indiana,” vol. I. chap. xiv.
[34] Clavigero, “Hist. Antigua de Mejico,” vol. I. lib. ii. pp. 51, 52.
[35] Veytia, “Hist. Antigua de Mejico,” tome I. cap. xxv. p. 233.
[36] Torquemada, tome II. lib. vi. cap. xxiii.
[37] Veytia, “Hist. Antigua,” tome I. cap. xxvii.
[38] Tezomoc. Duran. Mendieta. Gomara. Sahagun, append. of lib. III.
cap. ix. Clavigero, tome I. p. 151.
[39] Torquemada, tome II. lib. vi. cap. xxiii.
[40] Torquemada, cap. xlv. This author follows the writers whom he
quotes in their spelling of proper names, and the result is often great
variety.
[41] Burgoa. Botturini. Tarabal. Clavigero, “Hist. Ant.,” tome I. p.
152.
[42] Fergusson’s “History of Indian Architecture,” introd. p. 41.
[43] Ixtlilxochitl, fourth “Relacion.”
[44] Sahagun, “Historia de las Cosas de la Nueva España,” lib. VII.
cap. x. to xiii.
[45] Torquemada, “Monarquia Indiana,” lib. II. cap. xii.
[46] Veytia, tome I. chap, xxxiv.
[47] Veytia, tome I. chap. xxxiv.
[48] Mariano Veytia, tome I. chap, xxviii.
[49] Humboldt, “Vue des Cordillères,” p. 29.
[50] _Id._ p. 27.
[51] Clavigero, tome I. lib. vii. p. 224.
[52] Veytia, tome II. chap. i.
[53] _Ibid._ chap. ii.
[54] Similar spindles, with whorls attached, have been found in Egypt
and the Swiss Lakes.
[55] Sahagun, “Hist. de las Cosas de España,” lib. IX. cap. v.
[56] Mendieta, “Hist. Eccles. Indiana,” lib. II. cap. v.
[57] Cuauhtitlan’s Annals, translated by Sanchez Solis, “Annals of the
Mexican Museum.”
[58] Veytia, tome I. chap. ix.
[59] Juarros, “Compendio de la Hist. de la Ciudad de Guatemala,” tome
I. p. 87.
[60] Veytia, tome II. chap. iii.
[61] Sahagun, lib. VI. cap. xix.
[62] Sahagun, lib. VI. cap. xxi.
[63] Sahagun, lib. VI. cap. viii.
[64] Veytia, tome I. chap. xxix.
[65] Veytia, tome I. chap. xxxiii.
[66] _Ibid._
[67] Ixtlilxochitl, “Relaciones,” Kingsborough, tome IX. pp. 332 and
333.
[68] Clavigero, tome I. lib. ii. p. 54.
[69] Torquemada, “Monarquia Indiana,” tome I. lib. i. cap. xvi.
[70] Ixtlilxochitl, _ut supra_.
[71] Veytia, tome II. chaps. ii., iii.
[72] Mariano Veytia, tome II. chap. x.
[73] _Ibid._ chap. xii.
[74] Hostelries.
[75] Sheets of mica were used by Red Indians to cover human bones when
falling into dust.
[76] Sahagun, “Hist. de las Cosas de España.”
[77] Sahagun, Appendix to lib. III. cap. i.
[78] Sahagun, Appendix to lib. III. cap. i.
[79] Ramirez Manuscript, “Hist. Mexicana,” p. 75.
[80] Father Duran, “Hist. de las Indias,” tome II. Plate xxv.
[81] Juarros, “Hist. de Guatemala,” tome II. p. 249, 1809.
[82] Torquemada, tome II. lib. vi. cap. xxiii.
[83] Stephens, “Incidents of Travels,” vol. II. p. 316.
[84] Diaz del Castillo, tome I. chaps. xxiii. and xxxi.
[85] Herrera, “Hist. General,” Decade III. lib. VII. chap. iii.
Torquemada, “Monarquia Indiana,” tome I. lib. iv. chap. xi.
[86] Cogolludo, tome I. lib. i. chap. ix.
[87] Mendieta, “Hist. Ecclesiastica Indiana,” lib. III. cap. xxi.
[88] _Ibid._
[89] Herrera, “Hist. Gen.,” Decade III. lib. VII. cap. iii.
[90] Motolinia, “Icazbalceta,” treatise I.. chap. i.
[91] Sahagun, “Hist. General de las Cosas de la Nueva España,” lib. I.
cap. v., and lib. II. cap. i.
[92] Bernal Diaz, “Conquest of New Spain,” tome II. chap. clxxiv.
[93] Cogolludo, “Hist. de Yucatan,” tome I. chaps, xiii., xiv., xv.
[94] Bernal Diaz, tome II. chaps, clxxv., clxxvi., clxxvii.
[95] “Origin of American Indians,” book II. chap. i. p. 46. Madrid,
1729.
[96] Juarros, “Compend. de la Hist. de la Ciudad de Guatemala,” tome I.
chap. iv.
[97] Ant. Tello, “Hist. de la Nueva Galicia.” “Coleccion Icazbalceta,”
tome 11. Mexico, 1866.
[98] Torquemada, “Monarquia Indiana,” lib. XIV. cap. xxiv.
[99] _Ibid._ cap. xxv.
[100] Clavigero, “Hist. Antig. de Mejico y de su Conquista,” tome I.
lib. vii. p. 245.
[101] There were fewer in Yucatan, where they were imported.
[102] It was only cultivated towards Bacalar lagoon, nearly 100 leagues
from the north coast.
[103] Landa, “Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan,” sec. 2.
[104] From data obtained from Pablo Moreno, and a letter of the Jesuit
Don Domingo, dated 1805, we can give the following list of objects
destroyed by Landa:
5,000 idols of various form and dimensions;
13 huge stones, which were used as altars;
22 smaller, of various shapes;
27 manuscripts on deer skins;
197 of all shapes and sizes.
To this should be added the auto-da-fé at Mani, in which numerous
manuscripts were consumed. Cogolludo, tome I. appendix to book iv. p.
479. Campeche, 1842.
[105] See Landa, “Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan,” sec. 42, p. 333
and following.
[106] Lorenzo Bienvenida, in a letter to the King of Spain (1548), says
that the monuments were deserted and the pyramids covered with large
trees, and that the natives of the place lived in straw huts. The city,
therefore, had been destroyed a few years before, as Mayapan had been,
of which no trace was visible, whereas the monuments at T-hoo were
entire, but its history has been lost.
[107] The types we give are pure Indian and not Meztizas.
[108] “The tribes who from Aztlan established themselves in Yucatan and
Guatemala, had reached a certain degree of civilisation.”—HUMBOLT.
[109] Bernal Diaz, “Hist. de la Conquista de la Nueva España,” tome I.
chap. iv.
[110] Landa, “Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan,” sec. xx.
[111] See note at end.
[112] Cogolludo, tome I. lib. ii. caps. v. and vi.
[113] See note at end.
[114] Lizana, “Hist. de Nuestra Señora de Izamal,” published by the
Abbé Brasseur.
[115] Extract from P. Lizana’s “Hist. de Nuestra Señora de Izamal,”
published by the Abbé Brasseur.
[116] Diego Landa, chap. ix. p. 57.
[117] Lizana, “Hist. de Nuestra Señora de Izamal,” published by the
Abbé Brasseur.
[118] Stephens, “Incidents of Travels in Yucatan,” tome II. p. 434.
[119] Cogolludo, tome I. lib. iv. cap. iii.
[120] Landa, vol. XXII. p. 125.
[121] Landa, “Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan,” sec. xv. p. 91.
[122] Cogolludo, tome I. lib. iv. cap. xiv. Campeche Edition, 1842.
[123] Herrera, “Hist. Gen.,” Decade IV. lib. X. cap. ii.
[124] _Ibid._ lib. VII. cap. iv.
[125] Landa says nearly the same.
[126] Sahagun, Appendix to book II. p. 196; book VI. chaps. xxxix. to
xl.
[127] Clavigero, tome I. lib. vii. pp. 165, 166, 167.
[128] That it was a temple may be inferred from Landa, sec. vi. p. 34,
where he says that the main edifice at Chichen was called Cukulcan,
after a prince who had come from the west.
[129] Landa, “Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan,” sec. xlii. p. 343.
[130] Garnier, “Voyage d’Exploration dans l’Indo-Chine,” tome I. chap.
iv. p. 71.
[131] By a curious coincidence, a sculptured fish having a human head
is found on a Romance capital in the Church of St. Germain-des-Prés.
[132] Landa, sec. xlii. p. 344.
[133] The good bishop saw the hand of man in a natural phenomenon not
understood in his time.
[134] Landa, sec. lii. p. 346.
[135] Landa, “Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan,” sec. viii. p. 47.
[136] _Ut supra._
[137] Sahagun, “Hist. de las Cosas de la Nueva España,” lib. II. cap.
xxxvii.
[138] Sanchez, “Annales du Musée de Mexico,” tome I. p. 277.
[139] Clavigero, tome I. lib. vii. p. 228.
[140] Sahagun, lib. VIII. cap. xxxvi.
[141] We looked in vain for the triumphal and solitary arch mentioned
by Stephens, a unique specimen of this kind of monument in America. It
is 20 feet high by 14 feet wide; and we shall see later that it could
only have been erected to commemorate a victory of the sovereign of
Kabah. The reader will notice that in this monument the corbel vault is
more convex, and recalls that of a ruinous palace at Palenque.
[142] Salisbury, “The Mayas,” p. 25. Worcester, 1877.
[143] Eligio Ancona writes: “The king of Mayapan, whom we will call
Cocom, distrusting both his great vassals and their allies, sought
the support of foreigners against them. He entered into negotiations
with the Aztec military authorities of Tabasco and Xicalango” (he
probably means Goatzacoalco, for it is certain that the Aztec dominion
did not extend beyond that limit), “and it is said that the Mayapan
ruler promised to quarter the troops they should send to his capital.
Cocom’s proposals were accepted, and a strong Nahua garrison entered
the city. The names of the Mexican leaders given in the Maya MS. are
_Ahzin-Teyut-Chan Tzumtecum_, _Taxcal_, _Ponte-Mit Itztecnat_ and
_Kakaltecat_.” All the traditions are agreed on the arrival of the
Mexicans in the peninsula, and the investigations of Don Juan Kanil
show that the witnesses he examined swore that his ancestors had come
from Mexico by order of Montezuma the Elder.—C. E. ANCONA, “Hist. de
Yucatan,” Merida, 1878.
[144] Cogolludo, lib. IV. cap. iii.
[145] Herrera, Decade IV. lib. X. cap. iii.
[146] Herrera, Decade IV. lib. X. cap. ii.
[147] Landa, “Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan,” sec. x. p. 59.
[148] Compare the striking resemblance between the Aztec warrior in our
Temalacatl drawing, chap. iii. p. 42, and the kneeling figure.
[149] Lizana, chap. ii. This author does not take into consideration
the abandonment of the cities by the natives at the Conquest.
[150] Cogolludo, tome I. lib. iv. cap. vi.
[151] Stephens, “Incidents of Travels in Yucatan,” tome I. p. 323.
[152] Stephens, “Incidents of Travels in Yucatan,” tome I. p. 324.
[153] Baron Friedrichsthal, app. to Cogolludo, book iv. Campeche, 1842.
[154] Bernal Diaz, tome I. chap. iii.
[155] Villa Gutierre Soto Mayor, “Hist. of the Conquest of Itza and the
Lacandones,” chap. v. p. 30.
[156] _Ibid._ chap. vi. p. 43.
[157] Cogolludo, tome I. lib. xii. cap. viii.
[158] See note at end.
[159] The Hocco, or Powise (_Crox alector_), is a bird nearly the size
of a turkey, and much prized for its delicate flesh.—TRANSL.
[160] Stephens, second vol. of “Central America and Yucatan.”
[161] Stephens, “Travels in Central America.”
[162] Villa Gutierre Soto Mayor, “History of the Conquest of Itza,” p.
285.
[163] “Boyle’s Ride,” vol. I. pp. 14-17, quoted by Bancroft.
[164] Sahagun, “Historia General de las Cosas de la Nueva España.”
[165] Torquemada, “Monarquia Indiana,” lib. X. cap. xxvi.
[166] Clavigero, “Historia Antigua,” tome I. lib. vi. pp. 154, 171.
[167] Landa, “Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan,” sec. XXVIII. p. 162.
[168] Brinton, “American Hero Myths.” Philadelphia.
[169] Vide also Sahagun, “Historia General de las Cosas de la Nueva
España,” lib. II. cap. i.
[170] Bernal Diaz, “Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva
España.”
[171] Bernal Diaz, vol. II. chap. clxxiii. p. 374.
[172] Villa Gutierre Soto Mayor, “Historia de la Conquista del Itza,”
chap. ix.
[173] Gutierre Soto Mayor, vol. I. p. 500. “Their MSS. were written on
deer’s skins or the bark of trees prepared into a kind of felt covered
over with a white paste. They could be folded like a map and put in a
case.”
[174] Remesal, “Historia de la Provincia de Guatemala y Chiapas,” vol.
X. chaps. iii., xi., xii.
[175] Cogolludo, vol. II. chap. ix.
[176] Cogolludo, tome II. lib. x. cap. ii.
[177] Villa Gutierre Soto Mayor, “Conquista del Itza,” vol. I.
[178] Maudslay, “Explorations in Guatemala.”
[179] “Incidents of Travels in Central America,” vol. I. p. 153.
[180] Bancroft says that Palacio “had _heard_ of monuments in Yucatan
and Tabasco.”
[181] _Posole_ is like cooked hominy; it is mixed in water and forms a
cool and nutritious drink.
[182] Orozco y Berra, “Historia de la Conquista de Mejico,” vol. II. p.
377.
[183] Torquemada, “Monarquia Indiana,” lib. III. cap. iii.
[184] Burgoa, “Description Géographique,” chaps. xxviii., xxxix., and
liii.
[185] Burgoa, “Description Géographique,” chap. lviii.
[186] Burgoa, “Description Géographique.”
[187] Orozco, “Hist. Antigua de la Conquista de Mejico,” tome II. part
II. chap. iv.
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Transcriber's note:
The original contains at least four unpaired double quotation marks
which might be typographical errors. They are included in this
transcription.